From Malachi to Matthew, History of Judea 440 to 4 BC, R. Waddy Moss, 1893

7/27/2019 From Malachi to Matthew, History of Judea 440 to 4 BC, R. Waddy Moss, 1893

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BOOKS FOR BIBLE STUDENTS.Edited by the

REV. ARTHUR E. GREGORY.

FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.BV

The Rev. R. Waddy Moss.

CHARLES H. KELLY, 2, Castle St., City Rd., E.C. ;And 66, Paternoster Row, E.C.1893-


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BOOKS FOR BIBLE STUDENTS.Editor: llEV. AiiTiiiR E. Gkegohy,

Th( 1 of Piinl the Apodk: A Sketch of tlieirOi;_ i Contents. By Geor;e G. Fixulay, ii.A., Tutorill Biblical Literature and Expj;f*sis, Headingley Colh'ye.Small crown bvo, "Js. iV.1. Tliird Tliousand.

The Theohnjical Student. A Handbook of ElementaryTlieology. Witli List f Questions- for Self-P^xaniinHtion.By J. Robinson Gkegorv. Small crowTi 8vo, 2s. Gd. SecondTiioosaiid.

The Gospel of John. An Exposition, with Critical Notes.By T. F. LocKVKR, B.A. Snwill crown Svo,-2s. 6d.The Praises of Israel. An Introduction to the Study ofthe Psalms, By W. T. Davlsok, M.A.. D.D. Small crown

8vo, 2.S. 1*1.From Malachi to Matthew: Outlines of the Histoiy ofJudea from 440 to 4 B.t. By Piofessf>r R. Waduy Moss,

Didsliurj- College, Manchester. 2s. (5d.IN PREPARATION.An Introduction to the Stxuh/ of HehreK. By J. T. L.

Mag., E.C.


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FROMMALACHI TO MATTUi:\V

OUTLIXEIS OF THE HISTORY OF JCUKA,From 440 To 4 b.c.

BY

R. WADDY MOSS,TUTOR IN CLASSICS, DIDSBURY COI-LEGE.

CHARLES H. KELLY, 2, Castle St., Citt Rd., E.C;And 66, Paternoster Row, E.C.

1893.


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MORRISON AVD GIBB, PRINTERS, EDIJTBUROH


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P R E F A C^ E.

This book is designed to do nothing more than(jutline the history of Jtidea in the centuries thatelapsed between the prophesying of Malachi andthe event that forms the first theme of the New-Testament. To trace in some detail the fortunesuf the holy race in Babylon also, in Alexandria,in Eome, and in the Dispersion generally, wouldhave been of much interest, but was forbidden bythe conditions of space. An attempt has beenmade throughout to keep the Jews of Palestine inthe foreground, and to restrain whatever deviationseastwards or westwards might fairly be regarded asdigressions.

It would have been unseemly to load the pagesof an introductory handbook such as this with amultitude of references, or to interrupt the narra-tive with critical discussions of dates and ^'iews.In almost every case, whilst the works of some ofthe lesser as well as of most of the greater historiansof the Jews have been used, original authorities


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VI PREFACE.have been consulted, and citations submitted tothe often fatal process of verification. But it hasbeen thought better not to ask the reader tofollow these long and technical investigations.Conclusions are therefore stated, dates fixed,suggestions made, without full exhibition of theevidence by which they are warranted. Strictaccuracy has in every instance been aimed atand thou2rh in favour of some of the statementsnothing more than the balance of probabilitiescan be pleaded, in favour of most there areunmentioned reasons that liardlv admit of anvother inference. Theories, on the other hand, andconjectures, for which not even a high degree ofprobability can be claimed, have of necessitybeen passed over in silence. Of each a carefulexamination has been made. But the discussionof unlikely opinions is out of place in a littlebook, in which it is sought to state connectedlywhat is known, and to a less degree what is pro-bable, of the history of a great people in a periodwhose obscurity perpetually tempts the imagina-tion to unloo.se its wings.

B. w. :\r.


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CONTENTS.

CHAPTER 1.MALACHI AND HIS TIMKS.

The person and prophecy of .A[alachiCoutemporaueuueventsMode of Administration of JudeaPerils of aHierarchyUnbelief of the peopleA godly minority Eflfects of the Exile upon worshipThe ^[essianicHope ..

CHAPTER 11.THE PERSIAN SUPREMACY.

Artaxerxes Longimamis-AVar with EgyptRevolts of theSati-aps Darius Xothus Artaxerxes Mnemon Attempt to force idolatry upon the JewsBagoas andthe priestly assassinArtaxerxes III.The Book ofJudithDarius CodomannusBattle of IssusPro-gress of legalismPersian influences upon creed andritual . .'

PAGEs

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11VI


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VI! I CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III.JUPEA UNDEll Al.EXAMEn.

PA UKAlcc'tinfj Wtween Alexander and the High Priest Revolt

of the SamaritansFounJing of AlexandriaPolicy ofAlexanderDeath of Alexander, and disintegration ofhis EmpireJudea appropriated by the Macedonianniler of Egj'pt A succession of changes in thegovernment . . . .25

CHAPTER IV.JUDEA UNDEI: THE PTOLEMIES.

Polity of the PtolemiesEncouragement of trade andlearning Ptolemy Lagi Ptolemy Philadelphus Greek colonies in Palestine Ptolemy EuergetesPhiloiator withdraws his favour from the JewsAn-tiochus the Great conquers JudeaThe High PriestsSimon the JustRise of the Chasidim or AsidaeansEleazar and the traditional origin of the SeptuagintOnias II. favours SyriaCareer of JosephSimonII. and the Book of EcclesiasticusParty strife andthe lise of the SadduceesHyrcanus, son of Joseph . -33

CHAPTER V.JUDEA UNDEU THE .'iELEUCID. (SYKIAKS).

Antiochus the Great favours the Jews Spread andinsecurity of the nationSeleucus PhilopatorOniasIII. protects the treasuiy of the TempleAntiochusEpiphanesJa.son a.ssumes the high priesthood, andintrodures Greek customsMenelaus .succeeds Jason,


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CONTENTS. IX

and provokes seditiouDeath of JasonAntiochusvisits Jerusalem, and desecrates the TempleInter-position of RomeMassacre at Jerusalem Resoluteattempts to Hellenise the Jews

PAOK

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CHAPTER VI.JITDAS MACCABEUS.

Mattathias begins the revolt at ^lodiuDeath of Matta-thias Character of Judas His early successes Defeat of the Syrians at Emmaus- Battle of Beth-zurRe-consecration of the Temple-Extension of JewishInfluence Death of Antiochus Epiphanes Treatywith the SyriansAlcimus becomes High Priest, butby the defection of the Chasidim is compelled to fleeBattle of Beth-horonJewish embassy to Rome-Death of Judas . ^'

CHAPTER VII.JOXATHAX. 161-143 n.c.

State of parties at the death of JudasSyrian authorityrestored-Death of Alcimus-Treaty between Jona-than and the SyriansJonathan is appointed HighPriest, and his authority recognised by Syria -Exten-sion of Jewish territory Embassies to Sparta andRomeTreacheiy of the Syrians-Death of Jonathan 80

CHAPTER Vin.siMOX, 143-135 B.C.

Simon attaches himself to the party of Demetrius-TheSyrians are driven out of the Citadel of Jerusalem-


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X CONTENTS.I'Af.E

Reneweil alliance \\\i\\ Rome Simon's high-priest-hood fonnally recognised by the nation Coins ofSimonDeath of Try]thoDefeat of SidetesMurderof Simon .96

CHAPTER IX.JOHN HYRCAXUS, 135-10^ E.C.

The "Chronicles of John Hyrcanus"Siege of Jerusalemand treaty of peace with SidetesA standing aimyenrolled Campaign against Parthia The Book ofJudith Death of Nicator Fresh quarrels for theSyrian crownIndependence of JudeaDestruction ofthe Samaritan Temple, and conquest of the IdunieansGreat extension of Jewish authorityThe personaliuHuence and the policy of HyrcanusGrowth of theEssenesThe attitude towards the state of the Pha-risees and of the SadduceesHyrcanus is estrangedfrom the formerThe Sibylline OraclesThe Book ofEnoch ....... 105

CHAPTER X.ARISTOBULUS, 105-104 B.C.

Conquest of GalileeBreach ^^^th the PhariseesMurder ofthe king's brotherDeath of Aristobulus . .127

CHAPTER XI.ALEX.VXDER .JANNir.S, 104-78 B.C.

Marriage iA Jannfeu.s, and murder of his brotherBattleof AsophoiiTreaty with EgyptConquest of Gaza


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CONTENTS. xiSimon l)eii Slietach Alienation of tlie PliuiitjeesCivil WarEarly successes but ultimate withdrawalof the SyriansSlaughter of the Pharisees, and exileof the survivors Invasions of Judea by the Syriansand by the NabateansConquests and death ofJanmeusSpread of Jewish customsAdministration of thecountryState of moralsProsperity and suHerincir . 131

CHAPTER XII.ALEXANDIIA, 78-69 B.C.

Alexandra secures the support of the PhariseesExpedi-tion against Damascus The steady advance of theRoman Legions Pharisaic preponderance Judahben Tabbai Eitual reforms The Feast of Taber-naclesThe establishment of schoolsJudicial reformsThe imposition of the Temple taxResignation ofJudah, who is succeeded by Simon ben ShetachEfforts of the Sadducees to restore their influenceDeath of Alexandra . . . . . l.')0

CHAPTER XIII.HYRCANUS 11., 69 B.C.; AllISTOBULUS II., 69-63 B.C.

Hyrcanus resigns the crown to AristobulusAntipaterSiege of Jerusalem by the XabateansRome interposesin favour of AristobulusJewish embassies to PompeySiege of Jerusalem by Pompey, and end of JewishindependenceSettlement of the country by PompeyHyrcanus is restored to the high-priesthoodJewsin RomeThe ^lessianic Hope . . .168


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Xll COXTE.VTS.

CHAPTER XI^^THE PUIESTHOOD OF IIYKCANUS II. UNDER THE ROilAXS,

63-40 B.C.PAGE

Iiisurrectiou of AlexanderChange of administration byGabinius Fresh revolts Crassus at JerusalemSlaughter of the insurgentsWar between Cfesar andPompe}'Death of AristubulusCpesar in Egypt and inSyriaSystem of admiuistration established in Judeaby Csesar Antipater made -Procurator His policyand aim Ht^rod Ijefore the Sauliedrin Shemaialiand AbtalionDeath of CsesarDeath of AntipaterBattle of PhilippiJewish embassies to Antony,the master of the EastSiege of Jerusalem by theParthians ^lutilation of HyrcanusThe "Psalmsof the Pharisees" . . . . .179

CHAPTEPt XV.ANTIGOXUS, 40-37 B.C.

Herod appointed King of Judea by the RomansHis pro-gress towards JenisalemThe passive attitude of thel>eopleHerod's maniage with ^lariamneConf[uestof JerusalemDeath of Autigonus . . . 202

CHAPTER XVI.HEKon thf: great, 37-4 i;.c.

(a) To the Sole RiUtrship of AwjuMus.I'olicy of HerodProscription at Jenisalem Return of

Hyrcanu.sAnanel is appointed High PriestCom-


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CONTENTS. xiiiHACKniencemeut ot the tamily quarrels Aristubulus is

made High Priest, and put to deathRestoration ofAnanelParts of the Judean temtory are surrenderedto Cleopatra, who visits Jerusalem War betweenAntony and AugustusCampaign against the Naba-teansHerod joins the party of AugiistusMurderof Hyrcanus Privileges granted by Augustus to theJewsThe character and teaching of HillelMena-hemContrasts between Hillel and ShamniaiThestatute of ProsbolThe canons of interpretation . 208

CHAPTER XVII.UEROD THE GREAT {continued).

[b) From the Sole Bu^emhip of Augustus (30 B.C.).Murder of Mariamne The authority of Herod and its

limitsGreek games introduced into JudeaHerod'slove of buildingOppressive taxationJoshua deposedfrom the high-priesthood, and Simon appointedFurther enlargement of Herod's kingdomThe dedi-cation of the new TempleFresh quan'els amongstHerod's sonsMurder of Mariamne's sonsMatthiasis made High Priest, and the next vear JoasarMur-der of AntipaterDeath of HerodSlaughter of theinfants at BethlehemThe Messianic HopeBook ofEnochThe " Assumption of Moses "The Messianicfulfilment ...... 227


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xiv COATEXTS.

ArPE>'l)lX. I'AOKI. Li>t of High I'riests, .... . 247

II. Table of the Persian Dynasty, . 248III. Table of the Dynasty of the Ptolenxies, . 249JV. ,, ,, Seleucidii', . 250V. ,. ., Maccabees, . 251VI. ,, Herod, . 252

Gener-vl Index, 253


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FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.


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FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.

CIIAPTErt I.MALACIII AND HIS TDrES.

THE prophecy of Malnclii may be dated withsome confidence in the decade between 442and 432 B.C. The latter year was that of Xehe-miah's second visit (Xeh. xiii. 6, 7) to Jerusalem,and marks the latest date that can with any pro-bability be assigned to the book. There is someuncertainty as to whether Malaclii was an actualperson, or whether the name was prefixed to thecollection of prophecies by a compiler wlio derivedit from the term " My messenger " in iii. 1. Inthe former case, he is a person without history,and nothing is known of him. In the latter, theprophecy is anonymous, but none the less theDivine seal of the Old Testament, and the abiding

1


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2 FROM MALACHT TO MATTHEW.counsellor of hope through the dark years thatprepared the way of the Messiah.

Outside of the little circle of Judea, the timeswere stirring and full of interest. In Greece, thebrilliant period of the ascendancy of Athens wa^terminated by a long war, in which Spartatriumphed, and democracy was abolished. Periclesdied and Plato was born (420 B.C.) in the third yearafter the return of Xehemiah to Jerusalem. Themasterpieces of three of the greatest of the world'sdramatistswere produced in the quarter of a centurythat followed ; and the next century had but justbeen enteredupon, when Socrates laccepted a deaththat to him had no terrors, and completed a careerthat has not yet ceased to stimulate the thoughtand consciences of men. Farther west, Eoine wasstill in one of the early stages of a nation's growth,and the people were gradually knitting them-selves together into a compact body. The era ofkings was past ; but more than a century and ahalf was yet to ela[)se before all Italy followedone standard, and the foundations of the empirewere securely laid. Egypt, on the other hand, wasalready fallen, though destined in some measure torise again. The last of the twenty-sixth dynastyof its kings had been defeated by Cambyses in525 B.C., and a monarchy that had endured for athousand years became thenceforward, with more


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MALAcm AXD HIS TIMES. 3than one interval of rebellion or of ne"lect, anappendage of a distant crown. And in the far Eastthe disciples of Gautama Buddha, whose deatlimay best be dated 477 B.C., were preaching thedoctrines of self-culture and self-restraint, and thepower of holiness as a remedy for suffering andsorrow.

For the condition of Judah during the periodcovered by Malachi, his book is almost the onlyauthority. The country appears to have been ad-ministered in the way customary under the Persianrule. It was attached to the Syrian satrapy, andsubject to any levies, of men or money, which thesatrap might be disposed to make. Occasionallyit was separated for a time from the satrapy, andadministered by a local governor, or Tirshatha,appointed by and directly responsible to the crown ;but these appointments were not made with anyregularity, and seem to have been due to privateinfluences at court rather than to the exigencies ofgovernment. In the absence of such officials, thepeople were left to manage their affairs withoutmuch interference, the Persian administration ofits subject races permitting a large measure oflocal independence, though requiring the strictpayment of tribute. All local authority would inconsequence rapidly concentrate itself in the handsof the priests, and the high priest would become


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4 FROM MALACni TO MATTHEU\both the religious and the political head of thepeople. The system of government may thereforebe described as a hagiocracy or hierarchy, underthe restmiuts of a foreign lordship that was con-temptuously careless of anything that did notafiect its revenue, or the size, equipment, andefficiency of its armies.Of all forms of government, that of a hierarchy

has perhaps shown itself the most liable to abuse.The peril that constantly attends it is that theartificial distinctions made for the sake of ordermay come to be regarded as essential distinctions,producing a sense of superiority with moral laxityon the one hand, and on the other a sense of in-justice and oppression. Its only safeguard lies inint-ense religious conviction ; and when that de-clines, disorder and discontent are certain to follow.In the case of Judah, the elements of weakness werepresent from the beginning. The exiles whoreturnedfrom Babylon are described, in a Jewish phrase, asbut the bran, whilst the fine flour is said to haveremained behind. It is easy to understand that themost enterprising and industrious section of thenation would have so rooted itself in Babylon withsettled connections of trade and society, that theproposal to break up their homes and commencelife again in a new country would be unwelcome.Such an appeal would be almost lost except upon


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MALAcm AND HIS TIMES. 5tliG two classes of the extremely devout and of tlieuuprosperous. The former would be ready tosacrilice comfort in the interests of religion ; andthe latter would hail any change as affording thechance of a new career, and possibly of enrich-ment without labour. There are several indica-tions that the exiles who returned consisted almostexclusively of members of these two sections. Asmall band of godly enthusiasts was surroundedand hampered by a large company of mereadventurers. In the course of two or threegenerations most of the enthusiasm seems to haveevaporated ; and outside a little circle of menwho still "feared the Lord" (Mai. iii. 16), therulers of the people may fairly be classed asdegenerate, the people themselves as discontentedand lawless.

The prophecy of Malachi alone affords sufficientevidence of these facts. Of the priesthood of anypure religion, the most fundamental requirementsare morality, and ritual accuracy and zeal ; and itwas precisely the lack of these qualities that mostconspicuously marked the priests of Malaclii'sdays. "Ye have corrupted the covenant of Levi"(ii. 8) is the rebuke he launches against them,with specific charges of adultery, of injustice tothe weak, of contempt for the ties of marriage andfor almost every moral bond. In the discharge of


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6 FROM MALACHI TO MATT IIEIV.their official duties they were as discreditaUe as intheir private lives. " SnutHng " at the routiue ofccremouial worship, they groaned, " AVhat a weari-ness it is ! " (i. 13), asserting that " the table of theLord is contemptible" (i. 7), and accepting andoffering the blemished in sacrifice (i. 13, 14).With religion thus caricatured by its guardiansand ministers, its reality and claims naturallybecame matters for questioning and doubt amongstthe people ; and in their carelessness or scorn theymuttered, " Every one that doeth evil is good intlie sight of the Lord " (ii. 17), and concluded thatit was " vain to serve God " (iii. 14), because thosewlio tempt Him " are delivered," and " they thatwork wickedness are built up" (iii. 15). Prideand godlessness on the part of the priestly chiefsof the nation, unbelief and discontent seethingamongst the people, combined to make their con-dition in the eyes of the prophet very threateningand dangerous.

But it must not be supposed that these featureswere entirely unrelieved. They were general, andprevailed through the nation as a whole. But itwas still salted, and the progress of its corruptionchecked, by the sincerity and genuine religion ofa small minority. Even amongst the most de-praved there is little evidence, beyond a referenceto the practice of sorcery (Mai. iii. 5), of any


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MJL.iCm AND HIS TIMES. 7hiiukeiiiig after idulatry ; aud a belief, thoughbut lingering, that the lordship of Jeliovah wasabsolute, and admitted of no possible rivalry, couldnot be without some restraining or leavening influ-ence. At the same time there were two devotionalexercises or opportunities, of comparatively recentdate, by which piety would be strengthened, not-withstanding tlie prostitution of the temple. Inthe Exile the absence of an external sanctuary haddriven the people to the practice of prayer, asalmost tlie only means . of communication withGod left to them; and as they became more accus-tomed to their new conditions, any joint worshipon the part of a community would take a form, towhich the procedure of the synagogue may perhapsbe traced. Both of these institutions were inde-pendent of the temple organisation, and in itscorruption would be increasingly resorted to. Intheir turn they were abused, as some of the laterdevelopments of Pharisaism show. But duringMalachi's time they would serve to keep alive andto nourish the personal piety, that could find nojoy in the perversion of the more ancient andofficial modes of worship, and that prevented thenation from becoming hopelessly corrupt and un-sound.

Of this piety, the most remarkable featurewas its confidence in the future. To those who


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8 FKOM MALACIII TO MATTHEW,cherished it, the only hope for tlieir race seemedto be the coming of One, who would purify tlienation, and knit it together once more in holydevotion, and even so break down tribal distinc-tions as to make the name of Jehovah everywhere '** great among the Gentiles " (i. 11). By all whoconsidered, it must have been felt that religiousinfluences alone could restore the nation, and thatthe only possible path of restoration led to thevindication of spiritual worship, and to the in-vestiture of Judea with a religious rather than apolitical supremacy. Its power as a centre ofsovereignty, and even its independence, appearedto be hopelessly broken. Compassed about byhostile and venomous tribes, it lay on the war-I'ath of two colossal empires, and could expect noother fate than to be bruised between the upperand the nether millstones. Accordin(? as Persia orEgypt prospered, it w^as likely to be the frontierpossession of the one country or the other, oppressedby the one, raided and wasted by the other. Itsown domestic administration was feeble andpartial, sparing the crimes of the priestly authori-ties, sometimes resolving religion into observancesand sometimes dishonouring both. And it is ahigh testimony to the value of the discipline ofthe Old Testament, that, notwithstanding tlieweakness and degradation of the country, a cou-


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MALACHI AND HIS TIMES. 9skleraLle minority of the people still feared theLord, and clung indomitably to the brilliant pro-mises that had been made to their fathers. To anordinary observer the race would have seemedcrushed beyond the possibility of recovery ; but tothem there was no loss or even partial eclipse ofthe faith that " the day cometh " (iv. 1), when theNvicked would be "ashes under the soles" (iv. 3)of the feet of the righteous, and " the offering ofJudah pleasant unto the Lord as in the days ofold " (iii. 4). At present they were the feeblest ofthe peoples, the scorn of their neighbours, withtheir very worship travestied on Mount Gerizim ;and yet such was their assurance that it crossedthe ages unfalteringly, and accepted as actual thefuture which Jehovah described : " From the risingof the sun even unto the going down of the sameMy name is great among the Gentiles" (i. 11).It was this indestructible faith in Jehovah, inthe future, in the comin^ij of a Messianic dav orking, which sustained them through the forbiddingcenturies that succeeded the return from the Exile.It was the chief factor in their occasional attemptsat reformation, in their uprisings, in the firmnesswith which they resisted and escaped absorption.But for it, the nation would have been scatteredand lost, as completely as their brethren of theTen Tribes have been. And the history which


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lo FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.follows will be incoiiipreliensible, unless what maybe ciilled the intense Messianic hope on the partof the godly minority of the people be constantlyborne in mind. That was the means which servedto check the deterioration of the nation, to keepit knit together in its distinctness of purpose anddestiny from all other nations, and to " makeready the way of the Lord " (Luke iiL 4).


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ClIArTEPt II.

THE PERSIAN SUPEEMACY.

FROM the time covered by Malachi's prophecyto the overtlirow of the Persian empire by

Alexander, is a period of almost exactly a cen-tury ; and concerning few periods of history isthere a greater dearth of trustworthy information.For Persia it was an era of disintegration, andfor Judea of precarious and almost unnoticeablegrowth. Artaxerxes, whose surname of " Long-hand " has sometimes been interpreted literally,though it was probably intended to indicate hisfar-reaching power, succeeded his father in 464B.C., and reigned for forty years. Picvolts in theextreme provinces of his kingdom required hisattention at first. That in Bactria was soon sub-dued, but in Egypt a Libyan prince secured theaid of the Athenians, and it was not until 449 B.C.that the latter were driven out of the country,and the war concluded by a treaty, in which thePersian lordship appears to have been again un-

11


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1 2 FKOM MALACHI TO MATTUE \V.willingly acknowledged. The event is of particularinterest, as the last of the open contests betweenAthens and Persia, and some of its indirect resultswere of importance for the history of the Jews.The leader of the Persian forces against Egj^pt'

was ^fegabyzus, satrap of Syria, and brother-in-law of the kiug. Involved in some of the dissoluteintrigues of the court, and elated by his successes,he proclaimed the independence of his satrapy, andmaintained it for several years against the royalarmies. In this short interregnum of disorder,when the protection of the king would cease toavail against the exigencies of the satrap, may bedated the destruction of the walls and gates ofJerusalem (Xeh. i. 4), over which Xehemiahmourned. It is easy to imagine that Megabyzuspurchased the support of the powerful chieftainson the borders of Judea at the price of lea\'ingJeriLsalem to their will, or that they took ad-vantage of the confusion to weaken and crippletheir rising neighbour. The revolt was terminatedat last by a treaty, which made the court protec-tion of Jerusalem again effective, but seriouslyreduced the prestige of the central authority.Megabyzus retained his xjrovincc almost upon hisown terms. His son afterwards fell into disgrace,and took refuge in Athens. His own success andpardon would encourage other satraps to experi-


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THE PERSIAN SUPREMACY, nment with rebellion. Whether they prospered orfailed, his career showed that they had nothing tofear. And thus the careful organisation of thegreat Darius broke down through the weakness ofhis successor, and a commencement was madewith the dissolution of the Persian empire.Thenceforward the character of the reigning kingbecame a matter of less and less moment to hissubjects. For the ambitions of the satraps therewas no substantial restraint, and their rivalrieshad to be settled by conspiracy and civil war.Gradually they began to combine in themselvesthe supreme military command with the civilauthority which alone at first they possessed, toknit together several satrapies under their solecontrol, and to turn their provinces into hereditaryfiefs, with hardly more than a nominal subordina-tion to the crown.The court gossip, which is the principal source

of whatever histories of this period have sur-vived, is a curious mixture of courtliness andscandal. It represents Artaxerxes, on the onehand, as stately in presence, good-natured, anardent sportsman, and of incredible valour in war;and, on the other, as completely ruled by hiswomen and by favourites whose profligacy he wascareless to restrain. Upon his death in 424 B.C.,he was succeeded by Xerxes II., the only one of


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14 FKOM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.his eighteen sons whose mother was a member of anoble Persian family. After a reign of forty-fivedays, Xerxes was murdered by his half-brother,Secydianiis or Sogdianus ; and he reigned for sixand a half months, and was then in his turnmurdered by another brother, Ochus, satrap ofHyrcania. Ochus, according to Persian custom,assumed the name of Darius, and is known asDarius 11. (423-404 B.C.), with the surname ofNothus or Syrus. His reign was marked by a seriesof revolts, which were settled as a rule by buyingoff the Greek mercenaries engaged in them, andtwo of which have some connection with Jewishhistory. A son of the former satrap of Syria headedone of them, but was deserted by his bribedsoldiers, captured, and executed ; and about 405 B.C.the Egyptians succeeded in separating themselvesfrom Persian control, and, in spite of manyinternal dissensions, they maintained their inde-pendence for some sixty years. Both of theseevents would involve Judea in suffering and fear.If the country was not actually harassed by thetroops and bands of refugees who w^ere constantlypassing its borders, it must have been kept in acondition of continual anxiety and watchfulness.Life could be secure only within the naturalstrongliolds of the country, of which the accessibleparts would be repeatedly pillaged. But of its


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. THE PERSIAN SUPREMA CY. i ^internal history to the close of the century, nothingis certainly known.Darius II. was succeeded by his elder son,Arsicas, known as Artaxerxes II. (404-358 B.C.).From the Greeks he received the surname ofMneraon, or " Mindful," on account of the excel-lence of his memory; but if he deserved that title, hedoes not appear to have been distinguished by thepossession of any other royal quality. The actualgovernment of the State was left principally inthe hands of the queen-mother, Parysatis; and theearlier part of his reign was a succession of revolts,in which the chief part was played by money orby Greek mercenaries, and which were temporarilysettled by treaties that neither party intended tokeep. Several of these insurrections, as before,involved Judea indirectly in suffering ; and one ortwo events throw some light upon its condition,although it is difficult to date them accurately, orto follow the traditional accounts with muchconfidence.

In Cyprus the population was partly Greek andpartly Phoenician, and between these two elementsthere was little tendency to fusion. Availing him-self of their antagonism, Evagoras, a descendantof its ancient rulers, ventured to crovern the islandas a kingdom of his own, in almost completeseparation from Persia. He was supported on the


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1 FROM MALACHI TO MA TTIIE JF.one hand by Athens, and on the other by Egyptand after securing tlie mastery of the seas, he laidsiege to Tyre. The struggle lasted altogether forabout ten years, during which Judea would havemuch experience of the disquiet and some of the>actual sufi'erings of war. The military road fromEgypt lay upon its borders, and for the defence ofTyre its resources and levies would be needed.All through the reign the contest with Egypt con-tinued, and towards its close the soldiers of thelatter invaded Phoenicia, and appear even to havesucceeded in persuading the Judeans to revolt. Tothat course they would be inclined from religiousreasons also ; for the comparatively pure andspiritual worship of the older Persians appears inthe reign of Artaxerxes to have suffered a greatdeclension. A place in its mythology was foundfor the goddess of love under the name of Anahitaor Anaitis, and its worship began under royal sanc-tion to take the form of the grossest sensuality.Artaxerxes is said to have endeavoured to forcetliis idolatry upon Judea, as upon the other partsof his kingdom, and the usual results fullovved.Nothing perhaps is more characteristic of theJews since the Exile than the firmness withM'hich they have resisted any attempt to makethem abjure tlieir faith. On the present occasionthe hope of support from Egypt would strengthen


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, THE PERSIAN SUPREMACY. 17their resistance, and the presence of the Egyptianarmy in tlieir neighbourhood afforded the oppor-tunity and the temptation to rebel. But Jewishrevolts have generally been as unsuccessful poli-tically, as they have been stubborn and frequentand though the attempt to impose idolatry uponthe nation failed, if the statement of an earlychronologist^ is to be accepted, many of theJudeans were banished, and settled " some inHyrcania by the Caspian Sea, others in Baby-lonia " {circ. 3G0 B.C.).. At the same time, or a little earlier, must bedated an incident which is almost the only eventof the period that Christian writers have beenwont to relate. The commander of the rovaltroops in Phcenicia, or more probably only ofthose stationed in Judea, was Bagoas or Bagoses,a man who was destined to play an importantpart in the later fortunes of the kingdom. Uponthe death of the high priest, his two sons quarrelledover the succession, and happening to meet oneday in the temple, the elder slew the younger.Of that act Josephus says with reason, " Therenever was so cruel and impious a thing done, eitherbv the Greeks or barbarians." The news of thebloodshed reaching the ears of Bac^oas broughthim quickly with his soldiers into the temple; and

^ Sjncellus, ed. Diudorf, i. 486.2


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iS FROM MALACIII TO MATTHEW.uheu his entrance was opposed as sacrilegious, heis reported ^ to have pushed the priests aside, andto have indignantly replied, "Am I not purer thanhe that was slain in the temple ? " "A sad omenfor the future " is the comment of one historian 2upon the scene, whilst another^ sees in it an illus-tration of the unwelcome fact, that a good Persianis always better than a bad Jew. The Jews, as anation, had to suffer for the godlessness of theirofficials. Bagoas imposed a tribute of fifty shekelsfor eveiy lamb that was offered in the temple, andthis tribute was collected daily before the sacri-fices during a period of seven years, after whichfor some reason, possibly through a change ofgovernor, it ceased. Altogether the rule ofBagoas may be described as firm if not oppressive.That he was a strong man, probably the ablestOriental of his day, subsequent events sufficientlyshow ; and during liis term of office in Judea, theauthority of the priests and the functions of self-government and private initiation were confinedwithin the narrowest limits, whilst the peoplewould be powerless against the exactions thatattended the occupation of their country by law-less mercenaries of every name.

' Jos. Antiq. xi. 7. 1.^Griitz, UisL of Jews, Eng. Trans, i. 423.2 Stanley, Mist, of Jew. ChurcJi, 18S3, iii. 152.


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THE PERSIAN SUPREMACY, 19Artaxerxcs 11. died in 358 B.C., and was suc-

ceeded by his son Ochiis, who took the title ofArtaxerxes III. (358-338 B.C.). At his accession hefound the empire in fragments, and its restorationto unity and power was effected under him, andlargely through his own vigour and skill. Fromthe beginning, Bagoas appears to have supportedhim, and the subsequent adhesion of Mentor, oneof the most capable soldiers of the time, providedhim with a general, equally proficient in the artsof diplomacy and of war. In Phoenicia andCyprus another insurrection took place, foriiented,if not instigated, by Egypt ; and again Judeaappears to have readily associated herself withthe movement. At first it proved successful, andthe satraps who were sent to suppress it weredefeated and driven back. Tlie great king himselfthen took the field at the head of a large body ofGreek mercenaries, and the leaders of the revoltedpeoples were soon compelled to make terms. Theywere pardoned, and promoted to favour, and evenin some instances employed for the punishment ofthe peoples whom they had misled. Sidon was soseverely treated that nearly half a million of menare said to have perished there. Egypt becameonce more a Persian province (344 B.C.), and itssubjugation was accompanied by every crueltyand dishonour. To this period is assigned by


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9Q FROM MALACIII TO MATTHEW.some tlie exile of great numbers of Jews, andtlieir settlement in Hyrcania : but thou^li itcannot be fully proved (see p. 17), probabilitiesare in favour of the conclusion, that this trans-j)lantation took place under Artaxerxes Mnemort.AVith greater likelihood it has been suggestedthat the pacification was effected tlirough Oro-jjliernes, the brother of the satrap of Oappadocia,and a general who distinguislied himself in thiswar. If that be so, it is easy to understand whythe name of Holophernes is given to the com-mander of the anti-Jewish forces in the Book ofJudith ; and from that patriotic romance muchmay be inferred as to the misery and oppressionfrom which the country suffered. Its oppressorswere pitiless and unrestrained in their wrath ; itspeople became familiar with every enormity andneed, and their only choice lay between deportationand a condition of hourly repression and peril.

The cruelty or the reforming vigour of Arta-xerxes appears to have made his court during theclosing years of his reign a place of constantj)lotting and tenor. One of the conspiracies suc-ceeded, and in 338 B.C. he was assassinated at theinstigation, if not by the hand, of his chief minister,the eunuch Bagoas. His youngest son. Arses,succeeded him (338-335 B.C.). Altera short reign,of which the history is a complete blank, he too


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THE PERSIAN SUrREMA CY. 21was put to death by Bagoas, in consequence of someattempt to escape from the control of his minister.As bis successor, Bagoas chose a great-grandson ofDarius IL, who reigned (335-331 B.C.) under thetitle of Darius III. Codomannus. Upon theearliest opportunity, he coninianded tlie executionof Bagoas, and immediately began to prepareto defend liimself against the Greek invasion con-ducted by Alexander the Great. In the springof 334 B.C. Alexander crossed the Hellespont. Inthe autumn of the next year he defeated Dariusat the battle of Issus. Tiie king lied into theinterior, and the conqueror, instead of pursuingliim, wisely proceeded to subdue Phanicia andEgypt, in order that he miglit secure the commandof the sea and a maritime connection with his owndominions. In less than two years this was done.Iieturning through ]\Iesopot,amia in 331, Alexanderafi-ain defeated Darius at the battle of Arbela, andtlie following year the king was murdered by thesatrap of Bactria, in whose province he had takenrefutre. But the end of tlie old Persian or Achse-menian supremacy over Judea must be dated atthe time when Alexander marched southwards afterthe battle of Issus, and established his own author-ity in every district through which he passed.

Of the external history of the Jews in thisperiod of more than a century, little more can be


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2 FROM MALACHI TO MA TTIIE U\faiJ. It is not possible even to fix with accuracythe limits of Judea itself ; but Jewish inHuencemade itself felt in religious matters over a muchwider area than the thirteen or fourteen hundred,square miles of country that were governed fromJerusalem. It is almost certain that this influ-ence was confined to religious matters, or, at theoutside, affected the life of the people only in therelationships that could most readily be placedunder ecclesiastical control. Alike in Persia andin Palestine, Jewish thought and enterprise werediverted from matters of administration andpolitics by the conditions of the times. A people,averse from arms, in a disturbed period unmarkedby the presence of a single great name, must forsafety's sake engage in pursuits that will notarouse the resentment of the central authority.The impulse given by Ezra to the study of thelaw was accordingly the power tliat determinedthe occupations and intellectual activity of theperiod ; and efforts were patiently made to settlewith autliority the application of the law to everydetail of life and practice. Hence the synagoguesystem would either originate or be encouragedand the order of scribes gained authority asexperts in interpretation. The further work wascommenced of '' fencing " the law, necessaryperhaps in an unsettled and ignorant age, but


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THE PERSIAN SUPREMACY. 2?developing afterwards into a grotesque and im-possible literalism, which sought to defend religionagainst heatlien influences by reducing it to acode, in which a strict and exact rule was pre-scribed for every conceivable contingency. Pietybegan to be confounded with precision, andmorality to be endangered by diverting attentionfrom the motive and concentrating it upon theact. The product of the system was fitly de-scribed centuries later by a man who knew itwell, as "a yoke upon the neck, which neither ourfathers nor we were able to bear " (Acts xv. 10).

Between this Jewish legalism in its earlierstages and some parts of the ritual of Persianidolatry several correspondences may be tracedbut it is not on that account necessary to supposethat the former was derived from the latter.That considerable influence streamed in uponJewish thought from Persian beliefs and worship,may however be regarded as certain. No minuteand exhaustive investigation of that influence hasyet been made ; but it was evidently confined tominor doctrines, and it is possible that its forcewas felt more at a later period, when the tradi-tions of the Talmud were forminir, than during thecenturies of actual Persian domination. In itsconceptions of God, in its antagonism to everyform of dualism, in the ra^^ture of worship within


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24 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEJr.the secret place of the Most High, Judea owesnothing to Persia. The latter s gifts are tx) be soughtmainly amidst the curious fancies of angelologyand of demonology, in the extension of the rangeof the laws of purification and of the sanctions'attached to them, and perhaps also in some of theritual that gradually rose to honour amongst asection of the Essenes. The alleged worship ofthe sun, the dislike of animal sacrifices, thefavourite robes and washings, the magic, and theprofessed familiarity with the angelic hierarchies,are all points of agreement between Parseeismand Essenism. But there are other points inwhich the two sj'stems differed completely, andfrom their jjartial accord a relation of dexjendencecannot be ceitainlv inferred. In i^AvAon anattitude of isolation has characterised Israel atalmost all periods, and over the essential articlesof its faith a sleepless watch has been kept. Andif with Persian beliefs and usages a few affinitiescan be traced, there is no sufficient reason forbelieving that Judaism consented to any modifica-tion of the vital parts of its creed, or borrowedanvthin" that was a valuable addition to itspractice. Its substance was unaltered when Jeru-salem passed finally from Persian control, and itsintegral doctrines and hopes were shorn of noneof their. power.


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CHAPTEE III.JUDEA UNDER ALEXANDER.

APTEr. the battle of Issus (333 B.C.), AlexanderXjroceeded to Tyre, and thence to Gaza,

which he demolished after a three months' siege.According to Josephus, though the Greek his-torians are silent upon the subject, his auger hadbeen aroused against the Jews by their refusal tosend him either auxiliaries or provisions, andfrom Gaza "he made haste to go up to Jerusalem."Then followed an incident, the description ofwhich is an inextricable mixture of legend

andfact. Marching along the broad defile of Beth-horon, Alexander reached the lofty eminence ofMizpeh, whence a few miles away he could seethe holy city. Soon after sunrise on a winter'smorning, a stately procession approached him.Around'' the high priest, robed in purple andscarlet, with the awful name of Jehovah inscribedupon the gold of his mitre, were the whole triljeof the priests and '' the multitude of the citizens,'

25


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26 FROM MALACin TO MATTHEW.all clad in wliitc. Tlirougli the night they hadwalked, at the bidding of God in a dream, " with-out the dread of any ill consequences, which theprovidence of God would prevent." It was thefirst meeting in history of two great nations, ofwhich the one was to sanctify the philosophy orto emancipate the faith of the other. The pupilof Aristotle bowed himself before the DivineXame, the ideal hero of battle before the priestlysymbols. On the part of the Jews all voices asone saluted the young conqueror king. In thepriest the king recognised the figure he had seenin a dream in ^lacedonia, promising him victoryover the Persians. Accompanying the high priest,he entered the courts of the temple, and offeredsacrifice. "When shown the Book of Daniel, heinterpreted of himself the prophecy that a Greekshould arise to destroy the empire of Persia.And admitting the people into his full favour,he guaranteed to them tlie protection of theirrace throughout the whole of his dominions inthe usages of their fathers, even to the extentof immunity from taxation in their sabbaticalyears.

There is no sufficient reason for rejecting thewhole of this story as legendary. If Alexanderever visited Jerusalem, analogy with his practiceelsewhere makes it almost certain that he would


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JUDEA UNDER ALEXANDER. 27offer sacrifice wliicli was a frequent if notcustomary proceeding on tlie part of a distin-guished visitor, and which does not seem to havebeen actually forbidden to Gentiles until the nextera. And that he did visit Jerusalem is renderedmore than probable, by the position and suspectedattitude of that city, in view of his contemplatedexpedition into Egypt. After a short stay, he leftJudea an integral portion of the new province orsatrapy of Lower or Coele-Syria, which extendedfrom Lebanon to Eg3'pt. The governor wasAndromachus, who took up his residence in thetown of Samaria, the situation of which was stronu'and central, whilst the fertility of the soil gave itattractions of yet another kind. From some cause,which was probably either jealousy of the favouredJews, or resentment at the establishment amoni^stthem of the headquarters of the conquerors, theSamaritans in the course of a few months rose inrevolt, overpowered the small body of troops thatAlexander had left behind, and burnt Andro-machus alive. Tiie news reached Alexander justwhen he had received the submission of Egypt;and, hastening back, he put to death the leaders ofthe rebellion, and planted a colony of Macedoniansin the district. In his absence he had foundedthe great city of Alexandria (331 B.C.), and madeit instead of Memphis the capital of Egypt. A


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28 rROM MALACIII TO MATTHEW.few days would suffice to restore order in Samaria;and thence he hurried away to complete hisconquest of Darius, and to lead his victoriousarmy into the far East.Under its new governor, Memnon, Coele-Syiia'

seems to have remained quiet until the death ofthe king. His policy was marked by two im-portant featuresthat of separating the commandof the array, and sometimes also the collection ofthe revenue, from the control of the civil adminis-tiation ; and that of " cosmopolitan x^i^ty," thetoleration of all ordinary varieties of custom andworship amongst the nations which he was seekingto fuse. He w^as ready to sacrifice to any godand even though he forbade the Bactrians tothrow their dead to the dogs, and is said to haveburnt some of the sacred books of the Magians, a^lagian was a favourite member of his court, anda Greek under his protection the first Europeanstudent of the Avesta.^ AVith the Jews he appearsto have kept strictly his part of the covenant, intowhich he is alleged to have entered with them inJerusalem. With their local usages no interfer-ence was permitted. Even the rigidity of militarydiscipline was relaxed in their behalf. A traditionrelates that he ordered the restoration of the greattemple of Bel at Babylon, and set his soldiers to

^ Thcopompus ; cf. Em. Brit., 9th ed., 584b.


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JUDEA UNDER ALEXANDER. 29clear the site of tlie accumulated ruins. AVhen theJews in the army refused to obey, on the groundthat their religion permitted no dealing withidolatry, they were threatened and punished invain. Appealing at length to the king, they werepardoned ; and the original stipulation was con-firmed, that such of them as served in the army" should continue under the laws of their fathers." ^It is an incident which is probable, even if unhis-torical. And whilst, on the one hand, the mereexistence of such a tradition is a witness to thefavour which Alexander showed the Jews, and totheir freedom from interference durin;^ his reic:n,the incident itself, if true, was " an omen ofconflicts " to come. Few clianges in history havebeen more momentous than the Hellenisation ofWestern Asia and Xorthern Africa, which Alex-ander was the first effectivelv to beo^in, and whichendured until the last eruption from the cradle-land of the Semites pushed Greece back intoEurope, and followed in her train. For fourcenturies Judea resisted that process successfullyand if their country has yielded in turn to tbecivilisations of the West and of the East, in theirnationality and in their faith and practice theJews resist it still.

Alexander died on June 13, 323 B.C. ; and^ Jos. Antiq. xi. 8. 5.


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30 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.immediately the colossal empire lie had foundedbegan to fall to pieces. The Macedonian law ofsuccession was uncertain, and at the same timeAlexander left no lej}fitimate issue. His creneralswere all candidates for the throne, and all unwill-ing to renounce their own ambition in favour ofany one of themselves. The natural result was aseries of civil wars, that continued with few inter-ruptions for nearly half a century, and that endedin the establishment of a number of independentstates, each jealous of its neighbour. At first thehalf-brother and the posthumous son of Alexanderwere invested jointly with the nominal kingship,whilst the real power lay in the hands of fourregents, of whom Perdiccas and Leonnatus wereresponsible for the peace of Asia. The formersoon succeeded in concentrating the supreme con-trol in himself, though the fiction of regency waskept up. To maintain his position, he was obligedto divide the Asiatic part of the empire intogreat satrapies, which were distributed amongstthe generals. Xominally but governors, receivingorders from Perdiccas, and answerable to him fortheir execution, they were in reality absolutekings, who acknowledged no limitation of theirpower. And thus, within a year of Alexander'sdeath, the disintegration of his empire waspractically complete, though the formal recogni-


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JUDEA UNDER ALEXANDER. 31tioii of that fact did not take place before tlie lastyear of the century.At the distribution of the satrapies, Egypt wasassigned to Ptolemy Lagi, and Coele-Syria toLaomedon. The former at once asserted his inde-pendence, and proceeded to invade the dominionsof the latter, and to annex them to his own.AVhen the Jews declined to transfer to him theirallegiance, he approached Jerusalem with an armyon a Sabbath day, proclaiming a peaceable desire tooffer sacrifice. Tree from suspicion and unwillingto desecrate the day, the Jews admitted him intothe city, of which he immediately made himselfmaster (320 B.C.). On his return into Egypt, hetook back with him great numbers of Jews, someas captives and hostages, some of their own freewill. A part of these he drafted into his army,employing them chiefly upon garrison duty ; anda part he invested with the full rights of citizen-ship, and settled in Alexandria.

The success of Ptolemy aroused the envy ofothers of the great generals, who were soon temptedto emulate him, and for the next few years Judeaknew a variety of masters. In 314 B.C., Ptolemywas compelled to resign it to Antigonus, anotherof Alexander's generals, but two years later re-covered it again. Tlie following year he lost itonce more, and Antigonus gave orders for the


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32 FA'OM MALACHI TO MATTHE Idestruction of all its fortresses. But in 301 B.C.,at the battle of Ipsus, Autigoniis was slain. In^the redistribution of territory which followed,whilst Upper Syria was assigned to Seleucus,Jiidea and Samaria were attached to Egypt ; and^for a time at least Jerusalem was left to work outits destiny in comparative peaca


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CHAPTER IV.JUDEA UNDER THE PTOLEMIES.

THE subjection of Jiulea to the jNIacedonianrulers of Egypt continued for eighty years

and during that period there does not seem tohave been any serious interference, except in twoor three cases, with the religious usages of thepeople, or with the internal administration of thecountry. The policy of the early Ptolemies wascarefully to protect the religion of their subjects.In Egypt they rebuilt the temples of the gods,exempted the priests from the payment of theland-tax, and placed upon them no restraiut iuthe exercise of their worship. The Jews in thecapital appear to have been invested with specialprivileges. And in Jerusalem the high priest wasthe political chief, respousible for the conveyanceof the taxes to Egypt, but left with his council ofelders to govern the district in other respectsalmost at his pleasure. In addition to the tribute^there would be few other tokens of subjection

3


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34. FROM MALAcm TO MATTHEW.than the sight of military levies constantly passingto strengthen or to relieve the garrisons on the fron-tier. Commerce was encouraged by the suppres-sion of marauding bands, by the making of roads,by the survey of the Arabian coast of the Red Seaand the reopening of the canal which connectedthat sea with the Nile, and though there werecauses that diverted the trade of Upper Syria fromits previous and subsequent routes, there are signsthat Judea was not left without a considerableshare in the prosperity of the times. Nor mustthe impulse be overlooked that was given to itsrabbinical schools and methods by the revivedinterest in learning, that made Alexandria thecentre of the culture of the East. There everyJewish scholar was sure of a welcome ; and thitherindeed were summoned the greatest of them, toengage in a task that would open their sacredbooks to the world. And if other indications ofthe quickened national life of Judea were lacking,sufficient evidence would be forthcoming in theappearance in the country of men around whosenames have gathered myth and story, as the fore-runners of the great movement which, in the nextcentury, set Judea free.The reign of Ptolemy I., known as Soter orLagi, closed in 283 B.C. He was succeeded byhis son, Ptolemy II., or Philadelphus, who had


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JUDEA UXDER THE PTOLEMIES. 35been associated with liis father on the tlirone fora conple of years, and who extended the Egyptianrule northwards over Phcenicia as far as Lebanon.For some time he was engaged in war witli tlieking of Syria ; but the issue was generally in hisfavour, and the influence upon Judea was neitherlarge nor direct. In one respect however ln"spolicy would awaken suspicion, and its aftereffects were of the greatest importance. Greekcolonists had followed in the steps of Alexander,and had settled either in the towns which heconquered, or in new ones which he founded.Gaza was turned into a Greek arsenal, and Joppainto a Greek garrison. In Ashkelon and Ashdod,in Samaria and Scythopolis, and east of the Jordanin Gadara and Hippus, the population beforeAlexander died was so predominantly Macedonianin its character, that the places went by the nameof Greek cities. Philadelphus carried on the sameprocess. He built Philadelphia on the site of theancient " Eabbah of the Ammonites," Ptolemaison the site of Acco, Philoteria on the T^ke ofGennesaret. Judea became in this way almostfringed round with Hellenistic cities. To com-municate with them, and to carry on the ordinarybusiness of life, some knowledge of the Greek lan-guage would be indispensable; and from theminfluences would gradually spread even into the


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36 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.lioly city,'tliat would be offensive equally to thetraditioDs^and to the hopes of the people. Theseduction of Greek manners and culture madeitself felt more amongst the hybrid populationsthan amongst the pure people of Israel, but it i^probably the necessity of resisting it, and the perilinto which the old faith seemed to be drifting, towhich the gradual revival of the nation must bein part ascribed.

Philadelphus died in 247 B.C., arid was succeededby his eldest son, Euergetes, who establishedEi.^'ptian supremacy over a large part of AsiaMinor, and raised his kingdom to the highestposition of influence that it ever reached underhis dynasty. His frequent campaigns againstSyria must have brought him often into theneighbourhood of Jerusalem ; and Josephus nar-rates^ that on one occasion, as a thauk-ofl'ering forvictory, he " offered many sacrifices to God, anddedicated to Him such gifts as were suitable."At his death, in 222 K.c, the period of Macedo-Egyptian prosperity closed ; and of the kings ofhis house who succeeded him, six are character-ised ^ as detestable, and the best of the remainingas " amiable, but weak." Philopator, his son andsuccessor, by his incompetence tempted the king of

* JosephiLS, Contra. Ap. ii. 5.2 Rawlinson, Manual of Ancient History, 1S69, p. 242.


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JUDEA UNDER THE PTOLEMIES. 37Syria to advance liis pretensions to the countriesnorth of Egypt. In the autumn of 219 B.C. thelatter took Tyre and Ptolemais, and thence marcliedto the frontiers of Egypt ; but two years Litersuffered a crushing retreat at Raphia, and was com-pelled to relinquish his conquests, and retire intoSyria. An old legend, preserved in the Third Bookof Maccabees, represents Philopator as followinghis enemy to Jerusalem, and there as deterredfrom polluting the temple only by the directintervention of Jehovah. Angry and exasperated,he returned to Alexandria, deprived the Jews oftheir civil rights, and meditated yet severer pun-ishment. But there are reasons for consideringthis book a fiction that was composed some threecenturies later ; and when it is noticed that amore trustworthy writer ^ tells almost the samestory of a later Ptolemy, it is difficult to find inthe lesjend anvthino; that is historical, bevond areminiscence of a change of sentiment towards theJews on the part of Philopator. His predecessorshad treated them with favour ; he, abandoninghimself to profligacy, left them to the oppressionof his ministers.

But the dismemberment of the Egyptian king-dom, which Philopator had prevented, took placeshortly after the accession of his young son, Epi-

^ Josej)hus, Contra Ap. ii. 5.

c-^


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38 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.phanes, iu 205 B.C. The king of Syria was Antiu-clius the Great, who made a treaty with Philip ofMacedon for the partition of Egypt. In Jiidea hefound a party amongst the Jews alienated fromEgypt, and prepared to welcome liim ; and wilhtheir aid he easily extended his kingdom to theSinaitic Peninsula. Epiphanes invoked the protec-tion of Pome, and thus checked for a time theadvance of Antiochus. Scopas was sent from Egyptto recover Coele-Syria, and overran Judea, destroy-ing the fortified places, and putting numbers ofthe people to death. In 198, Antiochus returned,routed Scopas near Paneas, on the south-westernslopes of Mouut Hermon, and marched southwards,conquering as he went. From Jerusalem the peoplecame to meet him, laden witli provisions and stores.The Egyptian garrison was soon dislodged fromthe fortress of Acre, and Coele-Syria, apparentlywith the ready assent of its peoples, was separatedfrom Egypt, and became an appendage of thethrone of Syria.

During the whole of this period the supremecivil authority seems, except in one instance, tohave been entrusted to the high priest. But it isnot j)ossible either to determine with certaintytheir exact order of succession, or to assign to themdates that are more than approximately correct.Jaddua was apparently a contemporary of Alex-


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JUDEA UNDER THE PTOLEMIES. 39aiider the Great. He ^vas succeeded by liis son,Onias I., who received a curious letter from Sparta,ill which the Lacedemonians claimed kinship,through Abraham, with the Jews. Of the exist-ence of such a fancy there are other traces, thoutrhthe two races are probably as distinct as races canbe ; but there is no need to question the statementthat diplomatic intercourse took place, and wasafterwards renewed, upon the basis of that belief.By the beginning of the third century before Christ,or soon after, the high-priesthood had passed intothe hands of the son of Onias, Simon the Just,around whom tradition and fancy gathered manylegends. One story makes him coeval with Alex-ander, and another with Gains Caligula. The Mishnaelsewhere^ styles him one of the last of the GreatSynagogue, and credits him with the saying, " Onthree things the world is stayed : on the law, onthe worship of God, and on kindness." By theGreat Synagogue must not be understood an his-torical court that can be traced in continuity frumSithe times of Ezra to those of Simon, but rather asuccession of teachers that cannot be traced, butthat filled up the gap between the latest OldTestament writer and the earliest rabbi of whomtlie memory survived. And to call Simon thelast of its members is equivalent to little more

1 Flrqe Aboth, i. 2.


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4 o FKOM MALACHI TO MATTHE IT.than the statement, that he came next to the pro-phets in the line of known depositaries of liolytradition. Every honour is paid him in the Jewishwritings. One passage prolongs his priesthoodto the sacred term of forty years; and another^enumerates him amongst the high priests, underwhom a red heifer had been burnt according to theregulations of Numbers xix.^ The very surnamehe obtained indicates the attitude he assumedtowards the law, as well as the character he dis-played in the civil duties of his office. And thoughthe specific works attributed to him of restoringthe walls of Jerusalem and improving its watersupply must probably be assigned to his grandson,his influence in securing the good treatment ofhis nation during the trying times when Ptolemywas establishing his authority cannot well beoven-ated. It was an influence tliat conservedancient traditions and usages, and even securedroyal protection for them ; and that alone is enoughto show that it was the influence of a man w^hoknew life as well as the law^, and whose devotionto the latter, never failing in firmness, was care-fully restrained from extravagance.But more specific evidence of his well-balanced

mind is furnished by his relations to a party thatbe.^an to appear during his jjriesthood. In the

^ Joma, 9a J P^ra, iii. 5.


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JUDEA UNDER THE PTOLEMIES. 41rentateueh itself are to be found regulations(Num. vi. 1-21) for the temporary vow of aXazarite ; and as far back as the heroic periodof Jewish history occur instances where the vowwas taken for a lifetime. Whenever a reli^rionor a country is in danger, the tendency to adoptvows of the kind is apt to become more markedand general. In Simon's time, owing partly tothe disorders of the age, and probably more tothe pressure of Greek influences upon the sociallife of the people, he was confronted not only by alarge increase in the number of the Xazarites, butalso by a disposition on the part of some of themto act together as a party in the State. Thepractice from purely religious motives did notmeet with any encouragement from him. Xowise ruler can be pleased to see the young andthe fervid turning all their energies into a life ofritual. And from the practice, as a social move-ment with far-reaching political consequences, heheld entirely aloof, without however effectuallychecking it. The inner company of the Xazaritesassumed or received a name, variously Anglicisedas Asidaeans or Chasidim, from an old Testamentword which means "jpious," in the sense of stead-fast in the observance of Divine law. They wereconsequently the lineal ancestors of the sect ofthe Pharisees, and they made their influence felt,


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42 FKOM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.for good and for evil, at some critical points inthe subsequent history of their people.Simon was succeeded in the priesthood, not byhis son, who may have been too young for theoffice, but by his brother Eleazar. An ancient'writer (Aristeas) describes,doubtlesswith some playof fancy, an event of unusual interest in which hetook part. At Alexandiia Ptolemy Philadelphushad built a great library, in which he w^as collect-ing the literature of every accessible nation. Hislibrarian, Demetrius or his successor, suggested tohim the need of securinc' a translation into Greekof the Jewish Scriptures. An embassy, laden withcostly gifts, was sent to the high priest with therequest that he would choose learned men, skilledequally in Hebrew and in Greek, and instructthem to repair to the court at Alexandiia.Seventy-two were selected, six from each tribe.For a week the king feasted and flattered themand then lodged them singly, or, according toanother tradition, by twos, in cells in the island ofPharos. Thus separated, they were set to thetranslation. Each day their renderings werefound to agree miraculously; and in seventy-two days the work was completed. AVhen readbefore an assemblage of the Jews, it was receivedwith acclamations as accurate beyond expecta-tion. And the interpreters were sent back home,


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JVDEA UNDER THE PTOLEMIES. 43with another store of rich presents for themselvesand fur tlie high priest. So runs the story, astold by a man who \vas evidently less anxious torecord exact liistorv, tlian to exhibit the esteemin which the Jews and their Law were held bynon-Jewish authorities. But when tlie draperyis removed from this alleued account of the ori'^inof the Septuagint, so much may be accepted ashistorical, that the Pentatench and probably alsothe Book of Joshua were translated during thereign of IMiiladelphus and the priesthood ofEleazar, the work being continued, possibly witli-out royal patronage, as opportunity served, butnot being completed until a much later age.On Eleazar's death, the rule of hereditary

succession to the priesthood was again for somereason broken, and the office passed to Manasseh.He was the uncle either of his predecessor or ofhis successor. If of the former, his extreme agemay account for the complete blankness of hisperiod of office, though it may also awaken some sur-prise that the Egyptian court w^as content to leavethe civil administration in his hands. His termof office is variously estimated at twelve or fifteenyears, or at a smaller number of months ; and whenit ended, he was succeeded by Simon's son, Onias II.,who apparently contrasted the great qualities ofhis father. Josephus {Antifi. xii. 4. 1) describes


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44 FJ^OM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.liim as " one of a little soul and a great lover ofmoney." Notwithstanding the large measure offreedom granted to his country by its Egyptianrulers, he began to plot against them in favour ofthe king of Syria, from whom better things couldcertainly not be expected. He refused to pay theannual tribute of twenty talents, at the risk ofthe expatriation of his people and the re- settle-ment of the district with foreign colonists.Neither the threats of the royal envoy Athenionnor the alarm and entreaties of the people wereable to change his purpose. At lengtli his nephewJoseph intervened, and with much difficultyobtained permission to proceed as his representa-tive to Alexandria, and petition the king for areduction or remission of the tribute. Ambitiousand untroubled with scruples, Joseph began byingratiating himself with Athenion, whom heattached to himself by every kind of attention.The latter on his return to Alexandria secured forhis client the goodwill of Ptolemy, who awaitedwith eagerness the arrival of the Jew. Josej)h,hastily raising a loan from the Samaritans, for theagriculture of Judea at the time appears to havegiven little opportunity for the amassing ofwealth, set out, and met the king near Mempliis.His plans immediately proved successful. Theking admitted him to favour, singled him out


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JUDEA UNDER THE PTOLEMIES. 45for special hospitality, and sent liim l>a('k incomtnand of two tliousand troops as chief of theentire fiscal system of Coele-Syria and Tha^nicia.That office he retained for twenty-two years,unsparing in his severity upon any city that dis-puted his authority or resisted his exactions, hutapparently interfering but little with the ordinarycourse of government in Judea. His enormouswealth liowever became afterwards a cause ofbitter contention. Before he arose, the higli prieststood alone, unrivalled in influence. Joseph showedhis fellow-countrymen by his example an easyway to the acquisition of great riches, andfounded a family, that was more influential inEgypt than that of the priest, and able to com-pete with and to check it at home. It was theintroduction of a new factor into the civil life ofJudea, in the development of which from thisperiod family rivalry and the power of wealthplay their part.

The successor of Onias II. was his son, Simon II.,whose priesthood lasted during the stormy yearswhen tlie power of Egypt was waning and theSyrians were establishing their hold upon Judea.He is almost certainly the Simon who is referredto in the fiftieth chapter of the Book of Ecclesias-ticus, where, shortly after the high priest's death,Ben Sirach's ^grandfather records in glowing te:ms


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46 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.the impression produced by the loftiness of liischaracter, by his sacerdotal strictness and sin-cerity ; *' when he went np to the holy altar, hemade the ^rarment of holiness honourable." Anation, mourning the loss of its head and con-scious of the peril of the coming times, might fitlychant, " How was he honoured in the midst of thepeople in his coming out of the sanctuary ! Hewas as the morning star in the midst of a cloud..and as the moon at the full : as the sun shiningupon the temple of the most High, and as therainbow giving light in the bright clouds"(Ecclus. 1. 5-7). Upon the city and the templehe lavished his care, and, as an old version putsit, he " took thought for his people." It was hewho withstood the threatened pollution of thetemple by Philopator, and awed the carelessking from his purpose (3 Mace. ii. 1). That hepreser^'ed the peace of Jerusalem in the time oftransition from Egyptian to Syrian dominancy,and persuaded its new rulers to be at first astolerant as the old, is in itself indication enoughof the kind of man he was.

During his priesthood the conflict of parties inJerusalem became more violent and marked. Atthe one extreme was the family of Joseph, oftenreferred to, from his father's name, as the Sons ofTobiah ; they represented and led the Hellenising


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JUDEA UXDER THE PTOLEMIES. 47element in the State. They were dependent fortheir position and resources upon Egypt, and infavour of Egypt their influence was consistentlyexerted, until dissensions arose within the familyitself. The Chasidim, on the other hand, werethe old believers, who insisted upon strict separa-tion from Hellenism, and denounced the baretouch of the unholy thing as treason. In addi-tion to the general body of the people, who did '

'

not fully commit themselves to either of theseextremes, there was a third intermediate party,more closely allied to the former than to the latter,but separated at first from the Sons of Tobiahby political differences. Their origin was tracedback not to Antigonus of Socho, but to one ofhis supposed disciples. Antigonus, according totradition, was the successor of Simon the Just, asthe rabbinical head of the nation. Xotwithstand-incr the Greek form of his name, he is classifiedamoni^st the Jewish orthodox teachers, and seemsto have acted as a kind of assessor to the high priestin the decision of cases which depended uponunfixed interpretations of the law. Amongsthis pupils is said ^ to have been a Zaduk, whodeduced from his master's advice to " serve God


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48 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW,amongst the tenets of the ancient Jews. Sucli aZadok there may liave been, though the proofis perhaps impossible; and all that may withcertainty be inferred from the legend is, thatabout this time there appeared a party to which'the name of Sadducees was long after given. Itwas a party that consisted chiefly of aristocratsamongst the priests, characterised ecclesiasticallyby the rejection of everything but the wiittenlaw, of all tradition and rabbinical development,and socially by a strong leaning towards Greekcustoms and culture. Worldliness and laxity ofpractice and ritual w^re the natural results, as theparty increased in wealth and numbers. But dur-ing the greater part of the rule of the Ptolemies,its policy would be hardly less dangerous to thecountry because fluid rather than firm, now findingexpression in intrigues with Greek powers orin dabbling with Greek i^hilosophies, and nowshrinking before the sternness or scorn of someleader amongst the Chasidim.

The later years of Joseph were full of anxietyfor himself, of bitter dissensions in his household.Without any open breach with the high priest,he steadily supported the Egyptian rule, uponwhich indeed his own prosperity depended. Inhis frequent visits to Alexandria, he joined inthe unrestrained revelries of a court whose kin^r


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JUDEA UNDER THE PTOLEMIES. 49considered himself a remote descendant ofBacchus. His second wife was his own niece,who appears to have figured before her marriageat the royal entertainments. She bore him a son,Hyrcanus, who inherited all his father's ambitionand vices. Quick in intellect, crafty, careless ofthe morality of his means if they would butenable him to reach his end, he was esteemedby his father above any of his seven brotliers,and chosen for any service in which wit orunprincipled vigour was required. When Philo-pator's heir was born, he was sent to carrv liisfather's congratulations to the king; and heoutstripped all the otlier emissaries in the lavish-ness and skill of his gifts, and in the degree ofroyal favour wliich he secured. The expense hehad incurrt d combined with his father's jealousyand his brothers' hatred to make him unwelcomeat home ; and returning to Alexandria, there islittle doubt that, on his father's death in 208 B.C.,he obtained from Philopator the promise of suc-cession to his father's ofhce. His brotliers bandedthemselves together to oppose him, and civil warwas prevented only by the interposition of thehigh priest. The death of Philopator left himwithout a patron. But gathering together hisfriends, he withdrew to the east of Jordan, wherehe built not far from Mount Heshbon a great


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50 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.castle, of which it is possible that the ruios stillexist at Arak-el-Emir, and from which he raidedthe neiiihboiirini]: tribes to his own enrichment,tliough nominally as the representative of theEgyptian king. In this condition of civil broil ^and disorder, the rule of the Ptolemies overJudea ended. Hvrcanus and his larji^e and wide-spread following were for Egypt; his brothers,with their immense wealth and influence, forSyria : and Judea was the bribe, offered by eachto a military despotism in order that vengeanceupon a brother might follow.


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CHAPTEn V.JUDEA UNDER THE 5ELEUCID.E (SYRIAXS).

IX 198 B.C., Antiochus the Great made good hishold upon Jerusalem ; hut while that cityremained tranquil and favoured under his rule,the neighbouring districts and the outlying partsof Judea were filled with every kind of disorder.The victories of the king had brought him intoconflict with the Komans, and the necessity ofprotecting the north-western frontiers of his king-dom prevented liim from pursuing his expeditionagainst Egypt. Peace was made with Ptolemyon the conditions that he should marry Cleopatra,daughter of Antiochus, and receive Coele-Syriaand Palestine as her dowry. Until the latterwas delivered, it was arranged that the taxes ofthe country should be divided between the twokin^s. It does not seem to have been the inten-tion of Antiochus at any time to keep this treaty ;but its actual results were, that, whilst he neverreleased his hold upon Jerusalem, elsewhere

51


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52 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.Syrian and Egyptian garrisons were found sideby side. The people were subject to a twofoldtvrannv, uncertain who was their actual master,in turn the sport and the prize of the contendingparties. At the same time, the feeling of thenation was almost certainly in favour of Syria.For numerous as were the Jews in Alexandria, inAntioch they appear to have formed even a largerpercentage of the population, and to have spreadthemselves over the whole district around. InBabylonia they had multiplied to such an extentthat Antiochus was able to transfer two thousandfamilies to Phrygia and Lydia. At Damascustheir numbers were estimated variously at tenand at eighteen thousand. Xot only did theyform almost the most numerous nationality withinthe Syrian kingdom, but both their services tothe State and the policy of the king secured forthem particular favours. An old narrative,^ thatis not free from exaggeration, tells how eightthousand Babylonian Jews had gained a victoryfor Antiochus over an army of Galatians, fifteentimes as large. Privileges and honours naturallyfollowed. During the earlier part of the Syriansupremacy, Judea remained in this insecure anddangerous condition. It was bound to Antiochusby the grace of his rule, and by the respectwith which throughout his kingdom the Jews

^ 2 Mace. viii. 20.


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JUDEA UNDER THE SELEUCID.E (SYRIANS). 53were treated. But all the time a minority ofstrong men were becoming more jealous of theGreek influences that were modifying socialmanners and threatening religious beliefs. TheEgyptian party was encouraged by Hyrcanus, allwhose resources and vigour were at its disposal.Ever}^ week would witness collisions betweenthe outposts of the two nations that occupiedthe land ; and in these continual skirmishes andrivalries, Jewish property would be appropriatedwithout compunction, and Jewish life counted asof no value.

Antiochiis was killed in 187 B.C. He wastrying to raise the immense contribution whichthe Eomans imposed upon him at his defeat byplundering some of the temples in his kingdomand at Elymais the sacrilege excited a tumult, inwhich the kins's life was lost. His son, SeleucusPhilopator, succeeded him. During the eleven ortwelve years of his reign, no change seems tohave taken place in the political condition ofJudea, or in its confused partition beween Egyptand Syria. The resources of the latter had beenexhausted by the struggle with Eome ; and allthat Seleucus could do was to maintain his re-duced kingdom, and find sufficient money for hisannual tribute.The high priest was Onias III., who succeeded

his father, Simon II., in 198 or 195 B.C. He is


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54 FROM MALACHI TO MAITHEJV.described ^ as " a virtuous and a good man, reverendin conversation, gentle in behaviour, exercisedfrom a child in all points of virtue," and " zealousof the laws." He was the head of the Chasidim,the largest and most influential party in Jeru-^salem ; and as such, he naturally attracted thehatred of the Hellenists, who were led by hisown brother, Jason or Jesus. But his earlierdifficulties came from another source. Amongstthe officials of the temple was a "governor,"whose exact duties at this time it is impossibleto determine. He was probably either chargedwith the provision of the various supplies for thetemple, a kind of steward, or a surveyor responsiblefor the maintenance of the temple buildings. Butwhatever the exact office, it was one of dignityand influence, and was now held by " Simon ofthe tribe of Benjamin," whom it is not necessaryto identifv with one of the older sons of Tobias.Jerusalem was already disturbed by the constantdisputes between the latter and their half-brother,Hyrcanus, whose wealth was stored for safety inthe temple. The one was a partisan of Egypt,the others of Syria ; and Onias seems to havebeen so just and impartial that, whilst he per-mitted the former to avail himself of the usualtreasury, his loyalty to Syria was such thatSeleucus " of his own revenues bare all the costs

* 2 Mace. xv. 12.


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JUDEA UNDER THE SELEUCID.E (SYRIANS). 55belonging to the service of the sacrifices."^ Andnow Simon the ]3enj;unite stirred \\\) the Helleneising party, and used his high office to bailie andweaken Onias, and to modify the traditionalmanner of worship. For him the result wascomplete failure, lie was either banished fromJerusalem, or retired of his own accord. Inreven-'e he betook himself to Apollonius, themilitary governor of Coele-Syria, and informedhim that the temple was full of money, notbelondmr to the sanctuary, but deposited therefor safety, and therefore easily seizable by theking. Apollonius quickly communicated the newsto Seleucus, who sent liis chief minister, Helio-dorus, to secure the property. Deaf to theentreaties of Onias, Heliodorus appointed a daywhen the treasure must be either delivered upto him, or taken by force. A Jew, writingseveral generations after the event, describes ^the agony of alarm and awe that stirred thepeople of Jerusalem. Before the altar of burntsacrifice the priests prostrated themselves, whilstthe courts were crowded with worshippers. Thehorror-stricken pontiff, the matrons girt withsackcloth, and the maidens at the windows, " all

1 2 Mace. iii. 3.2 2 Mace. iii. The Second Book of Maccabees in its present

form is an abridgment in Greek of a larger work, also written inGreek, ascribed (2 Mace. ii. 23) to a certain Jason, a Jew ofGyrene.


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56 FROM MALACHI TO MATTHEW.holding their hands toward heaven made suppli-cation." As Heliodorus was proceeding to enterthe temple, he was overtaken by an angelic horse-man, attended by two youths, " notable in strength,excellent in beauty, comely in apparel." Beneath ^their scourges Heliodorus fell, " speechless, withouthope of life."

From Malachi to Matthew, History of Judea 440 to 4 BC, R. Waddy Moss, 1893

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