171 From Communalism to Communal Nationalism: Party Society, Destruction of Civic Life and Communal Violence in Gujarat (II) The present chapter analyzes the second and third phases of communal violence as discussed earlier that is, the spread of communal ideas among the masses and the rise and growth of communal party society in Gujarat. The chapter discusses the programme and various techniques used by Hindu communal organizations to convert circumstantial bias against Muslims into communalism and then into communal nationalism. The chapter goes on to discuss the formation of communal party society in Gujarat. By dealing with the formal and informal power structures of Gujarat society the chapter analyzes the social, political and economic environment of Gujarat, the different kinds of communal violence between Hindus and Muslims and its utilization by Hindu communal organizations. The chapter takes Ahmedabad as a case study and analyzes many civic and political functions of Hindu communal groups which resulted in hate, bias, loss of trust and mutual misunderstanding between Hindus and Muslims, causing the destruction of civic life. It also analyzes the different elections in Gujarat, caste alliances, the electoral strategy of BJP to win the support of ‘Hindus’ and the role of other Sangh organizations to influence Gujarat political and civic (politico- civic) life. The period of this study is 1985-2002. The chapter is divided into two parts; part one analyzes the politico-civic functions of Sangh Parivar among middle class/upper castes/lower castes and Lower/backward classes during the period 1985-1995, and part two discusses the politico-civic work of Sangh Parivar to permanently maintain the hold of their ideology among masses and civil/political society, the formation of communal party society and the destruction of civic life during the period 1995-2002. The work of
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171
From Communalism to Communal Nationalism: Party Society,
Destruction of Civic Life and Communal Violence in Gujarat (II)
The present chapter analyzes the second and third phases of communal
violence as discussed earlier that is, the spread of communal ideas among
the masses and the rise and growth of communal party society in Gujarat.
The chapter discusses the programme and various techniques used by Hindu
communal organizations to convert circumstantial bias against Muslims into
communalism and then into communal nationalism. The chapter goes on to
discuss the formation of communal party society in Gujarat. By dealing with
the formal and informal power structures of Gujarat society the chapter
analyzes the social, political and economic environment of Gujarat, the
different kinds of communal violence between Hindus and Muslims and its
utilization by Hindu communal organizations. The chapter takes Ahmedabad
as a case study and analyzes many civic and political functions of Hindu
communal groups which resulted in hate, bias, loss of trust and mutual
misunderstanding between Hindus and Muslims, causing the destruction of
civic life. It also analyzes the different elections in Gujarat, caste alliances,
the electoral strategy of BJP to win the support of ‘Hindus’ and the role of
other Sangh organizations to influence Gujarat political and civic (politico-
civic) life. The period of this study is 1985-2002. The chapter is divided into
two parts; part one analyzes the politico-civic functions of Sangh Parivar
among middle class/upper castes/lower castes and Lower/backward classes
during the period 1985-1995, and part two discusses the politico-civic work
of Sangh Parivar to permanently maintain the hold of their ideology among
masses and civil/political society, the formation of communal party society
and the destruction of civic life during the period 1995-2002. The work of
172
Sangh Parivar among the civil society and political society has also been
analyzed
Formal and Informal Power Structure of Gujarat and the Sangh
Parivar (1985-1995)
Gujarat witnessed several incidents of violence between Hindus and
Muslims between 1969 and 1985. Many conflictual situations resulted in
violence between the two religious groups. These violent events provided
the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to spread the ideology of communalism.
The decline of trade unions and of the Congress with its affiliated
organizations and the negative role played by the media during the violence
between Hindus and Muslims opened up the space for the Sangh Parivar to
communalize the politico-civic domain of the masses.1 I shall now examine
the upper caste and lower caste (also the middle class and lower class among
them) support to BJP and other Sangh organizations in Gujarat.
Although Congress made a successful alliance of the have-not communities
in Gujarat, it did nothing to resolve the growing differences among the
KHAM members. Congress, during this period, performed only political
functions and different local leaders were given responsibility to keep a hold
over their respective caste and communities. Thus the negligence of mass
mobilization by Congress on the principles of secularism and against
communalism caused its slow but steady decline. Many authors have argued
that the Congress, after the Emergency, began to lose its ground in Gujarat
1 See, Footnote number 59 of Chapter One of the Thesis. p. 35, see also, Chapter Three of
the Thesis, pp. 30-44.
173
and retained minimal or no mass appeal.2 Congress lost its previous status of
an organized party and this opened up the space for Sangh Parivar’s
communal mobilization.
Unlike Congress, the Sangh Parivar was a disciplined organization. While
the BJP was performing state functions, the other Sangh bodies3 were
executing civic functions and were working to spread the ideas of
communalism. Congress failed to check this development and the gap
between Hindus and Muslims was widened.
The violence which occurred during 1965-1985 was due to circumstantial
bias; the main hurdle for BJP and other Sangh bodies was to convert it into
communalism. Circumstantial bias (mainly the violence arising out due to
it) is a condition which is used by the communal organizations to mobilize
the Hindu masses against ‘threatening others.’4 This could only be done if
the upper and the lower/backward castes Hindus were mobilized on
communal grounds against a projected common Muslim enemy.’ The 1985
anti-reservation riots against Dalits and its transformation into an anti-
Muslim violence provided the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to mobilize the
upper castes and lower castes on communal grounds.
2 See, Atul Kohli, Democracy and Discontent: India’s Growing Crisis of Governability,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). pp.238-266. see also, Ghanshyam Shah,
“Strategy of Social Engineering: Reservation and Mobility of Backward Communities of
Gujarat,” in Ramashray Roy and Richard Sisson (eds.), Diversity and Dominance in
Indian Politics (Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990). 3 The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajarang Dal, Rashtriya
Sevika Samiti, Durga Vahini, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram etc. 4 For more, see Chapter One of the Thesis. pp. 37-43.
174
During the anti-reservation riots against Dalits in 1985, the Sangh Parivar
utilized upper caste anger against Muslims, who (with Dalits) avoided the
call for a bandh by upper castes against the policy of implementing
reservation to backward communities. The upper castes (who were active in
anti-Dalit riots) saw it as Muslim-Dalit unity to prepare for revenge.
Therefore, to teach Muslims a lesson, the upper caste started violence
against them as well.5 When the riots against Dalits turned into violence
against Muslims, the Dalits also took active part.6
Therefore for BJP and other Sangh bodies, to produce a base among the
‘Hindus’ it was necessary that the violence should occur on the basis of
communal ideology and they should be strong enough between upper and
lower castes to create and maintain the conflictual situation between Hindus
and Muslims. To achieve this goal, they tried to communalize the everyday
forms of civil life of the masses by entering in their politico-civic domain.
They not only mobilized a mass support during the period 1985-2002 but
also communalized the civil and political society.
The Sangh Parivar and Mobilization of Upper and Lower/Backward
Castes: Case Study of Ahmedabad 1985-1995
Ahmedabad City: A Brief Profile
Ahmedabad city is situated on the Sabarmati river bank and regarded as the
most urbanized and industrialized city of Gujarat. As per the 2001 census
report, the area under Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation has a population
5 See, Chapter Three of the Thesis. pp. 30-44. 6 Ibid.
175
of 3,520,085.7 The population of the Ahmedabad urban agglomeration is
4,525,013. Ahmedabad has a literacy rate of 79.89%, the second highest in
Gujarat only after Gandhinagar, which has the literacy rate of 87.11%.8
According to the census for the Ninth Plan, 30,737 rural families are living
in Ahmedabad. Of these, the number of families who live below the poverty
line is 5.41% (1663 families).9 Approximately 440,000 people live in the
slum areas of the city. According to the 2001 census report, the Hindus are
in a majority with 84.2% population while the percentage of the Muslim
population is 11.4%.10
7 See, Estimated Slum Population in the Metropolitan Cities Table: 7.2.11. Accessed Via:
http://mospi.gov.in/comenv2000tab7.2.11.htm. Dated: 30/12/2010. 8 See, “Gujarat Language Special: Literacy,” (September 13, 2011). Accessed Via:
http://mediaware-infotech.com/newsletter/Gujarati/literacy.htm. Dated. 13/09/2011. 9 See, “Talukawise Number of BPL Families: After Rechecking i.e. as on 1/9/01,”
Source: Maps of India; Accessed Via: http://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/gujarat/ahmedabadcity.htm. Dated: 28/12/2010.
11 The Sabarmati River (Blue color line in the map) divides the city into two parts, i.e Old
Ahmedabad and Western Belt. Although some authors divide the city into four parts, the
old city; the industrial belt; the new western districts; and the suburban region which is
outside the boundaries of the AMC, but within the Urban Development authority of
Ahmedabad. See, Neera Chandhoke, “Civil Society in Conflict Cities: The Case of
Ahmedabad,” Crisis States Research Centre, Working Paper No. 64. (November, 2009).
p.7. Accessed Via: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/28476/1/WP64.2.pdf. Dated. 16/1/2010. see
also, Darshan Mahadevia, “Communal Space over Life Space: Saga of Increasing
Vulnerability in Ahmedabad,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 37, No. 48. (Nov. 30
- Dec.6, 2002), pp. 4851. I am study the city by dividing it into two parts, old Ahmedabad
and the Western belt. Old Ahmedabad is also known as the Industrial belt of the city.
177
Map 2
Source: Amdavad Aerial.jpg. (the Nehru Bridge which connects old and western Ahmedabad). Accessed Via: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Amdavad_Aerial.jpg. Dated: 28/12/2010.
Geographically, the city is divided into eastern and the western parts by the
river Sabarmati (see Map. 1); the two parts are connected by five bridges
(see Map-2). The Sabarmati River divides the city into two parts, one is old
Ahmedabad and the other is the western belt. The western belt is
predominantly upper and middle class belt and the old Ahmedabad is known
as the chawl areas (consisting of one room housing units) and slums. Many
industries are situated here and its workers stay in this belt. Some of the
areas of old Ahmedabad (like Dariapur, Naroda Patia, Bapunagar,
Behrampur, Jamalpur etc) are among those areas which has witnessed many
incidents of caste riots and communal violence.12
In terms of per capita income, Gujarat ranked highest among all the states of
India. It is regarded as one of the richest states in India mainly because it has
12 Based on the field survey in Ahmedabad.
178
taken full advantage of the policy of globalization and liberalization. The
closure of many textile mills during the period from 1980s resulted in the
collapse of the textile industry of Ahmedabad. Globalization has opened
opportunities for the Chemical and petro-chemical industries. The city has
also attracted the foreign direct investment (FDI) in infrastructure and real
estate development. ‘A River Front Development Plan,’ of Rs 12,000
million is already under process with the objective to develop a central
business district on both sides of the river Sabarmati.13 The impact of
globalization is visible in the development of city. For the past ten years the
city has witnessed the rapid constructions of malls, restaurants and cinemas
and many businesses. The rapid growth of city and opening of new jobs in
private sectors has made many people of Ahmedabad economically secure
and in the later years Ahmedabad witnessed the rise of an aggressive middle
class (mainly upper castes) who identified themselves with the communal
ideology in the era of liberalization and privatization against Muslims and to
seek a new identity and position.14
Mobilization of Upper Castes and Lower/Backward Castes in Gujarat
and the Sangh Parivar (1985-1995)
As analyzed in the previous chapter, Gujarat society is characterized by the
domination of castes. During the period from 1965 to 1985, it was the caste
13 See Neera Chandhoke, “Civil Society in Conflict Cities,” opp.cite. pp. 7-8. 14 See, Amitabh Kundu, “Globalizing Gujarat: Urbanization, Employment and Poverty,”
Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 35, No. 35/36 (Aug. 26 – Sep, 2000.). pp. 3172-
3179&3181-3182. see also, Sujata Patel, “Urbanization, Development and
Communalization of Gujarat,” in Takashi Shinoda (eds.). The Other Gujarat (Mumbai:
Popular Prakashan, 2002). pp. 207-15.
179
conflict and competition between Patidar and Kshatriyas that dominated the
political scene in Gujarat. In 1960s and 1970s, the Patidars emerged as the
new elite and took control over state’s political and economic resources and
the Kshatriyas witnessed their decline on both fronts during this period.
When the KHAM formula was introduced by the Congress during late 1970s
and early 1980s, the Kshatriyas and the other KHAM members regrouped to
challenge the dominance of Patidars from Congress. This resulted in the
shifting of Patidars loyalties to non-Congress political parties namely the
Janta Dal and later the BJP. During this period, the Patidars, with Brahmins
and Banias, began to extend their support to BJP. With the upper castes
supporting the BJP, the entire period can be characterized as a step by step
ascendancy of the BJP in Gujarat’s political life.
BJP is known as a middle class and upper caste political party. Ideologically,
the BJP and other Sangh affiliated organizations are against the caste system
and they formally disregard the existing differences among Hindus on caste
lines. They urge unity among Hindus to wipe out the differences based on
caste lines. They also deny that the reason for backwardness among lower
castes groups lies with the dominance of the upper castes and they urge
lower castes to accept ‘good values and behavior through education’ and
improve their status in society.15 The Nav Nirrman Riots and their pro-upper
caste stand in many anti-reservation agitations of 80s suggested that it had a
pro-upper caste orientation. They were opposed to the reservation policy of
15 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” in Ghanshyam
Shah (eds.). Caste and Democractic Politics in India (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2002). p.
308.
180
the Congress and blamed Congress for playing caste politics and widening
the differences between the upper and the lower castes.16
On the political front, the Brahmins-Banias-Patels (all upper castes) were
disadvantaged by the implementation of the KHAM formula by Congress in
1980s. Further, the policy of Congress government to extend reservation for
backward communities made upper castes apprehensive and their anger was
expressed in several anti-reservation agitations and riots against lower
castes. Slowly they shifted their loyalties to BJP to seek a new political
identity and to regain their past status of a dominant force in Gujarat. More
particularly the support of Patidar community to BJP opened up space for
communal politics and organizations to penetrate the politico-civic domain
of the upper castes. The Patidar support to BJP was visible in the
parliamentary election of 1991. The Patel dominated Gandhinagar
constituency was claimed by Mr. L.K. Advani, defeating the Congress-
Chimanbhai combined Patel candidate.17 BJP again won the 1995 panchayat
elections by winning 18 out of 19 Zilla panchayats and 154 out of 183 taluka
panchayats.18 The BJP became a prominent political party among Patel
dominated constituencies.19 In the parliamentary elections of 1999 almost
16 Ibid. 17 See, Ashim Roy, “Gujarat Genocide: The Passage to Fascism,” Accessed Via:
http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv8n2/gujarat.htm. Dated. 19/11/2010. 18 Ibid. 19 The Banaskantha district, Mehsana, SabarKantha, Kheda, and Kutch have many Patel
villages where a sizable population lives; they started supporting the BJP in different
elections. Due to non-availability of census on caste lines, it is difficult to provide the
percentage of Patel population. The available source is 1931 census, where Patel
constituted almost 13% of the entire population, considering the data, the figure might
181
89% Patidars voted for BJP.20 Such a polarization of one community to a
political party is known to be the highest in the country. The Patidar
community plays a decisive role in 62 constituencies in Gujarat and its
support to BJP and other Sangh organization during late 1980s opened space
for communal politics. The reasons of upper castes support to BJP lies in the
KHAM formula of Congress. The upper castes (who were suffering from
anti-lower caste and anti-Muslim feelings) automatically provided BJP a
platform to widen its support base in the politics of Gujarat. The pro-upper
caste orientation of BJP and its increasing support base among them during
1970s and 1980s encouraged it to support their cause and it did not criticize
any of the anti-reservation agitations or caste riots against backward
communities. What is more, it is alleged that some of its members took
active part in these agitations or riots.21
On the other hand, the political strategy of Congress from the 1980’s
resulted in the gradual emergence of Dalits, Adivasis (Tribal community)
and Muslims in the electoral process as an independent political force in
Gujarat.22 This led to the fragmentation of the existing political parties in
Gujarat and the upper castes (who are not numerically significant) found
themselves unable to mobilize a counteractive force against this coalition
(KHAM). The repeated wins of Congress in two consecutive elections of
have been increased. See, Ghanshyam Shah. Caste Association and Political Process in
Gujarat: A Study of Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1975). p.9. 20 See, Ashim Roy, “Gujarat Genocide,” opp.cite. 21 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” opp.cite. 22 The KHAM (Kshtriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims) formula introduced and
implemented by Congress during late 1970s and 1980s.
182
1980 and 1985 with the support of KHAM communities resulted in the
breaking of the upper caste hegemony in Gujarat and the upper castes
consequently failed to build a political base adequate to win political power.
But the upper castes also wanted to regain their previous status and the logic
of their will to regain their status required that the upper castes be linked to
the BJP and that the BJP would have to mobilize backward castes under the
Hindutva plank to avoid any lower caste alliance/s to emerge. Two factors
produced the upper caste psyche. First, the BJP with other Sangh
organizations is an upper castes-middle class political party and further, the
upper castes had realized that their past status in the state could only be
reverted if they supported the BJP23. The second factor was the acceptance
of liberalized economic policy, which opened new job opportunities in the
private sector. Thus, by the 1990s, the upper castes did not have any major
threat from the lower/backward castes and the reservation policy of the
government, they controlled their aggressive attitude and accepted stand of
the BJP on reservation policy and the lower castes. This development also
provided a sign of relief to those lower/backward castes who were the main
victims of several anti-reservation agitations and riots.24
This helped BJP and other Sangh organizations to mobilize lower/backward
caste Hindus. By the mid-1980s the BJP changed its strategy towards lower
castes groups. The numerical strength of lower caste groups and a high level
of mobilization and awareness among them compelled BJP to rethink its
23 Many upper castes during my field survey in Dariapur, Bapunagar and Naroda-Patia
admitted that they started supporting BJP because the ‘BJP oppose caste system and caste
based discrimination and it was against the reservation policy of Congress. 24 See Chapter Three of the Thesis, pp. 40-42.
183
upper caste oriented policies and it started efforts to mobilize lower castes
on communal grounds. During the late 1970s and mid 1980s, BJP was
against the reservation system and supported the upper caste cause. The
election of 1980 and 1985 and the majority of seats won by Congress with
the support of lower/backward communities indicated the importance of
these groups as far as the elections and its results were concerned. Therefore,
after the election of 1985 the BJP adopted a pro-lower/backward caste
strategy to mobilize them on communal grounds (this point is discussed at
length in the later part of the chapter) to make itself strong in Gujarat. The
BJP corrected its stand on reservation and started projecting and propagating
the causes of lower/backward castes to mobilize them.25
Since the ideology of the BJP is based on the majoritarian concept of the
Hindu Rashtra (nation), it cannot ignore the large population of Dalits,
Tribals and OBCs; they have to be mobilized at a political level to make a
national Hindu community. The breaking of the upper caste hegemony and
the rise of awareness among the lower caste groups forced BJP to adopt pro-
lower caste policies. On the other hand, the awareness and the rise of a small
middle class among lower caste groups failed to make a powerful bloc in
Gujarat against the atrocities of upper castes - primarily because Gujarat had
never witnessed any lower caste movement against the hegemony of upper
castes in earlier times. After the decline of Congress and its KHAM formula
the lower/backward castes could not develop any political party/alliance on
caste lines. This environment provided space for right wing mobilization
25 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” opp.cite. pp. 295-
314. see also, Ghanshyam Shah, “BJP’s Rise to Power,” Economic and Political Weekly
Vol. 31, No. 2/3 (Jan. 13-20, 1996). pp. 165-170.
184
based on the ideas of communalism. More particularly from 1985, the BJP
and its sister organizations started making efforts to give the lower castes a
‘Hindu’ identity through its various programs and techniques.
Therefore the period 1985-1995 witnessed the mobilization of
lower/backward castes in the Sangh Parivar fold, the spread of the
communal ideology among the ‘Hindus’. The period of 1996-2002
witnessed the spread of communal nationalism, after the successful
mobilization of many upper castes and lower/backward castes by Sangh
Parivar and the destruction of civic life. While the period of 1985-1995 saw
the spread of communalism in the politico-civic domain of the masses as the
Sangh Parivar successfully communalized the everyday forms of civic
engagements among the masses. It also resulted in the communalization of
the associational forms of civic engagements (civil society) and political
society. The Sangh Parivar found legitimacy in Gujarat and the period of
1996-2002 witnessed the formation of communal party society and its strong
and undisputed presence in the politico-civic domain of the masses. I study
their program and technique in mobilizing the masse, and communalizing
civil and political society in Gujarat (Ahmedabad as a case study) by
dividing the phase into two parts; part one analyzes the period 1985-1995
and part two discusses the period 1996-2002. The Sangh Parivar, during the
period 1986-2002, became strong enough to create and maintain conflictual
situations between Hindus and Muslims. I shall now examine the upper caste
support to BJP and the programs and techniques of Sangh Parivar in
communalizing the politico-civic life and mobilizing lower/backward castes
of Gujarat (Ahmedabad) during 1985-1995 and their efforts to keep a hold
over them during the period 1995-2002.
185
The State and Civic Functions of Sangh Parivar and Mobilization of
Lower/Backward Castes: 1985-1995
The violence of 1985 provided the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to mobilize
lower/backward castes on communal grounds by projecting Muslims as a
big threat.26 In my recent field survey in Dariapur locality27, Bapunagar
locality of Ahmedabad and Gomtipur28, the Hindus (lower castes) provided
26 In the previous chapter I have discussed the 1985 caste riots which later turned into
Hindu-Muslim violence. My purpose here is to show the Sangh Parivar’s techniques of
mobilizing lower/backward castes against Congress and Muslims. 27 Dariapur locality of Ahmedabad consists of Hindu (upper castes and lower castes) and
Muslims. It is a mixed population area mainly it is a slum locality. The majority of the
populations are poor who used to work in textile industry or were third class or fourth
class employees in weaving and spinning departments. Some of them are now either run
small shops, rickshaw pullers or do work on daily wages as unorganized labor. 28 Bapunagar and Gomtinagar Localities of Ahmedabad is a slum area, where recently
BJP government issued notices to vacate the area, occupied by the people, primarily
because it is known as illegal and encroached area. Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (
hereafter AMC) also demolished several buildings and tried to evacuate the area
considering it to be illegally occupied land by the people. Important point needs to be
mentioned here, Bapunagar and Gomtinagar localities were among those areas which
witnessed gruesome killings of Muslims in Gujarat violence of 2002. see, “Ahmedabad
Municipal Corporation Moves to Clear Slums,” Daily News and Analysis. Accessed Via:
nt. Dated: 30/1/2012. see also, Sanjeevini Badigar, “ A ‘Normal’ Anomaly: Displacement
due to Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. XLVII, No.
3. (January 21, 2012). pp. 42-44. These two localities i.e Bapunagar and Gomtipur
contains the population who are regarded as the localities which contain the political
society, these localities and population residing in these localities are considered as
illegal in Ahmedabad.
187
It was a period of great turmoil for us (Dalits), we were
the victims of upper castes anger due to ‘caste politics’29
by Congress and police action against us. It was the
members of Bhjap (BJP) and VHP, which provided
relief, food and shelter to us against riots and police
atrocities. The Congress did nothing to save us because
it wanted to continue the riots against us. Police is a
government body, and the police action against us
clearly indicated that the Congress government gave
them direction. If there had not been Bhajap (BJP) and
VHP, our existence was in danger. Thus we started
supporting them and were convinced that the Muslims
and the Congress both are our enemies and our all
problems were due to them. We corrected our previous
wrongs and supported Bhajap (BJP) in coming
elections.
But at the same time there were some Dalits who had a different opinion
about the Congress, anti-reservation riots against them and their support to
BJP. Ram Prasad (name changed, age 42 years) of the same locality with
two other members answered me that; 29 I asked him about the ‘caste politics’ of Congress, he said that the Congress
government was trying to divide the ‘Hindus’ by supporting ‘Muslims’. It tried to widen
the differences between us (upper and lower castes) to gain the political mileage. We
(Dalits) were the victims of caste politics of Congress and not the upper castes agitation
against us. The upper caste agitated due to Congress and we admit that had there been no
caste politics, there had been no riots against us. (Clearly the Sangh Parivar convinced the
lower/backward castes and mobilized them against Congress).
188
It was upper castes who, without any provocation from
us, started riots. They were against the system which
was introduced by the Congress government for our
help and to improve our economic status.30 We were
scared due to riots and police atrocities against us.
Although we supported Congress (because it was
working for our welfare), but were unhappy because the
government did not make any effort to help us. When
Bhajap (BJP) and VHP helped us, we welcomed their
support. And later started supporting it in different
elections. Our support to BJP and other Sangh
organizations is not because they blame Muslims to be
anti-national etc, but because they still support us.
Because of them our children go to schools, we have
work for our livelihood.31
Anti upper caste feelings were also realized among some lower castes during
the field survey. Many lower/backward castes were angry and agitated
against the upper castes and their anti-lower castes stands in many riots.32
30 He was talking about reservation system, although the reservation was for OBCs, many
Dalits thought that the Government had introduced some concrete planning for their
welfare and the upper castes did not like it and thus they instigated riots against Dalits. 31 For the help which VHP provided to the Hindus of Gujarat, see, Sewa Work; Prant
Vise: Vishwa Hindu Parishad Sewa: In the Service of the Poor and Downtrodden:
16/12/2010. 32 Interview with the lower castes of Dariapur, Shree Veer Maurya Nagar and Bapunagar
localities.
189
The Sangh Parivar (like RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal) did not try to change
the thinking of some lower castes about the upper castes. They continuously
worked among them more rigorously to mobilize them against Muslims on
the basis of communal ideology.33
In another locality ‘Bapunagar, the Dalits also have almost the same story to
tell. Fakir Chand (name changed, age 47 years) also admitted that the
Bhajap and VHP provided help to them during the riots. He also informed
me that the Sangh Parivar distributed lathis and trishuls to them. They began
to support Sangh Parivar since it was only because of them that they had
acquired an identity and were living a dignified life. Therefore, the Sangh
Parivar mobilized the lower/backward castes against the projected enemy
Muslims and for the ‘protection of Hinduism’ by calling them the true
protector of religion and Hindu culture.34
Through these works the Sangh Parivar tried to create a space for communal
mobilization of Dalits. The Sangh Parivar successfully entered into their
politico-civic domain and in later years roused an intense campaign to co-opt
Dalits by spreading anti-Muslim feelings among them. They introduced
various programs which were being successfully orchestrated by different
bodies of the Sangh Parivar to communalize them.
33 The finding is based on the interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain, chief functionary of
RSS (Ahmedabad), Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of VHP (Ahmedabad) and
Kaushal Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of Bajrang Dal (Ahmedabad) during my field
survey in Ahmedabad. (emphasis added). The names of the office bearers are changed. 34 Interview with Fakir Chand and four other persons of the Bapunagar locality.
190
The poor upper castes of the Dariapur area were also covered during the
field survey in Ahmedabad. Like the Dalits, they were also the victims of
economic scarcity due to closure of many textile mills. Many among them
lost their jobs and were in a miserable condition. I discussed the matter of
1985 with some upper castes35 (mainly lower Patels of Dariapur area),36they
were more vocal and have a strong anti-Muslim and anti-Congress feelings.
The members of upper castes informed me that;
During those days (the period upto 1980s), we were in a
good position. We had secured jobs and economically
our life was more secure. We had enough money for our
daily needs and for our children (like for their education
and marriages). But the economic scarcity and closure
of many business (textile mills) and departments (the
offices of these mills or some other private enterprises)
resulted in the loss of our jobs. Our life, all of a sudden,
became miserable. We witnessed the toughest time of
our life and there was no one to help us, to provide us
some jobs for even our basic needs. The policy of
35 Here I have mingled the interview of five upper castes Patel members of the locality,
their age are between 49 to 56. 36 Patels are divided into upper (Leva Patels) and lower (Kadva) Patels. The Patels of
Dariapur area are known to be lower in caste hierarchy. They were workers in textile
industry and some of them were third or fourth class employee in different departments
and industry. For more, see, Achyut Yagnik, “Hindutva as a Svarana Purana,” in Asis
Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality: Ram Janam Bhoomi and the Fear of Self (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 100-123. see also, David Pocok. Kanbi and
Patidar: A Study of the Patidar Community of Gujarat (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972).
191
Congress government to favor lower castes created more
frustration among us and we were thinking that our
‘golden days’ (sunehrey din) were over. When some
people fought against this injustice of Congress (the
anti-reservation agitation), we supported it, because for
our survival it was necessary for us to support the anti-
Dalit and anti-Congress movement.
When asked about their reason/s of their support BJP and other Sangh
organizations, they replied;
The Bhajap, VHP and RSS supported us in many ways.
We were hopeless during those days (since 1985, after
closure of many textile mills and downfall of many trade
unions) and the ‘social workers’ of these ‘social
organizations’ extended their help to us in finding new
jobs. They collected money from the rich persons of the
city and helped us in opening some small shops, which
make us believe that they are the true protectors of
Gujarati poor people. We started supporting Bhajap and
other social organizations and began to attend different
camps and social gathering organized and invited by
them.
I also visited Baram Pur, Naroda-Patia, Bapunagar and Gomtipur: the
‘Hindus’ (both upper and lower castes) there have almost the same story to
tell. The upper castes (Brahmins and Banias) informed me that they became
sympathetic to BJP after the riots of 1969 and were convinced that Muslims
192
were traitors and anti-nationals. The lower castes of the localities became
pro-BJP when they realized that the Sangh Parivar was working to give them
an identity and had invited them to several Rath Yatras. It showed to the
lower castes that the Sangh Parivar was against caste system. They were
happy that there is no place for caste based discrimination in Sangh Parivar.
The Sangh Parivar used two different ways to enter into the politico-civic
domain of the poor lower castes and poor upper castes during the period
1985-1995. For lower castes, they tried to give them the ‘Hindu identity’ by
providing relief during the period of economic crisis and riots against them.
On the other hand, among the poor upper castes, they just provided them the
financial help to start small business/es or helped them in finding new jobs
by showing that only the Sangh Parivar could protect the Hindus.37 They did
not try to implement the Hindu identity among the poor upper caste,
primarily because they already carried a ‘Hindu’ identity; rather they
implemented a different politico-cultural understanding to that identity, that
is militant Hindutva. Therefore many people of slum locality welcomed the
Sangh Parivar for their survival and helped in legitimizing the ideology of
communalism. The Sangh Parivar also recruited many individuals as their
active members from these localities. Mainly the Naroda-Patia, Bapunagar
and Gomtipur localities provided space to the Sangh Parivar and the Parivar
37 The finding is based on my field survey in Dariapur, Naroda-Patia, Bapunagar,
Gomtipur. For the assistance provided to them by the Sangh Parivar, see, Sewa Work;
Prant Vise: Vishwa Hindu Parishad Sewa: In the Service of the Poor and Downtrodden:
(primarily VHP and Bajrang Dal activists) mobilized people from these
localities for Hindutva war against Muslims.38
The several state functions of BJP and the civic functions of other Sangh
organizations during 1985-1995 resulted in the mobilization of the upper and
lower castes Hindus. The upper castes and lower castes of Gujarat were
convinced that they were stifled in their own country by the Muslim
aggressive minority who were a big threat to Gujarat-India and Hindus. This
assumption resulted in the successful spread of ideology of communalism
during 1990s. Thus the Sangh Paivar through its several functions, programs
and techniques created an ideologically legitimate boundary between the
Hindus and Muslims and mobilized many upper castes and lower castes.
During the latter years, the ‘mobilized Hindus’ were given several issues for
the ‘Hindutva’ movement.
The Rath Yatras and the Lower/Backward Castes: Spread of
Communal Ideology and the Communal Violence in Ahmedabad
The 1985 caste riots which turned into Hindu-Muslim violence provided the
Sangh Parivar an opportunity to mobilize lower/backward castes on
communal grounds by propagating anti-Muslim ideas. In 1985, the moment
of the conflictual situation between Hindus and Muslims arrived, and once
the violence between Hindus and Muslims started, the Sangh Parivar became
active by carrying out several relief works among Hindus. Later, they
organized several yatras to create, maintain and widen the conflictual
situation between Hindus and Muslims and to construct the ‘Hindu’ identity
38 Interview with the Kaushal Bhai Mehta, (name changed, age, 52 years) Chief
Functionary of Bajran Dal, Ahmedabad unit.
194
(mainly among the lower castes). Therefore, the ‘1985 Hindu-Muslim
violence’ provided the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to spread the ideology
of communalism among lower/backward castes to mobilize them against
‘Muslims’. Gujarat witnessed a series of yatras (either organized by Sangh
Parivar or their active participation in annual religious yatras). This caused
several incidents of communal violence which created an emotional
environment and further reinforced the ideology of communalism among the
lower/backward castes. To cite some examples; the annual Jagannath Yatra39
and the active participation of RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal and BJP resulted in
incidents of communal violence between Hindus and Muslims. The
disturbance started when the some mischievous persons started throwing
stones at the procession (Jagannath Yatra). Some people chanted anti-
Muslim slogans and this provoked some Muslims in the Dariapur and
39 In many cities of Gujarat like Amdavad, Surat, Bhavnagar, Ahmedabad etc, the annual
lord Jagannath yatra is carried out annually with high devotional fervor and joy. The
Jagannath Mandir in Amdavad annually organizes the yatra through the walled areas of
the city. People make kaleidoscopic Raths and floats of various materials which are
mounted on the trucks. When the chariots with the idols (mainly lord Jagannath, i.e lord
Krishna) arrive, people ritually sprinkle rice and gulal powder as a form of puja. The
participants sitting in these raths liberally hand out fistfuls of prasadam of raw, sprouted
mung beans. Children are given sweets and confectionary. Finally, the three hand-drawn
raths of Subhadra, Balaram and Lord Krishna are pushed by devotees. The flurry and
festive excitement is enhanced by the jubilant chanting of `Jai Ranchhod Makhan Chor'.
Indra, the god of rain, too arrives to participate! It has been noted that sometime during
the Rath Yatra, usually late afternoon or early evening, he sprinkles a light shower, never
a heavy downpour, sanctifying the occasion. The yatra is an annual feature in Gujarat and
is taken on the day of 'Ashadh Beej', a day, on which, the famous Puri Rath Yatra is also
taken out.
195
Kalupur localities. Once the violence started, the Sangh Parivar appealed to
Dalits and invited them and other backward castes to join the ‘holy war to
protect Hinduism’40 against the ‘threat of Muslims’. Many people from these
slum localities took active part in communal violence against Muslims. The
1986 communal violence witnessed an active participation of
lower/backward castes. The violence claimed the lives of 80 people and left
50 people injured.41 This phase of violence indicated the shift of Dalits and
OBCs to the Sangh Parivar fold. During the period 1985-1990, the issue of
infiltration from Pakistan across Gujarat border was highlighted aggressively
and the Sangh Parivar systematically alleged that Muslims of Gujarat were
associated with the infiltrators. This further resulted into an increase in anti-
Muslim sentiments.42 In 1987, the VHP organized the Ram-Janaki Dharma
Yatra. The yatra aimed to ‘transcend caste and sect differences in the
worship of Lord Ram and to affirm the unity of Hindus’.43 This yatra also
caused communal violence, and for the first time the Adivasis (Tribals) of
Kheda and Sabarkantha district actively participated in it44 together with
other lower/backward caste groups. In 1989, the VHP again organized the
40 See, Asis Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality: The Rramjanambhumi Movement and
Fear of the Self (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997). p.106. 41 B. Rajeshwari. Communal Riots in India: A Chronology (New Delhi: IPCS Research
Paper, 2004). p. 14.
42 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “Gujarat After Godhra,” in Ramashray Roy and Paul Wallace
(eds.) India’s 2004 Elections: Grass-Roots and National Perspectives (Delhi: Sage
Publications,2007).
43 See, Asis Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality. opp cite. p.108. 44 Ibid.
196
Ram Shila Pujan Yatra in 1989 and managed to mobilise the support of the
lower/backward castes again. The members of the Sangh Parivar (like BJP,
RSS, Bajrang Dal, VHP) visited houses from door to door and village to
village to collect the bricks and raised Rs. 1.25 paisa from different castes to
construct the Ram temple in Ayodhya.45 They successfully aroused religious
sentiments and created an emotional environment in Gujarat in the name of
Ram-Janam Bhoomi, and members of Sangh Parivar were welcomed
enthusiastically by many Hindus of different cities and villages.46
The campaign of Sangh Parivar to mobilize all Hindus on communal
grounds witnessed a big set back when the then Prime Minister Mr. V.P
Singh, (who was the leader of National Front coalition government backed
by the BJP) announced the implementation of the Mandal commission
recommendations which extended reservation in government jobs and public
universities to the backward communities. In Gujarat, however, the
recommendation had a negligible impact. The then chief minister
Chimanbhai Patel (Patel also formed the coalition government with the
support of BJP) announced his disagreement with the proposed reservation
policy of the central government. The OBC communities did not oppose this
move of the Chief Minister primarily because they were already in a
dominating position in the state47 thanks to the previous reservations 45 See Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” opp.cite. pp. 310-
312. 46 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain. (Age 55 years, chief functionary of RSS,
Ahmedabad). 47 See, Sunita Parikh, The Politics of Preference: Democratic Institution and Affirmative
Action in the United States and India (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000).
p.183-184.
197
provided to them and to the KHAM formula of Congress. Such situations in
Gujarat benefited BJP and other Sangh organizations to remove any
possibility of another anti-reservation agitation and riots while L.K Advani
(the then BJP president) launched his Somnath to Ayodhya Rath Yatra to
build a Ram temple in September 1990 to mobilize all ‘Hindus’ on
communal grounds.48 The mobilization campaign for Kar Seva to construct
the proposed Ram temple at Ayodhya aggravated the communal
environment in Gujarat and caused many incidents of violence between
Hindus and Muslims. The Rath Yatra of Advani, which was managed by
Narendra Modi, covered almost the whole of Gujarat. The Ram Janam
Bhoomi movement became a central issue in Gujarat and the state witnessed
a series of violent clashes between the two communities.49 Many Hindus of
different castes in Gujarat supported and participated actively in the Rath
Yatra of Advani and committed themselves to the holy cause to liberate the
Ram Janam Bhumi.50 This aggravated the communal atmosphere in Gujarat
and caused violence in all twenty six places the Rath Yatra of Advani passed
through. The Sangh Parivar started its campaign to spread the ideology of
communalism and due to this, many Hindus from Gujarat took active part in
48 The Ayodhya dispute is a political, historical and socio-religious debate in India. It is
centred on a piece of land in the city of Ayodhya of Faizabad district, Uttar Pradesh. The
main cause of controversy revolve around the access to a site traditionally known as the
birthplace of Lord Rama,(a Hindu god) where is alleged by Hindu communal groups that
the Babri Mosque was built after the demolition or modification of the Ram temple. 49 See, “History of Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal-
the mayhem at Surat.53 The conflictual situation at Surat occurred due to the
demolition of Babri mosque by Hindu communal groups.
Therefore, the Sangh Parivar created a conflictual situation (demolition of
Babri mosque), which caused anger among a section of Muslim in Surat.
Once the issue of Mandir-Masjid (Ram Janam bhoomi and Babri Mosque
issue) provoked the masses it resulted into the incidents of communal
violence. The violence in Surat was provoked and led by Sangh Parivar to
mobilize Hindu lower/backward castes and upper castes by projecting
Muslim as a major threat to Hindus to consolidate a ‘Hindu vote bank by
mobilizing them on the basis of communal ideology which resulted into the
ideological reorientation of the Hindus.’ The following table will show the
many incidents of communal violence after 1985.
Communal Incidents in Gujarat: 1989-1999.
Source: Bharat Desai, The Times of India, Ahmedabad, 31-7-1999. B. Rajeshwari. Communal Riots in India: A Chronology (New Delhi: IPCS Research Paper, 2004).
53 See, B. Rajeshwari. Communal Riots in India: A Chronology. opp.cite. p.23.
Year
198
9
199
0
199
1
199
2
199
3
199
4
199
5
199
6
199
7
199
8
199
9
200
3
Communa
l incidents
157 76 49 160 91 17 23 29 23 68 30 ___
Deaths 34 222 60 378 116 02 07 05 07 03 08 800
Injured - - - - - - - - - - - 100
0
200
Unlike the previous violence between Hindus and Muslims which had
started on local issues, the violence after 1985 occurred due to the several
yatras or a nation-wide communal campaign to “liberate” the Ram Janam
Bhoomi. These yatras and the Ramjanam Bhoomi movement created a new
emotional environment in Gujarat and nationalized the communal identity.
The Sangh Parivar successfully defended and justified the communal
violence and acquired legitimacy among many Hindus in Gujarat. This
resulted in the maintenance of the conflictual situation created by the Sangh
Parivar and caused hate, lack of dialogue, loss of trust and mutual suspicion
between Hindus and Muslims. The political and civic space which was
vacated by the Congress, Gandhian institutions and labor unions, were filled
by the BJP and other Sangh organizations by communalizing the everyday
engagements of civic life. It resulted in powerful presence of communal
organizations and their ideology in the politico-civic domain of the masses.
I have discussed the 1985 violence and several relief works by Sangh
Parivar to mobilize ‘Hindus against Muslims earlier in this chapter. The
present section studies the works of different Sangh organizations among the
lower/backward castes which caused the spread of communalism and the
presence of Sangh Parivar in politico-civic domain of the masses. I mainly
interviewed the office bearers of RSS and VHP to know about their
activities during the period 1986-1995 to mobilize lower/backward castes on
communal grounds. Later I will focus my analysis on the period 1995-2002
and the activities of many organizations of Sangh Parivar to maintain the
influence of their ideology in Gujarat and to create Hindu domination over
others, which resulted in the formation of communal party society, spread of
communal nationalism and destruction of civic life.
201
Mr. Anil Bhai Jain (Age 55 years, chief functionary of RSS, Ahmedabad),
informed me when I asked about the work/s of RSS during the period 1986-
1995 and the reasons of ‘Hindu lower/backward castes mobilization’ in
Gujarat, he replied that,
‘the RSS became functional in Ahmedabad in 1952. As
you have pointed out about the ‘lower/backward castes’,
we do not believe in the caste system. For us there is no
Brahmin and Dalits in Hinduism. We are all the sons of
this soil, which is our beloved mother land ‘Hindustan’
(India). Hindustan means Hindu+Sthan (a place where
‘Hindus live). During those days (1985-1990), it was the
Congress and its appeasement policy towards Muslims
which forced us to wipe out the differences based on
caste lines and to mobilize ‘all Hindus.
The RSS began to actively work to construct the Hindu identity among
lower/backward castes. It organized several meeting at different places to
decide the program of action to make them “aware” that they were Hindus
and to control the growing division on caste lines. It was decided to first
work among the lower/backward castes to provide them relief. The active
cadres of RSS provided money to several lower castes to start small
business, arrange jobs for some and regularly began to teach their children.
Their children were either admitted to the Saraswati Shishu Mandir54 or
54Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Ramrajya Nagar Road, National Highway-
8, Amraiwadi , Ahmedabad- 380026 , Gujarat.
202
were given education by the workers of RSS during evening or morning
time.55
Next they tried to indoctrinate the lower castes (mainly in the slum localities
like Dariapur, Bapunagar, Gomtipur, Naroda-Patia etc) with Hindu identity.
They organized several meetings with the lower castes in their localities.
The relief work of RSS among the lower castes of slum areas provided space
to the cadres of RSS to preach to them the ‘realities of the glorious history of
India and Hindus’, which was systematically avoided by the ‘anti-Hindu’
Congress.56 In these meetings, the RSS made them aware about the realities
of independence movement and the active participation of the RSS to
liberate the Matribhumi (motherland). They glorified the role of Veer
Savarkar in the independence movement and criticized the role of the
Congress, Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi and blamed the pro-Muslims policy
of Congress to be one of the important reasons for the partition of India.
Targeting the Muslims as the main reason for the problems of India, they
appealed to Hindus to bring back the ‘Golden Years’ of Hinduism. In these
meetings, they related the history of India by dividing it into the ‘Hindu
age’, ‘Muslim age’ and the ‘British age’.57 The Hindu age was golden era,
the Muslim age was a dark era which was full of atrocities against the Hindu
population. The destruction and loot of many temples by the Muslim
invaders and the biased attitude of Muslim rulers towards the Hindu subjects
were also important points for discussion. It was done to enlighten Hindus
55 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS. Ahmedabad. 56 The terms used by Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 57 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. (emphasis added).
203
about what for them were the realities of Islam and Muslims in India.58 Such
everyday activities by the RSS made the many yatras of the BJP and VHP a
success and Ahmedabad (Gujarat) witnessed the mobilization of many
Hindus on communal grounds and their active participation in anti-Muslim
communal violence.
Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta (name changed, age, 50 years), the General
Secretary of VHP (Ahmedabad unit) informed me about the activities of
VHP during those days (1985-1995) and the reason of lower/backward
support to Sangh Parivar. He said:
VHP became functional in Ahmedabad in 1962. We, as
the protector of Hindu religion, wished to wipe out the
differences on caste lines. We worked among Hindus to
make them realize their strength. We knew that our
lower castes brothers [Dalit Bhai] needed a helping
hand. The Congress only used them as a vote bank and
did nothing to improve their social and economic
conditions. They were victims of communal violence
and Muslim anger and at the same time, in 1981, some
reservation agitation to turn into anti-Dalit riots in 1985
and also we provided them the strength to fight with
Muslims. Now our lower caste brothers are in the
mainstream of Ahmedabad’s social, political and
58 Ibid.
204
economic life. They are living a dignified life. We have
done the work in a short period, which Congress failed
to do in its thirty years rule in Gujarat.
The VHP organized many yatras during the period 1986-1990 and mobilized
the Hindu lower castes into the fold of the Sangh Parivar by spreading anti-
Muslim ideas and feelings. They also helped the lower castes who were the
victims of the closures of many textile mills in Ahmedabad. Preceding the
yatras, the active cadres of VHP invited Dalits to join the holy cause to
protect Hinduism from the internal national threats (Congress and Muslims).
They distributed hate literature and symbolic weapons (like trishul, gada and
talwar, [sword]) before or during the several yatras.59 Such works
consolidated anti-Muslim feelings among many Hindus and spread of the
ideology of communalism. The Babri Masjid\RamJanamBhumi controversy
helped BJP and other Sangh organization to mobilize ‘Hindus’ against a
‘common enemy’ Muslims.
The patient work of the VHP and the RSS paid them dividends when
communal violence occurred in many cities of Gujarat in 1990 after the
demolition of Babri Mosque. Many Dalits and middle class Hindus indulged
in anti-Muslim communal violence, provoked and organized by the Sangh
Parivar.60 The demolition of the Babri mosque and the communal violence
during 1986-1995 indicated that the communal divide and anti-Muslim
feelings among many Hindus had deepened considerably. The Sangh Parivar 59 Interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP, Ahmedabad. (emphasis added). 60 See, Ornit Shani. Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in
Gujarat (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). pp. 156-168. see also, Asis
Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality. opp.cite. 104-123.
205
successfully made their way in the everyday forms of civic engagements of
the masses which resulted in the communalization of their politico-civic life.
Also, it was the period after 1990 that witnessed the process of ghettoisation.
The communal violence of 1992 after the demolition of the Babri mosque
further ghettoized the city on communal grounds.61
I also interviewed the Muslims of Dariapur and Usmanpura areas. They
blamed the Sangh Parivar (particularly the RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal and
Bhajap) and their active involvement for the violence. When I asked Md.
Zakir Bhai (name changed, age 54 years) about the reasons for the violence
against Muslims during 1986-1995 and the allegation made against them by
the Sangh Parivar and many Hindu upper and lower castes;62 he replied:
We were unnecessarily targeted. We did not plan any
revenge. It was due to the active role of RSS, VHP,
Bajrang Dal and BHAJP that we had been targeted. We
used to see the activities of these organizations among
the Dalits and other ‘Hindus’. While previously they
were close to us, all of a sudden they turned against
61 See, Neera Chandhoke, “Civil Society in Conflict Cities,” opp.cite. pp.10-13. see also,
See, Dionne Bunsha, “Ahmedabad’s Ghettos,” Frontline, Volume-20; Issue 20.
(September 27-October 10, 2003). Accessed Via:
http://hindu.com/fline/fl2020/stories/20031010003303900.htm. Dated: 18/5/2011. 62 In my interview with many Hindus of different localities, the lower castes and upper
castes have their own stories against the Muslims. In short the upper castes were
suspicious of Muslim revenge with the help of Dalits and Dalits were angry due to the
negative role played by Muslims with them during the anti-reservation agitations and
riots. See, Chapter Three of the Thesis. pp. 30-44.
206
Muslims and started to keep a distance from us. I
remember the Rath Yatras and the passion among those
poor Dalits who previously were close to Muslims and
used to share their happy and sad movements. I did not
see any upper caste who had come to help the Dalits in
their hard times which we (Muslims) did. But the advent
of Hindu communal groups destroyed the fabric of
communal harmony and Hindus were instigated against
Muslims. They now treat us (Muslims) as invaders, anti-
India, traitors (Gaddar or Deshdrohi) etc. No-one helped
us in our hard times during the period of economic
scarcity; and when we witnessed the violence against us
no-one came to help us or provide us the shelter.
Clearly the period 1985-1995 witnessed the spread of ideology of
communalism among many Hindus and their growing distance, hate and
suspicious attitude towards Muslims showed that the fabric of civic relations
between Hindus and Muslims were destroyed by the Sangh Parivar who
created and maintained the conflictual situation between them. Thus the
‘Hindus’ were mobilized to protect their religion against the ‘traitors’
(Muslims). This resulted into the isolation of the Muslims and the breakup of
civic relations with other marginal groups (like Dalits, poor OBCs etc). The
Hindutva strategies and works in Gujarat produced the ideological legitimate
boundary between the Hindus and Others.
207
BJP and Different Vidhan Sabha Elections in Gujarat (1995-2002)
The following section will study the different Vidhan Sabha elections in
Gujarat to ascertain the influence of the Sangh Parivar among the ‘Hindu’
voters and its powerful presence in the politico-civic domain of the
‘Hindus’. It was the state and civic functions of the Sangh Parivar among the
‘Hindus’ that allowed the BJP to gradually emerge as a powerful force in
Gujarat. From the election of 1990, BJP recorded an increase in the number
of its seats and the percentage of votes and won a clear majority in the
election of 1995.
Table: 1
BJP and Assembly Elections in Gujarat: 1990-2002
1990 (Seats Contested,
Won& Percentage)
1995 (Seats Contested
Won& Percentage)
1998 (Seats Contested,
Won& Percentage)
2002 (Seats
Contested, Won&
Percentage)
Congress (I) (181-33) (30.74%)
BJP (143/67) (26.69%)
Janata Dal (JD) (147/70)(29.36%)
Congress (I) (181/45) (32.86%)
BJP (182/121) (42.51%)
Congress (179/53) (35.28%)
AIRJP (168/04) (12.57%)
BJP (182/117) (44.81%)
Congress (180/51) (39.59%)
BJP (182/127) (49.85%)
Source: Statistical Reports of Assembly Election; Gujarat, Election Commission of India, Accessed Via: http://eci.nic.in/StatisticalReports/ElectionStatistics.asp, Dated: 9/09/2008.
208
As analyzed in the previous chapter, the Congress won the 1980 and 1985
elections with the caste alliance popularly known as KHAM, but the
Congress started losing its grounds in Gujarat from 1985. After the 1985
elections, Gujarat witnessed the electoral and political decline of Congress
which was replaced by the BJP. Since 1985, the Gujarat state was the victim
of a series of caste and communal clashes. During the period 1986-1987, the
law and order situation worsened in Gujarat. The situation deteriorated so
much that the Union Government and the Congress high command openly
declared Gujarat a ‘problem state’.63 The Congress was helpless and failed to
restore caste and communal harmony in Gujarat. The Congress steadily
weakened especially the factionalism within the Congress that was visible in
district and taluka levels by 1987. Besides communal violence due to the
different s and the work of different Sangh organizations to mobilize
‘Hindus’ on communal grounds, Gujarat also suffered from a series of bomb
blasts during 1986-1988. In Saurashtra, many MLAs were also killed due to
the local or political rivalry.64
Due to this environment, the Congress lost heavily in the elections of 1990.
The Congress secured seats in only 33 constituencies out of the 181 that it
contested (unlike the previous tally of 141 in 1985 elections). It got only
30.74% of votes as compared to 51.4% in 1985. This was the result of the
63 Ghanshyam Shah, “On Solid Base: The BJP Victory in Gujarat,” Frontline (May, 5
1995). see also Ghanshyam Shah, “Gujarat: BJP's Rise to Power,” Economic and
Political Weekly Vol. 31, No. 2/3 (Jan. 13-20, 1996). pp.165-170. 64 Priyavandan M Patel, “Sectarian Mobilization, Communal Polarization and
Factionalism: Electoral Dominance of Hindutva and Voting in Gujarat,” Accessed Via:
organizational weakness and political bankruptcy within the Congress.65 The
BJP performed better in this election and got 67 seats out of the 143 seats
that it contested and secured 26.69% of the votes. It not only increased its
seats but also its percentage of votes in 1990.66 The Sangh Parivar utilized
the maximum mileage from this situation in Gujarat and the BJP expanded
its base by systematically working to create and maintain the conflictual
situation between Hindus and Muslims. Several yatras by the VHP and BJP
(more particularly the Ramjanam Bhumi movement and Advani’s Rath
Yatra) paid them dividends; further, their systematic relief work among the
‘Hindus’ led to the slow but steady growth of BJP and the Sangh Parivar and
the demise of the Congress era in Gujarat.
After the declaration of the election results of 1990, the non-Congress
coalition of BJP and Janata Dal (JD) formed the government in Gujarat, with
Chiman Bhai Patel of JD as Chief Minister and BJP’s Keshubhai Patel as
Deputy Chief Minister. But this alliance could not be sustained in the long
run and the state government fell due to the withdrawal of support by the
BJP in October 1990 on the issue of Rath Yatra and the arrest of L.K Advani
in Samastipur (Bihar). But Chimanbhai Patel managed to retain his post with
the help of 34 MLA’s of the Congress. Later he merged his Janata Dal with
the Congress and served it till his death on 17 February 1994.67
65 Ashutosh Varshney. Ethnic Conflicts and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India
(London & New Heaven: Yale University Press, 2002). pp. 240-243. 66 BJP in election of 1985 won only 9 seats out of 127 seats it contested and 14.2% votes. 67 Shah, Ghanshyam, “Tenth Lok Sabha Elections: BJP’s Victory in Gujarat,” Economic
and Political Weekly Vol. 26, No. 51. (December 21, 1991).
210
In the next election of 1995 the BJP recorded a clean sweep and became the
single largest party. It won 121 out of the 182 seats that it contested
(42.51%) and constituted the government on its own for the first time.
Keshubhai Patel (a prominent leader belonging to Patel community) became
the Chief Minister. However, Keshubhai Patel had to quit due to allegations
of “Patelism” by Shankar Singh Vaghela (another prominent leader of BJP).
Vaghela is regarded as the one who brought the Kshatriyas and OBC
communities to the BJP and as the builder of BJP in Gujarat. Later he with
his supporters was sidelined in the party and in the politics of the state.
Vaghela openly criticized the state and central leadership of the BJP and
rebelled. This gave a big set back to BJP, which was claiming to make
Gujarat a ‘model state’, which had no room for corruption and fight for
power. Vaghela’s discontent with the BJP resulted in his withdrawal from
the party. He, with forty nine MLAs left Gujarat to Madhya Pradesh
(Khajurhao) for the security and safety of the dissident MLAs. From this
episode, the dissident MLAs were known as the Khajoorias and the MLAs
who supported the CM (Keshubhai Patel and later Suresh Mehta) and
Narendra Modi were known as Hazoorias.68 The internal fight became
immense and the Hazoorias (mainly the workers of RSS, VHP and Bajrang
Dal) openly agitated against the Vaghela and his rebel MLAs. Many Hindus
were sympathetic to the VHP, RSS and Bajrang Dal and these organizations
successfully created a negative image for Vaghela and his rebel MLAs as
power hungry leaders, who had nothing to do with the ideology of
‘Hindutva’ and who had used BJP and its ideology for their narrow goal to
68 Priyavandan M Patel, “Sectarian Mobilization,” opp.cite. pp. 22-23.
211
be in power. They were also labeled anti-Hindus and Congress like leaders
who had nothing to do with Gujarat and the problems of its people.69
Subsequently, dissatisfied with the ignorance of the state and national
leadership of BJP, and opposition from the other Sangh organizations,
Vaghela rebelled and formed a new party known as the All India Rashtriya
Janta Party (AIRJP). With 48 MLAs and the support of the Congress,
Vaghela formed the government in Gujarat by toppling the BJP government.
But the mid term elections of 1998 proved to be a big set back to the RJP
and Congress coalition while BJP led by Keshubhai Patel won a massive
victory. BJP won 117 seats out of 182 seats it contested.70 Congress
contested 172 seats but claimed only 52 seats and AIRJP won only 4 seats
out of 168 seats it contested (See Table.1). The AIRJP and Congress alliance
faced defeat and Keshubhai Patel was sworn in again as the chief minister of
Gujarat. This achievement was due to the steady “relief” work and the
election campaign by RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal and BJP (Hazoorias)
among ‘Hindus’. Therefore the masses were convinced that Vaghela was
anti-Hindu and that to achieve political power he had cheated the BJP and its
69 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP and Dr. Kaushal
Bhai Mehta of Bajrang Dal, Ahmedabad. They used to organize meetings in old and
western Ahmedabad and discussed several matters with the people. They convinced the
masses that Vaghela and his rebel MLAs were against the ideology of ‘Hindutva’ and
they were power hungry politicians. (I have mingled the interview conducted with all of
them; emphasis added). 70 It is important to note here that the BJP failed to make any strong influence in the tribal
belt of Gujarat, unlike other parts of the state. Its main voters were middle class, student,
educated youths and the rich lower/backward castes. See, Priyavandan M Patel,
“Sectarian Mobilization,” opp.cite. pp.42-43.
212
ideology and causes of Hindus. After some months, Narendra Damodar
Modi replaced Keshubhai Patel as the chief minister.71 In the 2002 election
the BJP again recorded a clear majority and Narendra Modi was sworn in as
chief minister for a second term in Gujarat. Currently Narendra Modi is
chief minister of Gujarat for the third term as BJP won a clear majority in
the Gujarat legislative assembly in the 2007 elections. The BJP won 117
seats out of the 182 seats it contested and 44.81% of the vote share.72
The elections of Gujarat clearly indicate that the political space which was
vacated by the Congress was gradually occupied by the BJP through
communalizing the politico-civic life of the masses. The BJP successfully
mobilized the traditional support base of Congress.73 The loss of Vaghela’s
AIRJP in election of 1998 and decline of Congress indicate the influence of
Sangh Parivar among the masses.
71 For all these happenings in Gujarat, see, Shah, Ghanshyam, “BJP’s Rise to Power,”
Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 31, No. 2/3 (Jan. 13-20, 1996). pp. 165-170. See
also, Priyavandan Patel, “Sectarian Mobilization, Communal Polarization and
Factionalism: Electoral Dominance of Hindutva and Voting in Gujarat,” Accessed Via:
security/Sectarian%20Mobilization.pdf. Dated: 22/02/2010. 72 See, Statistical Report On General Election, 2007 To The Legislative Assembly Of
Gujarat Election, Election Commission of India (New Delhi). Accessed Via:
http://eci.nic.in/StatisticalReports/ElectionStatistics.asp, Dated: 9/09/2008. 73 See, Yogendra Yadav, “Gujarat: BJP Arrives; A Neat Two Party Structure Emerges,”
Frontline (May 5, 1995). see also, Ghanshyam Shah, “Gujarat: BJP’s Rise to Power,”
opp.cite.
213
Formation of Communal Party Society in Gujarat and the Destruction
of Civic Life
Party society is a group of organizations, which work among
lower/backward classes/castes, middle class/both upper and lower castes,
civil society and political society for promoting and spreading their ideology
among the masses to make or convert the nature of the state according to
their ideology and program. For party society, the spread of their ideology
among the masses is more important than just winning elections, because
once their ideology is spread and masses are mobilized and convinced, it is
easy to win elections and protect their constituency; a more important
objective for it is to reorganize and reestablish the state and social system
according to a new ideological orientation.74
The Sangh Parivar have a similar ideology, agenda and program, that is,
‘Hindutva’ or ‘Hinduization’ of India, and spreading the anti-minority
feelings among the Hindus and to attain this goal they work among different
sections of society. While the BJP executes state functions, it is the RSS,
VHP, BD, ABVP, (RSSw), BMS etc which perform civic functions. These
functions can be fruitful only if the social, political and most importantly,
the economic conditions, favor them. Therefore the state and civic functions
of communal organizations resulted into the successful communalization of
state, many Hindu upper castes and lower castes and many civil society
organizations. The Hindutva movement was also seen in the political
society, and the members of political society welcomed several relief works
of Sangh Parivar and participated in many yatras organized by VHP or BJP,
74 See, Chapter One of the Thesis, p. 36.
214
therefore the ideology of communalism found its legitimacy among the
political society as well (The later part of the chapter discusses this point at
length). The communal organizations started to work more rigorously
among the masses to permanently maintain the influence of their ideology
and conflictual situation between Hindus and others.
Formation of Communal Party Society and Destruction of Civic Life
The Sangh Parivar propagated their ideology and worked to communalize
the politico-civic life of Gujarat. The rebellion of Shankar Singh Vaghela
with his supporters and his defeat together with the Congress in the next
election of 1998 by BJP shows the consolidation of the influence of the
Sangh Parivar and its ideology among the ‘Hindus’ of Gujarat. It shows that
the Sangh Parivar has developed a control over people and had successfully
convinced and mobilized the Hindu upper castes and lower/backward castes
against Muslims with their ideology of communalism and that had acquired
a high level of positive response. The Sangh Parivar, with its ideology of
communalism and its successful spread among the Hindus, actually
managed to neutralize the support base (mainly among the OBCs and lower
castes) that Vaghela had brought in with him. The influence and power of
the ideology of communalism led many Hindus to vote for BJP and they
ignored Vaghela in 1998 elections. The successful protection of many
constituencies in 1998 election which the BJP won in 1995 election
indicated the influence of the civic functions of Sangh Parivar among
Hindus, civil society and political society in Gujarat and the ideology of
communalism. Thus the communalization of politico-civic life and
successful protection of many constituencies in election of 1998 resulted in
215
the formation of communal party society and the destruction of civic life in
Gujarat.
During later years, (1995-2002) the communal party society started to work
more aggressively among the ‘Hindus’ to permanently maintain the
conflictual situation between Hindus and Muslims, their ideology of
communalism and to widen their influence in those constituencies where
they were not influential.75 Many organizations became functional in Gujarat
(Ahmedabad) and many new local organizations influenced by the ideology
of communalism, emerged in Ahmedabad to maintain the influence of the
ideology of communalism.
Many state and civic functions of the Sangh Parivar among the
lower/backward castes and in civil society76 and political society77 resulted
in its powerful and undisputed presence in the politico-civic domain of the
masses more particularly from 1998. The Sangh Parivar worked
75 The Sangh Parivar during this period of 1985-1995 was not influential enough in the
tribal areas of Southern Gujarat. Later they introduced several program and actively
propagated the Ram Janam Bhoomi issues to mobilize the tribals. 76 For example, business associations, doctors associations, teachers and students
associations, film clubs etc. Many civil society organizations also emerged in
Ahmedabad which are influenced by the ideology of Sangh Parivar. (This point has been
discussed in length in the later part of the chapter with heading “Civil Society and
Communal Party Society”) 77 Mainly Two localities in Ahmedabad have been covered in my field survey in
Ahmedabad. One is Bapunagar and other is Gomtipur Locality. They contain the
populations which is regarded by many as illegal and even AMC with BJP want these
areas to be vacated as it was illegally occupied by people. I have discussed it at following
section in the chapter.
216
continuously among the ‘Hindus’ to maintain their influence and to create
‘Hindu hegemony’ over ‘others’.
Although the masses were sympathetic to the RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal,
the factions and internal fight within BJP destroyed its claim to provide
‘good rule’ in Gujarat and make it a model state. First the allegation of
Patelism against Keshubhai Patel by Shankar Singh Vaghela and
subsequently his removal from the post of chief minister and replacement by
Suresh Mehta and second, the revolt of Shankar Singh Vaghela with his 49
MLAs indicated the internal fight within BJP. Although the BJP won the
1998 elections with a clear majority and Keshubhai Patel was again sworn in
as chief minister, it again faced an internal fight. Many leaders of the Gujarat
BJP wanted the removal of Keshubhai Patel and started working against the
party. This made the state and central leadership apprehensive and the
masses began to be alienated from the party. The defeat of BJP candidates in
the Sabarkantha bye election for the Lok Sabha and Sabarmati assembly bye
elections testified to this. The municipal corporation elections of 2001 also
came under a scanner as BJP did not fare well here as well.78 On the other
hand, the 2001 earthquake and the relief work provided by the RSS, VHP
and the activists of Bajrang Dal created more sympathy for these
organizations among the masses79 and they further legitimized their presence 78 See, Sheela Bhatt, “Keshubhai Set to Quit as Gujarat CM,” (October. 1, 2001).
Accessed Via: http://www.rediff.com/news/2001/oct/01guj.htm. Dated: 28/04/2011. see
also, “Keshubhai Submits his Resignations,” Accessed Via:
http://www.gujaratplus.com/00-01archive/arc201.html. Dated. 28/04/2011. 79 For the earth quake, its use and the relief measures provided by the Sangh Parivar, see,
Edward Simpson, “The ‘Gujarat’ Earthquake and the Political Economy of Nostalgia,”
Contributions to Indian Sociology Vol. 39, No.2 (2005). pp.219-249.
217
in the politico-civic domain of the mainly Hindu masses But many Hindus
were not satisfied with the ruling party BJP in such a situation of crisis,
primarily because Keshubhai Patel failed to handle the earth quake relief
measures effectively.80 Therefore while the Sangh organizations were doing
their civic works to maintain their ideology of communalism, the BJP during
the period 1995-2000 failed to fulfil its political functions.
The state and national leadership of the BJP were serious about these matters
and started looking for a successor to Keshubhai Patel and found it in
Narendra Damodar Modi. He was sworn in as chief minister of Gujarat in
2001 after the decision of the central leadership to make Keshubhai Patel
resign.
The Work of Sangh Parivar among different Sections of Society: 1995-
2002
On the other hand, the communal party society was working among the
‘Hindu’ population to maintain the hold of their ideology. Their civic works
among the masses intensified from 1995, the year when BJP first came to
power and recorded a clear majority. The following section will study
various activites of the RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal, Rashtriya Sevika Samiti,
The most important activity of RSS is the regular organization and
functioning of Shakhas. The Shakha consist of a ‘Ghatanayaks’ (a group
leaders), whose work is to inspire Swayamsevaks to participate and attend
the shakha regularly. Next, the ‘Shikshaks’ (the instructors), are given the
responsibility to conduct the activities of the daily Shakha. Mukhyashikshak
(literally chief instructor) takes care of the regular organization and
functioning of the Shakha, which is being held at their area. Shakha-
Karyavaha (meaning secretary) gives guidance, instruction and help to the
Mukhyashikshak in conducting the Shakha activities smoothly. These
hierarchical positions are found in every district where the shakhas are
organized.81 The RSS shakha is the backbone of the RSS. It is a daily
congregation of swayamsevaks, which is organized in an open ground for an
hour either in the morning or in the evening, or as suitable to the
city/locality. Exercises, playing games, singing patriotic song (Vande
Matram by Bankim Chandra) or devotional songs, discussions on
social/political matter and teaching of Dharma, yoga and prayer are some of
the daily activities in RSS shakhas. Anil Bhai Jain informed me that the
shakha makes swayamsevaks physically and mentally healthy and fit, it also
teaches them about their national culture (Hindu culture) to inculcate moral
values among swayamsevaks. It also instills organizational skills and the
ability to work as a team among the swaymsevaks.82 The shakhas are open to
all. Any individual from any caste, creed or social and economic status can
81 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 82 Ibid.
219
come and join it. The persons who attend shakhas are expected to wear
white shirt, khaki short and a black cap. To quote Tapan Basu. et.al,
“young men and boys, begin with ‘Bhartiya games’ in
an open play ground under a saffron flag.’ Then ‘the
leader’s whistle or order has a magical effect on them:
there is instant perfect order and silence.’ There is next a
round of physical exercises-‘lathi, syryanamaskar,
marching etc.’, followed by collective singing of a
patriotic song. ‘Discussion follow. They develop deep
into the problems affecting the national life. And finally
they stand in a row before the flag and recite the prayer:
Many salutations to three, O loving motherland!’ The
proceedings end with Bharat mata ki jai’.83
The RSS welcomes mainly among the youth or teen age boys/male (12-25
years old, since they do not have any ‘family responsibility’ etc) in its
shakhas. Although persons from any age group can join it, but RSS mainly
focus on and train teen aged boys. Among them, the RSS choose regular and
committed boys/teens to educate them. The education contains Pratham
Varsh Shikshit (first year educated), Dwitiya Varsh Shikshit (Second year
educated) and Thritiya Varsh Shikshit (Third year educated). The
Mukhyashikshak choose the youth for educating them and recommend their
83 Cited in, Tapan Basu et.al. Khaki Short and Saffron Flag. opp.cite. p.34.
220
names to Shakha-Karyavaha and ‘Ghatanayaks’. Then accordingly the youth
are given education.84
In rural areas there are Khanda-Karyavaha (Khand-secretary) and Tehsil-
Karyavaha (Tehsil-secretary) who look after the shakhas in village/s and
Tehsil/s respectively. In urban areas, they are known as Nagar-Karyavaha
(city-secretary). Some Nagara (city) or Tehsil constitute a Bhag. Then many
Bhagas85 (or Zillas) form a Vibhag, while many Vibhag form a Prantha and
finally many Pranthas constitute a Kshetra. One Mandal-Karyavaha (Mandal
secretary) looks after the organization and the smooth running of the shakhas
in each of these units.86 From Tehsil or Nagar unit onwards, Sar-
Sanghachalaks (Presidents) guide the activities of the organization in their
respective areas. The volunteers, who take active parts and are regular in
shakhas, are called Swayamsevaks. Only a committed Swayamsevak is
appointed as Sar-Sanghchalak, a group administrator who organizes and
leads the events of the Shakhas in all Tehsil or Nagar units and provides the
guidelines and instructions87 generally, eminent people with respectable
status in the society and within the RSS are chosen as Sanghachalaks. Next
84 Generally youth from age group 12-18 years are selected for Pratham Vasrh Shiksha,
20-25 years for Dwitiya Varsh Shiksha (after successfully completing Pratham Varsh
Shiksha) and 25-30 years for Tritiya Varsh Shiksha (after successfully completing
Pratham and Dwitiya Varsh Shiksha). The persons who are Tritiya Varsh Shikshit are not
supposed to marry and have to devote their lives for serving the nation and its people. To
spread the ideology of ‘Hindutva’ among the masses. All office bearers of RSS are either
Dwitiya Varsh Shikshit or Tritiya Varsh Shikshit. 85 The RSS time to time decides the number of Bhagas, Vibhagas and Pranthas. 86 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 87 Ibid.
221
comes the role of Pracharaks (the person who spread the message), the
Pracharaks are the full time Swayamsevaks who devote his life for the
ideology of Hindutva. They are regarded as the backbone of RSS. They do
not marry and remain bachelors throughout their life and ensure that they are
committed to the ideology and are free from the family responsibilities.
Their lifetime mission is to work for the benefit of Hindu society and the
organization (RSS). Except the Pracharaks, some active Swayamsevaks
generally dedicate a few years of their life to the nation and its people
(Hindus), generally they are Dwitiya or Tritiya varsh Shikshit.88
The RSS claims that it is a cultural organization and has nothing to do with
the political environment of state. But ‘this claim of RSS ‘is just a play with
words. The notion of Hindu culture that is propagated in its shakhas is a
definition of a majoritarian and authoritarian rashtra where Hindus, under
RSS direction, will lay down the rules by which the minorities must abide.
Its version of Hindu culture is inextricably mingled with antagonism against
the non-Hindu.’89
To achieve the goal of influencing the masses on the basis of its ideology, I
interviewed Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS to know the activities of RSS since
1995. He said that,
“We started helping and making people aware in
Ahmedabad from the very beginning (i.e the day when
Gujarat was formed). Since 1995, we organized Shakhas
88 Ibid. 89 Cited in, Tapan Basu et.al. Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags: A Critique of the Hindu
Right (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1993). p.13.
222
[branch]. During those days we had one to two hundred
shakhas in Ahmedabad, it has now reached five hundred
[although he was not sure about the exact number of
shakhas]. We have been organizing shakhas in many
places during either morning (prabhat shakha), evening
(Shyam shakha) or at night (Atishyam shakha) for an
hour or so. In our early days (the period 1985-1997), the
number of people attending different shakhas were
twenty to forty but now we have more than 50 people in
morning, evening and night shakhas. They are regular in
attending it. Recently we have also introduced ‘special
shakhas’ for those students who go to schools or
colleges. The timings of these shakhas are between one
to three pm.
Since 1995 the RSS worked to maintain the influence of its ideology among
many Hindus who were mobilized during 1986-1995. The RSS in its
different shakhas used to discuss on the topics which benefited its interests.
For example, the rebellious attitude of Shankar Singh Vaghela and
subsequently the removal of BJP government made this topic popular in
many shakhas. The head of the shakhas used to give anti-Vaghela message
to the Swayamsevaks and appeal to them to spread it in their locality,
offices, colleges, schools or work place. Vaghela was projected as an anti-
Hindu and power hungry politician, who was defaming the image of Hindus
and ideology of ‘Hindutva’ for his narrow interest in capturing state power.
Later on with the attack on Akshardham temple and Kargil war, the Muslims
were projected as the main enemy of ‘Hindustan’ and ‘Hindus’. They were
223
blamed for being sympathizers of terrorists, who wanted Kashmir and to
spread internal disturbance in India by killing innocent and tolerant
‘Hindus’.90 Anil Bhai Jain told me
“The RSS introduced physical exercise and training to
make the Hindus of Gujarat powerful enough to fight
against the ‘enemies’ of Hindustan. While previously
the ‘Hindus’ of Ahmedabad (Gujarat) were scared of
Muslims and their activities which were against ‘Hindus
(like eve teasing, love affairs with Hindu girls,
threatening of Hindu businessmen, in short ‘Muslim
Goondagardi’), now the Hindus of Ahmedabad
(Gujarat) are awakened and they are all united against
their enemy to protect their dignity, self respect and
women etc. The Muslims have realized the power of
‘tolerant Hindus’.”91
To confirm the words of Mr Anil Bhai Jain, I visited Dariapur and Naroda
Patia, Bapunagar and Gomtipur localities of Ahmedabad and met some
Hindus. They admitted to the fact that the RSS had organized shakhas in
these areas. Some of them replied me;
We used to discuss about Gujarat culture (Hindu culture in Gujarat,
our problems and the political environment of Gujarat). We were also
convinced ‘why the BJP should rule the state’ and were given the
responsibility to spread the truth about the political, social, economic
90 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS. (emphasis added). 91 Ibid.
224
conditions of Gujarat in our localities. When I asked them about the
most interesting session during the shakhas, they replied that it was
‘the period when we used to discuss our problems with the organizer
of shakha. Our problems were heard and if found genuine, the RSS
used to provide a helping hand. Now, we do not have that many
problems with us and we proudly say that we are the
Swayamsevaks.”92
Besides shakhas, the RSS has been organizing the Guru Puja to worship its
saffron flag on Vyasapurnima day. The swayamsevaks with other people
who attend the function offer Dakshina (charity) to the Guru. It is claimed
that the RSS is self funded and does not seek any fund or help from any
other source/s. Many people participate in the Guru Dakshina program and
offer their contribution for the welfare of nation.93
Vishwa Hindu Parishad
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad is another Hindu militant organization which
works among the ‘Hindus’ to make India a Hindu nation by spreading the
ideology of Hindutva. The VHP is known for its various s and resulting
bloody incidents of communal violence in many places. It works to awaken
the Hindu community against the atrocities and growing influence and
threat/s of minorities (mainly Muslims and Christians) against the Hindu
culture and values.
92 Interview with some upper and lower castes Hindus of Dariapur, Naroda-Patia,
Bapunagar and Gomtipur localities. Their age group were between 27 to 55 years. 93 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad.
225
The VHP works in Gujarat in the field of social reforms, religious activities,
education, health and spreading awareness among the ‘Hindus’. It works
among the Hindus of Gujarat (Ahmedabad) to increase religious sentiments
among them, to protect and secure their ‘rights’ which, according to them,
has been systematically neglected by the Congress through its appeasement
of Muslims and to teach Hindus the value of nationalism. Its members
actively organize and participate in religious activities (like annual, festivals,
different yearly Pujas), Dharma-Yagya and Purn Ahuti after the Yagya. The
members of VHP actively organize and propagate the arrangement of
different Pujas and Yagyas to ensure the effective participation of Hindus.94
Since 1995 the VHP has been actively organizing Satsang, Kathas, Temples
and Bhajan Mandalies in different localities of Ahmedabad to arouse
religious sentiments among the ‘Hindus to enlighten them about the
atrocities done against them by Muslim rulers and invaders. In this Satsang,
Kathas etc, special sessions are timed to spread anti-Muslim ideas among the
participants, to mobilize them on the basis of Hindutva ideology. By doing
such activities the VHP spread its ideology to mobilize Hindus for political
gains and to implement anti-Minorities feelings among them.95
The VHP also work for weaker and downtrodden sections (like SCs and
STs) of the society to make them realize their strength, to wipe out their
sense of insecurity and the ‘inferiority complex’ among them. It is the active
presence of the VHP among the Hindu population that is designed to makes
them fearless, confident and full of commitment to work and even die for
94 Interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP, Ahmedabad. 95 The analysis of VHP activities is based on the interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta, Ibid.
(emphasis added).
226
their holy mother land and religion.96 The VHP spokespersons claim that it
is actively working among the tribals of Gujarat and because of its efforts,
the tribals have come to realize the importance of religion in their life.97
The VHP has also introduced various measures to ensure good health facility
(the tribals used to use traditional way to cure a disease and the VHP has
introduced the allopathic, homeopathic and ayurvedic treatment facilities in
the tribal areas of Gujarat). Many children of the tribals have now access to
education as the VHP has opened many schools for them. In these schools,
the most important topics which the teachers teach to their students are the
importance of good behavior, religion and culture and patriotism.98 Several
Trust and Societies are running in Gujarat for the ‘welfare of Hindus’. For
example Sabarkantha Kalyan Aashram Trust (Sabarkantha), The Swadhyay
Mandal (Valsad), Pt. Dindayal Upadhyay Rashtrotthan Samity (Kadi),
Bhartiya Sewa Trust (Ahmedabad), Bhartiya Jan Sewa Sansthan
(Ahmedabad), V.H.P. Rachit Duskal Rahat Samiti (Ahmedabad), Rashtra
Chetana Prakashan and Charitable Trust (Ahmedabad), Bhartiya Govans
96 Ibid. 97 The tribals used to follow their own local culture and values before the advent of VHP
with other Sangh organizations. The VHP with Bajrang Dal etc, introduced Hindu way of
praying, temples and marriage system. The tribal young couple used to stay together
without marrying, the VHP introduced the Hindu marriage system among them. The
Pandits are invited and by following the Hindu tradition, the marriages are now
performed among tribals. The VHP also organizes puja, bhajans-kirtans, jagran mainly on
festival days of Ramnavami, Durga Puja, Deepawali, Saraswati Puja etc to implement
Hindu identity among them to mobilize them on the basis of Hindutva ideology. 98 The analysis of VHP activities is based on the interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta of
Source: The Chart shows the several works of VHP and SEWA in North, South and Saurashtra region of Gujarat. It is prepared on the basis of data provided by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad under the title “Sewa Work Chart Prant Wise,” AccessedVia http://vhpsewa.org/index.php?m=page_view&p=work_chart.php. Dated: 29/11/2010.
In Ahmedabad and its adjacent villages, the VHP has been organizing
several religious meetings (see picture 1, 2 and 3 of a village near
99 This information was provided by Jeevan Bhai Mehta, I visited these trusts and
societies to know their activity in Gujarat. They denied me any information about their
activity in Gujarat and demanded to know the source of my findings. They wanted me to
have a letter from the VHP state president (which I did not have) and lastly they
suggested me to visit the website of Vishva Hindu Parishad Seva. The site is:
http://vhpsewa.org/index.php?m=page_view&p=work_chart.php /. I visited the site on
29/11/2010.
1
SL. EDUCATION
6 Panchgabya MedicalCenters
5 Other SocialProjects
02040
60
80100
120
140
160
180
200
SL. EDUCATION
I Balwadi
1 Bal Sanskar Kendra
2 Primary Schools
3 Secondery Schools
4 Senior Secondery Schools
5 Residential School
6 Hostels - Boy's/Girl's
7 Night Schools
8 Coaching - Centers
228
Ahmedabad). They not only preach the Hindu religion but also work among
the farmers and poor labourers of villages and help them in things like
irrigation, arranging loans for farmers and supporting labourers to ensure
that no injustice happened against them at workplace and that they got their
wages on time.
It is through these activities that the VHP has acquired a strong hold in
Gujarat (Ahmedab100ad). Mr. Mehta also pointed out to the fact that
whenever the VHP has called for a state or district bandh, it has received
with a high level of positive response and the Hindu masses have supported
it. It is because of our several kinds of social work among the masses that we
have so many supporters in the state.”101 This shows the active presence of
the VHP among the politico-civic domain of the masses in Gujarat, which
has resulted in the continuous wins of the BJP in different elections since
1995.
Bajrang Dal
Bajrang Dal became functional in Ahmedabad in 1985 as a youth wing of
the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. It organizes regular akhadas (like RSS Shakhas)
for its members. In the akhadas the instructor focuses mainly on the
acquisition of physical and mental strength. It works to prepare a youth force
in Gujarat for the protection of Hindus and Hinduism from external threats,
like Muslim militancy and Christian activities (conversion) that threaten to
100 Testimony by different farmers and labors of the village. They support VHP, RSS and
Bajrang Dal enthusiastically, as they are always available for them ‘without any greed’. 101 Interview with Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP, Ibid.
229
destroy Hindu culture and values according to them.102 The Bajrang Dal
supports and sponsors different poojas (community worship), chariot
processions, festival celebrations, Yagyas and any other religious activity
organized by VHP. It works throughout Gujarat, specially in the rural and
tribal areas of the state. The Bajrang Dal organizes its akhadas in different
villages and tribal areas of the state to prepare and recruit the youth for the
cause of Hindus and nation. The Dal first identifies and chooses the youth
from villages or tribal areas or poor lower/backward class people of the
cities to train them and make them committed to the Hindutva ideology.
Their training includes physical exercise, kushti (wrestling), weapon training
program etc (see picture 4). It also distribute trishuls, gada (a weapon related
to the Lord Hanuman) etc to its members. It also organizes different
meetings and encourages personal interaction with the people on matters
related to Islam, Christians, Hinduism and threat to India as a nation which
has Hindus as majority population. The Bajrang Dal also points out the
weakness within Hinduism and encourages the Hindus to unite against the
enemy/s of their religion.103
Bajrang Dal has also introduced several programs since 1995 among the
weaker sections of the society (more particularly in the villages and in the
tribal areas of the state, or the slums of city. Among them, it firstly worked
for Vayasan Mukti (de-addiction program) in many villages and the tribal
areas. This campaign received enthusiastic support from the people. Than it
started a campaign to make the ‘Hindus’ aware about the ‘bad character’ of
102 Interview with Dr. Kaushal Bhai Mehta (name changed, age 52 years), the General
Secretary of Bajrang Dal, Ahmedabad Unit. 103 Ibid.
230
Muslims. The main task for the activists of Bajrang Dal was to control the
inter-religious love affairs and marriages. Many Muslims were accused of
marrying Hindu girls or having love affairs with them. The issue of
abduction allowed the Sangh Parivar (particularly Bajrang Dal and VHP) to
emerge as the defenders of Hindu women, therefore the idea of threat of
Muslim men against Hindu women was widely projected and used to
implement the anti-Muslim sentiments among Hindus.
Pradip Datta also analyzes the issue of abduction and the importance of
gender in mobilizing Hindus. In the chapter on abduction, Datta says that the
Hindu zamindars projected the idea of threat of others and promoted
themselves as the protector of lower castes and their women against the
enemy Muslims. Datta exposes the emergence of dialogic communal
identities and the concern of upper castes/zamindars to make a control over
urban and rural spaces, as well as over the bodies of lower castes and
women.104
In Gujarat, the VHP and Bajrang Dal also use the issue of gender to
communalize the politico-civic life of the masses and to make control over
the public and private spheres of the Hindu masses against Muslims and
their “anti-Hindu” activities.
Bajrang Dal made people (Hindus) aware about it through various meetings
and programs including its akhadas. Mainly the poor people of villages,
slums of the city took part in various programs of Bajrang Dal and
activelymparticipate in Akhadas. The Dal activists claim that previously the
104 See, Pradip K. Datta. Carving Blocs: Communal Ideology in Twentieth Century
Bengal (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999). pp.148-200.
231
‘poor Hindus’ (bechare Hindus, or helpless Hindus who live in slum or rural
areas) were scared of Muslims and they did not oppose their hostile acts and
thus the Muslims got encouragement and terrorize the poor Hindus.105
The Bajrang Dal organizes several camps in many places of the Gujarat to
make the “poor” Hindus realize their strength. “It is due to the efforts of
Bajrang Dal that the poor Hindus have now become strong enough to fight
against the enemy (Muslims).106
The Bajrang Dal also attacked the conversion movement of missionaries in
Gujarat, mainly among the tribals. Since 1997, (in south Gujarat, which is a
tribal belt) Bajrang Dal made Hindu Vanvasi (tribals) aware about the
meaning of Hinduism and nationalism. “It is the result of these efforts by
Bajrang Dal that the Tribals have now realized that by changing religion,
they are cut off from their own traditions, customs and nation.”107 The
Bajrang Dal, with the help of VHP has organized several re-conversion
programs in the tribal belt of Gujarat. Those who do not reconvert to
‘Hinduism’ are now seen as the ‘enemy of religion, tribal culture and
nation’.108 Bajrang Dal has created a divide among the tribals with the Hindu
tribals now indulging in anti-Christian tribal activities. Since 1998 many
Christian institutions such as churches, missionary schools, hospitals etc
were systematically attacked in Dang, Surat and Valsad districts.109 It shows
105 Interview with Dr. Kaushal Bhai Mehta. opp.cite. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 “History of Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal-Gujarat
2002. opp. cite.
232
the active and undisputed presence of Bajran Dal in the politico-civic
ijjat (virtue or honor) against the Muslims men and boy. The abduction and
rape of Hindu ladies by Muslim men are the most important themes of the
discussion in the camps. They discuss the private and public harassment of
Hindu women, public harassment by Muslim men and private harassment by
Hindu women, (ironically the domestic violence of Hindu men and their
atrocities against Hindu women are not discussed. The Samiti classifies
these as family matters and states that it should not interfere in family
matter/s). The instructor gives physical training and martial arts training to
the participants to make them equipped to confront public harassment.113
The activities of the Samiti among many women and girls make them loyal
to Hindu nationalist ideology Thereby many Hindu women have been
mobilized against Muslims and for the Hindutva. Therefore the sexual
thematic has been given due importance in Hindutva practices.
Durga Vahini
The Durga Vahini is also known as the female version of Bajrang Dal. It was
formed in 1991 on the recommendation of Sadhvi Rithambara and with the
support of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. The Durga Vahini has more than
8000 female members in Gujarat and in Ahmedabad almost 1500 members
actively participate in the several camps and work in Ahmedabad.114 The
Durga Vahini, since 1992, has been working among the women and girls of
poor backgrounds to combat their sense of inferiority due to a lack of
113 Ibid. 114 Interview with Dr. Kaushal Bhai Mehta of Bajrang Dal and Ms. Chetna Vyas of
Durga Vahini (name changed). Ms. Chetna Vyas is the chief functionary of Durga Vahini
in Ahmedabad, she provides instructions and nominate instructors for the different camps
organized in Ahmedabad by Vahini.
235
education, awareness and atrocities against them. The Vahini dedicates itself
to improving the sharirik, mansik and vaudhik vikas (physical, mental and
knowledge capacities) of the poor women and girls. The Vahini also works
to ensure the greater participation of women and young girls in different
Pujas (prayers, like Durga Puja, Krishna Janmashtami, Ram Navami etc) and
the cultural activities organized by RSS, VHP and Durga Vahini itself.115
I asked the Ms. Vyas about the class structure of Durga Vahini and
similarities and differences between Rashtriya Sevika Samiti and Durga
Vahini. She replied that,
“there is no difference as far as our ideology is
concerned. The difference between us and Samiti is that
Samiti belongs to Rashtriya Sawayam Sevak Sangh, we
belong to VHP and Bajrang Dal. All of us are different
branches of same tree.” There is no caste, class
differences and any women, girl can join, it is all upto
them whom to join.”116
The Durga Vahini has been organizing several camps and giving martial arts
training to its members and participants. The participants and members have
also been given gun shooting training (see the pictures below). The Durga
Vahini is trying its best to persuade Gujarati females that they must be
courageous to fight against the enemy of their religion and nation. The
115 Ibid 116 But I have found a different fact. Many members of Durga Vahini belong to lower
castes/class families and the members of Rashtriya Sevika Samiti are from upper
castes/middle class families.
236
members of the Vahini also visit different villages and slums in the city to
discuss religion and ‘Hindu vichardhara (Hindutva ideology) to strengthen
the women and to make them confident enough to fight against that alleged
atrocities done against them by the members of other religion (Muslims
men). The story of Shivaji and his mother is very popular among the
members of the Vahini. According to this story, the mother of Shivaji
encouraged him to fight against the ‘Muslim’ as they indulged in activities
against Hindu women. They kept on kidnapping, raping, molesting the
Hindu women for their entertainment and thereby insulted their honor during
Muslim rule in India. Shivaji fought for the dignity of Hindu women against
Muslim. I heard a set of interesting questions story from a member of
Vahini. She related;
“Their prophet was mentally sick, he married a nine
years old girl and stole her childhood.” The Muslim
pretends that their women enjoy more freedom than
those of Hindus, I ask them, why are their women not
allowed to visit the mosque for Namaz? Why do Muslim
women cover their face (veil) and why are Muslim men
allowed to keep four wives and why can they divorce
their wives by saying talak three times?
Anti-Muslim feeling was also implemented among many Hindu women in
Ahmedabad. Some of the members of Durga Vahini told me, if the Muslim
men do not respect their own women, how can they respect the women of
other religion? For them women are born to entertain them.117
117 Meeting with some active members of Durga Vahini in Ahmedabad.
237
It is due to the efforts of the Durga Vahini, according to its spokespersons
and supporters, that many women and young girls now feel safe and vocally
oppose incidents of eve teasing or harassment – especially by Muslim men.
According to the Vahini, the Muslim men, who used to tease, abduct or rape
the poor Hindu young girls and women in Ahmedabad, are now scared of
them, primarily because of the work by Durga Vahini and the confidence it
has provided to the females of Ahmedabad. The Durga Vahini has been
receiving funds from individuals and business institutions for its ‘awareness
programs’, different camps and other activities which are dedicated for the
development of female of Gujarat.118
Picture 5
Arm Training to the Participants in one of the camps of Durga Vahini
118 Ibid.
238
Picture 6
Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram
The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (hereafter VKA) became functional in
Ahmedabad in 1952 with the help of the RSS. It works among the tribal
communities of Gujarat (mainly south Gujarat, which is known as tribal belt
of Gujarat). The Gujarat Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram supported many activities
of VHP, RSS and Bajrang Dal among the tribal people. It supported the
Vyasan Mukti (de-addiction) program of VHP and Bajrang Dal among the
tribals. It also helped the RSS to regularly organize its shakhas in the tribal
areas of the state. It supported the anti-conversion movement of VHP and
Bajrang Dal against Christian missionary/s and helped these organizations to
re-convert tribals. The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram helped many programs of
these organizations to Hinduise the tribals and to make them anti-
Muslims.119
Besides supporting the Hindu nationalist organizations, the VKA has also
been doing several relief and social work among the tribal people of Gujarat
initially to produce sympathy for Hindu nationalism and mobilize them on 119 Interview with Shankar Bhai Jain (name changed, age 54 years), who is a media
convener of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram.
239
the basis of communal ideology, and now to maintain the influence of
Hindutva on them. The VKA has introduced several programs for the
welfare of tribal communities. It works among them to bring them to the
mainstream of social life. It endeavored to open the Sewa Ashram for the
overall development of tribal communities in Gujarat. Sewa Ashrams mainly
work in the southern parts of Gujarat and are said to have a good influence
on the tribal communities.120 Mr. Shankar Bhai Jain provided me with
information on the VKA and the Sewa Ashram in Gaygoton (Dhang
District), Vagai (Dhang District), Narwad (Dharmpur District) and
Siddumber (Dharmpur District).121
The sewa ashram of Gaygoton (Dhang District) is spread over 50 acres of
land, which contained a school with 270 students together with a hostel
which accommodates 160 students. Out of 270 students, 115 attend the
school of ashram; they study up to the eight standard while the remaining
students attend a nearby government school for 11 and 12th standards. The
Ashram also provides food for those tribal students who do not stay in the
hostel and come from the nearby villages and cannot afford to purchase or
bring food from homes.
The Ashram has also started a medical clinic which remains open during the
morning hours. In the afternoon, the facilities of the mobile medical
dispensary are provided to the tribals on a weekly basis, covering all the
120 Ibid. 121 Shankar Bhai Jain suggested me an online document of the several social works of
Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Sewa Ashram. The information presented here is based on
the online document, see, “The Great Work of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Accessed Via:
growth rate of over ten percent during 2001. This growth rate was the
highest among all Indian states.127
Modi also introduced various 'yojanas' (plans). These include
the Panchamrut Yojana,128 which is a five-pronged strategy for integrated
development of Gujarat; the Sujalam Sufalam yojna, a scheme to generate a
grid of water resources in the state for the conservation of water and its
appropriate utilization.129
Besides these two plans, Modi introduced several other schemes for the
welfare of many people of Gujarat.130 By doing several state works the BJP
under the leadership of Modi created a sympathetic environment for itself 127 Ibid. 128 See, “With Panchamrut Modi Targets 10.2% Growth,” The Financial Express (June,
doctors-red-cross. Dated. 19/08/2010. 134 Arogya Bharati is a voluntary organization supported by the RSS in medical field to
serve the for the better health of the people. The doctors who support it are inspired by a
sense of dedication. They are motivated by the values of Bharatiya life, who have respect
and appreciation for different branches of medicine and treatment. The doctors affiliated
with Arogya Bharti are engaged in coordinating and organising them to build a healthy
nation. 135 Interview with Sanjeev Bhai Dixit.
247
or VHP or any of the Sangh outfit. The Sangh Parivar has also made its
presence felt among many other organizations in Gujarat, like Jains, Sikhs,
Buddhists and some Dalit organizations.136 I also visited Namo Namah
Parivaar,137 Shree Yogkshem Foundation For Human Dignity,138 Sewa
Kalakruti,139 Vishwa Gujarati Samaj,140 Sadbhav Seva Kendra141 and
Eklavya Education Foundation School.142 They denied me to give any
information about their area/s of work and the work that they carry out in
Ahmedabad. But after visiting their offices, I could realize that all of these
organizations follow the ideology of Sangh Parivar, the reading material/s,
pamphlets and some of the posters which had the images of Hindu symbols
and identity testified me. Therefore many other civil society organizations
either emerged or are influenced by the ideology of communalism and
Sangh Parivar.
Although there are many civil society organizations who do not follow the
ideology of communalism and are working to restore the communal
136 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 137 Namo Namah Parivaar, Naroda,Ahmedabad, Ahmedabad – 380001. 138 Shree Yogkshem Foundation For Human Dignity, A-47/48, Pariseema Complex, Nr
Bodyline, C G Road, C G Road, Ahmedabad – 380009. 139 Sewa Kalakruti, 21-22 , Goyal Tower, Nr Jhanvi Restaurant, Above Archies
Gallery, University Road, Gulbai Tekra, Ahmedabad – 380015. 140 Vishwa Gujarati Samaj, 102 Maniprabhu Appartment, 1st Floor, Navrang School Six
Roads, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad – 380009. 141 Sadbhav Seva Kendra, V S Hospital Compound, Nr Blood Bank
Office, Ellisbridge, Ahmedabad – 380006. 142 Eklavya Education Foundation School, Core House, NR Parimal Garden, Opp Doctor
House,, Off C G Road, Ellisbridge, Ahmedabad.
248
harmony and principles of secularism, their influence in Ahmedabad is very
limited and they are not strong enough to make any impact against the Sangh
Parivar and its mobilization of the masses on communal grounds.143
Therefore the active presence of Sangh Parivar has communalized many
civil society organizations in Gujarat.
Political Society and the Communal Party Society in Ahmedabad (1985-
2002)
I covered two localities in Ahmedabad where the members of political
society reside. They are Bapunagar and Gomtipur. The members of these
localities are known as illegal, they do not pay tax and have occupied land
illegally. Many people of these localities are generally poor labour,
rickshaw-pullers, work in small shops etc. Many among them also have
migrated from other states (like Uttar Pradesh or Bihar, Jharkhand etc) for
seeking jobs etc.144 They accept; to quote Partha Chatterjee, “that their
activities are often illegal and contrary to civic behavior, but they make a
claim to a habitation and a livelihood as a mater of right.145 The people of
these localities used to bargain with the state for their survival and there had
been many attempts by the government to displace these localities. They are
thus not rights bearing citizen and are regarded by modernizing elites as dirt
to be eliminated. But at the same time they negotiate with the state, political
143 Some of them are, SEED-Society For Education Empowerment And
Development,Valmiki Samaj Nyay Parishad, Institue of Social Research and
Development etc. 144 Findings are base on the field survey in Bapunagar and Gomtipur locality. 145 Cited in, Partha Chatterjee. The Politics of the Governed: Reflections on Popular
Politics in Most of the World (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004). p.40.
249
parties and other political/non-political groups, caste associations etc for
their survival.
Late 1980s was a period of economic scarcity and political instability in
Gujarat. It hit these populations hard; they lost their jobs and were finding it
hard for their survival. The communal organizations visited them and
worked among them during late 1980s. They helped these populations in
finding jobs, arranging money for running small businesses etc. The
population of these localities welcomed the support provided by the Sangh
Parivar and bargained with them. This provided the Sangh Parivar ground to
recruit members from these communities and trained them. Mainly the
activists of VHP and Bajrang Dal recruited many people from these
localities. The ideology of communalism found its way and the Hindutva
movement occurred in political society.146 Therefore for their survival they
bargained with the communal organizations and helped the Sangh Parivar in
spreading communalism and later years in communal nationalism.
In Gujarat communal violence of 2002, many people from Bapunagar and
Gomtipur localities took active part in anti-Muslim pogrom.147 Many people
146 Interview with Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of VHP (Ahmedabad) and
Kaushal Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of Bajrang Dal (Ahmedabad) during my field
survey in Ahmedabad. (emphasis added for analyzing their role in political society, they
are not aware about the term political society, they call them poor and backward people).
The names of the office bearers are changed. 147 see, “15 Injured in Ahmedabad Violence,” Deccan Herald. 8/11/2002. Accessed Via:
6e2e/7e386ac5efbf1c4fe5256cce003d8b54?OpenDocument. Dated: 30/1/2012. see also,
Sanjeevini Badigar, “ A ‘Normal’ Anomaly: Displacement due to Communal Violence in
250
of these localities are committed workers of communal party society and
participate in every gathering, public meetings or programmes which were
organized and invited by the communal party society.
At the same time, these localities and people are still considered the dirt and
the population which illegally has occupied the land. Although, the
Government of Gujarat recognizes that, to quote Partha Chatterjee, “these
population groups do have some claims on the welfare programs (what I
term as state functions of BJP) of the government, but those claims could not
be regarded as justiciable rights since the state did not have the means to
deliver those benefits to the entire population.148 Therefore the government
recognizes that if they accept their claim as rights, it would only be violation
of public property and civic laws.
Thus, Ahmedabad Municipal Council (hereafter AMC), demolished around
seventy sheds on the eighty foot wide road in Bapunagar claiming it as
encroachment by the people of Bapunagar149, and noone came to rescue or
oppose the decision/action by the AMC. On 23rd February 2010, the BJP
government issued notice to the residents of Bapunagar locality and the
estate department of AMC issued notice to Gomtipur locality to clear their
hutments. The BJP was labeled as anti-poor political party by the Congress.
Gujarat,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. XLVII, No. 3. (January 21, 2012). pp. 42-
44. 148 Cited in, Partha Chatterjee, The Politics of the Governed. opp.cite. p. 40. 149 see, “AMC Continues Anti-Encroachment Drive,” The Times of India. April 22.
Dated. 22/5/2011. see also, Paul R Brass. Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in
Contemporary India (Washington: University of Washington Press, 2003).p. 388. 151 For both of these claims see, Allan D Cooper. The Geography of Genocide (Suite:
University of America Press, 2009). pp. 183-184. see also, T.K Oommen. Reconciliation
in Post Godhra Gujarat: The Role of Civil Society (New Delhi: Pearson Longman, 2002).
p.71.
253
between local Muslims and activists of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (Kar
Sevaks) who were returning from Ayodhya. The media initially blamed the
local Muslims for setting the coach on fire. The chief minister of Gujarat
Narendra Damodar Modi and many VHP leaders alleged that it was a pre-
planned attack. The burnt bodies were brought to Ahmedabad, where a
procession organized by the Sangh Parivar was held. The VHP issued a call
for a state-wide bandh on February 28, 2002, which was supported by the
state government.152
Post Godhra violence
Nearly 151 cities and almost 993 villages were affected by the post-Godhra
communal violence, which was most severe in Ahmedabad, Baroda,
Saberkantha and, Gandhinagar on 28 February.153 On 29 February, the
communal violence spread to the rural areas of Panchmahals, Mehsana,
Kheda, Junagadh, Banaskantha, Patan, Anand and Narmada. The next two
days witnessed the spread of violence in Bharuch and Rajkot and later Surat
152 See, “Call For a Calm After Indian Train Attacked,” (February 27, 2002), Accessed
Dated. 12/1/2011. 155 See, Paul R Brass (2004), “Gujarat Pogrom of 2002,” Contemporary Conflicts, March.
26. Accessed Via: http://conconflicts.ssrc.org/archives/gujarat/brass/. Dated. 12/1/2011. 156 See, “We Have no Orders to Save you,” opp.cite. 157 Ibid.
255
According to Human Rights Watch Report (hereafter HRW) HRW in its
widely-quoted report, the violent Hindu aggressors were dressed in saffron
scarves and khaki shorts (the uniform of RSS activists) and were armed with
swords, sophisticated explosives, gas cylinders and petrol bombs. They had
the voter lists and the papers with the addresses of Muslim-owned shops and
their houses.158
The violent Hindu mob also destroyed or damaged many mosques and
Muslim shrines. The dargah of Wali Gujarati (Shahibaug) who was a Sufi
saint-poet, the Gumte Masjid (16th century old) in Ishanpur and the Muhafiz
Khan Masjid at Gheekanta was destroyed by the Hindu attackers.159 The
Police records claim the destruction or damage of 298 dargahs, 205 mosques
and three churches during the mayhem which started in March and ran till
April 2002.160
Economic boycott of Muslims, the use of Pamphlets and
Communication Devices
The VHP circulated pamphlets to instigate violence against and appealed for
an economic boycott of the Muslims. (See Annexure 1). The pamphlets
circulated by VHP urged Hindus to boycott Muslim owned shops and other
businesses, the Muslim owned restaurants, work in Muslim-run offices, hire
Muslim workers or labors and avoid watching movies which were featured
158 Ibid. 159 Ibid. 160 See, Sanjay Pandey, “More Fall Prey to Police Firings in Gujarat,” The Times of India
western belt of the Sabarmati river and comes under the Vejalpur Police
station) witnessed the migration of many Muslim families during and after
the communal violence. Many Muslim families migrated to Juhapura as it is
the only Muslim dominated area which was free from incidents of violence.
Many sitting or retired Muslim Judges, police officers or bureaucrats stay in
this locality. Juhapura a Muslim locality was divided from its adjacent
Hindu locality (Venugopal Society), by a wall.181 The Naroda-Patia locality
has become a Hindu dominated locality. Such ghettoization, the fear of
violence and the activities of communal party society with many local civil
society organizations have affected the Muslim social standing and their
psyche. Their children have been denied admission to many schools or their
admissions have been canceled. The Hindus and Muslims of the city avoid
visiting each other because of fear.182 The civic life in Gujarat in general and
Ahmedabad in particular has been destroyed. The social fabric of secularism
and Hindu-Muslim comparably good relations are now the matter of past.
The Muslims are staying in Ahmedabad as secondary citizens at the mercy
of Hindu nationalist groups.
All these processes (the spread of negative form of religious ideas through
political and civic functions by Sangh Parivar) is responsible for the
destruction of civic life in Gujarat, and has fostered hate, lack of dialogue,
trust, respect etc among the different religious communities. At a broader
level this is manifest in the form of well organized communal violence; in
181 Interview with the people of Juhapura and Venugopal Society (Vejalpur) 182 See, Dionne Bunsha, “Ahmedabad’s Ghettos”, Frontline, Volume-20; Issue 20.