(Folia Linguistica Historica Volume 15, Issue 1-2 ) Vladimir Orel-On the ancient contacts between Hamito-Semitic and north Caucasian (1994).pdf

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Folia Linguistica Historica XVIl-2 pp. 37-46

© Societas Linguistica Europaea

ON THE ANCIENT CONTACTS BETWEEN HAMITO-SEMITIC

AND NORTH CAUCASIAN

VLADIMIR OREL

The present state of research in the field of the Proto-Hamito-Semitic

vocabulary and, in particular, the work on the new Hamito-Semitic Ety-

mological Dictionary (see Orel — Stolbova in press) create new and betterconditions for the analysis of ancient contacts of Hamito-Semitic with

neighbouring linguistic families and phyla. At the same time another major

problem, that of genetic relationship between Hamito-Semitic and other

phyla, may be now formulated in a more or less accurate way (see

Star ostin 1989; Orel in press a).

The writer's purpose in the present paper is to adduce lexical material

that may attest the fact of linguistic contacts between Hamito-Semitic and

North Caucasian (äs represented in a number of recent and forthcoming

publications, see, e.g. Diakonoff, Starostin 1988; Nikolaev — Starostin1995; Starostin 1985; Starostin 1988). The isoglosses uniting Hamito-Sem-

itic and North Caucasian belong to the vocabulary of material and, oc-

casionally, spiritual culture. They seem to reflect intensive contacts be-

tween two phyla on the level of proto-languages. I do not discuss here

the problem of the direction of influence: it seems to me that some ofthe examples adduced below demonstrate the direction from North Cau-

casian to Hamito-Semitic phonetically (e.g. NC *-m- HS *-/·-) but the

material is inconclusive.

FLORA

HS *baray-l*buray- "palm tree" ~ ND *A"0rF"tree"

HS *#aray-/*#M/wy- "palm tree" (with ablaut *a ~ *u in the first syllable)

is one of the words of great importance äs far äs the problem of the

Hamito-Semitic Urheimat is concerned. The reflexes of HS *üaray- l*lsuray-

are known in Sem * harVy- "palm sprout" (Akk # 2), CCh *yuray- "Deleb

palm" (Msg fyurai, borai) and Rift *buray- "Borassus palm" (Irq fyuray).The linguogeographic implications of this word are even more stressed

by the fact that it may well have a North Caucasian parallel in ND *X"örV

"kind of tree" (Gunz rlXu "poplar", Darg Xur "linden", Rut Xld id., Udin

Xod "tree"), see Nikolaev 1985: 61 (erroneously treats Hitt harüu- "po-

plar" äs a loanword from Nakho-Daghestan or Proto-North-Caucasian).

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HS *cem- "odorous grass" ~ EC *sl

A kind of odorous grass was originally denoted by HS *cem-: reduplicatedSem *sim~sim- "sesame" (Arab simsim-), Eg sm.w "cabbage (?)" (pyr),CCh *cyam- "grass" (Bata tame\ ECh *cyam- "hay" (Mkk pl. seemi), cf.

also GS *soyam- "kind of plant" (Or sooyama). This word may representa cor respondence of EC *sFImHV "odorous grass" (Diakonoff —Starostin 1988: 174 including also H urr jr/w-ri "fern"): Lak san, gen. sam-ul"ramsons", Inkh z id., Cez zu id., Av sa ran "mint", Bac sfim "kind of

grass", Chech stim-urXa id.

FAUNA

HS *ra#-, *rafcU- "sheep, goat" ~ NC *nXU "sheep"

One of the Hamito-Semitic terms for "sheep" is reconstructed s *rahil-.It is attested in Sem *rahil- id. (Akk lahru, Aram Jud rahl-, Arab n'/?/-,raftil·, cf. also Hbr r - h el functioning s a proper namc and Soq rehl-oh"lamb") and Eg rhny "Amon's lamb" (NK) reflecting an earlier form *rhtiy

with the anlaut -y reflecting a front vowel of the second syllable (see Orel— Stolbova 1989). The word *rahil- may be segmented s *ra ft-il- if com-pared with the following Cushitic forms: SA *reH- "she-goat" (Afar ree-ta)and GS *reH-/ *riH- id. (Som riA, Or ree, Rnd riyyo). Although the Cushiticmaterial does not allow us to determine the laryngeals in the auslaut, itmay be HS *-Λ- (colouring the preceding vowel HS *a *e). If so, wemight think of HS *rah- "sheep, goat". The latter is to be compared withNC *rzXU "sheep" (see Starostin 1985: 77) preserved in And *riXa id.(Botl riXa, Tind riXa), Cez *Xor "ram" (Gunz Xor, Bezht Xor\ AA *X»9

"sheep" (Adyg Λ™«?-, Kbr X

w

^)9 or, less probably, with NC *rV%wA"cattle" (see Starostin 1985: 75): ND *rVx\vV id. (Αν ινχβά), AA *ra%w9

id. (Abkh a-raXw,Bz a-ra%w, Abaz raXw9).

HS *par-l*pur- "equid" ~ NC *farn E "horse, m re"

HS *par-/*pur' "equid", a cultural term of outstanding importance, iswidespread in various branches of Hamito-Semitic: Sem *para9- "onager"

(Akk/w/τί, Ugp/τ, Hbrpere9, Arabfara*-, SAr/r

9), WCh *piir- "horse":

Grk/?a/7, OBpuri, CCh *pur- id. (Mwu/7wro), ECh *pur- id. (Mkkpuro),SA *farar- id. (Saho farar, Afar farar), GS *faraw- "zebra" (Som faraw,Arb faraw), Omot */#/·- "horse" (Ome faraa). The Hamito-Semitic wordfinds a close correspondence in NC *fam E "horse, m re" (Starostin 1985:77-78) preserved in ND *fame (Avjf»ani), Lezgh *X*ar (Tab X"ar, Agul

Xwar, Lezgh X"ar, Rut A^ f/·) and AA *xwara "horse of pure breed" (Ad

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fära, Kbr xwara). As far äs the correspondence HS *-/·- — NC *-/n- isconcerned, it may be quite regulär, cf. HS *ciwar- "flock".

HS *ciwar- "herd of cows" ~ NC *c(w)ärnV "cow"

HS *ciwar- seems to dcnote, originally, a herd of wild or not fully domes-ticated cows äs in Sem *siwar- "flock (of wild cows)" (Arab siwär-). At

the same time, in Berber it Stands for any herd or flock of wild animals,cf. Berb *cVrVw- "flock (of wild animals)" (with metathesis): Tba asera,

pl. i-serä-ten. It seems interesting to compare this word with NC *c(w)ämV

"cow" (Starostin 1985: 76) attested in ND *c(w)ämV (And zimi, Tindzfrii), Cez zija, Lezgh *cär (Rut zär, Kryz jcrr), AA *zwd (Üb m2-zw-Rz,

Abkh a-zw, Bza-z

w, Abazz*'«?)· For HS V- -NC *-m- see HS *par-/*pur-

"equid".

HS *k(ik'/*kok- "kind of bird" -NC *qeqV(bV) "partridge"

HS *kak-l*kok- "kind of bird" with its irregulär root vocalism may wellbe an onomatopoeia. Its reflexes are found in Sem *ka kVy- "kind of

bird" (Akk qaqü\ Egkk "cuckoo" (NE), WCh *kiikway- "rooster" (Fyerkukwe\ CCh *kwak- "hen" (Gul kwaku), ECh *kVkay- "bird" (Bid keeke).Note that it is also possible to reconstruct a Hamito-Semitic derivative *

kakay-l*k[o]kay- "kind of bird". Yet, it may be tempting to compare the

above Hamito-Semitic forms with NC *qeqV ~ *qeqVbV "partridge"(Nikolaev 1985:62) reflected in ND *qeqV(bV) (AndRobRo, TmdRaRa,

Av RaRy Lak qaqnu, Darg g a g- ba). A striking fea ture of the NorthCaucasian word is the optional suffix *-fe- that is fairly close to the well-

known Hamito-Semitic suffix *-(a)b- appearing in the words (harming)

animals and birds (see Diakonoff 1986: 47-48; Orel in press b).

HS ^abin-l^abun- "guinea fowl" -NC Wap'wzIntV'duck, goose"

HS ^abin-l^abwi- "guinea fowl" is reflected in Sem **abun- "kind of

bird" (Akk abbunnu) and ECh *W/i- *HVbin- "guinea fowl" (Kbl bina).The reconstruction might be somew hat altered if we could prove that HS

*ü yielded to *M after a labial in Semitic: then the word would be recon-structed äs *

9abün~. In any case, it seems to have a counterpart in North

Caucasian, cf. ND *täp'w9lnt'V "duck, goose" (Nikolaev 1985: 67) re-flected in Cez mad, Lezgh p'at', Chech bad, ßac bW, Lak -bat\ Darghalt. Such a comparison is possible if we presume that the word in ques-tion was borrowed from North Caucasian to Hamito-Semitic where NC

*-nt9- was rendered äs HS *-/i-.

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HUMAN BEINGS

For some reason, two words for "woman" happen to display striking sim-ilarity in Hamito-Semitic and Sino-Caucasian. In both cases, it should bekept in mind that the adduced correspondences may belong to the oldestlayer of isoglosses explained not by borrowing but by genetic affinity.

HS *süt- '^vornan" ~ Nakh * wf '- "female"

HS *süt- is one of the terms for an "adult woman" or a "woman of highsocial Status". It is represented by the following cognates: Sem *sit(t)-

"lady, dame" (Arab sitt-), Berb *sut- "women", pl. (Kby sur\ CCh *sut-"girl" (Mwu suti). We find a similar term in North Caucasian from whereI would quote Nakh *jHf'- "female" (Diakonoff - Starostin 1988: 176):Chech zuda "woman, wife", Chech zud "bitch", Ing zud id. Hurr sid-uri,sid-ori "girl" ( Akk sidori) goes back to the same source.

HS *nüs- "woman"- EC *nw,yK"bride, daughter-in-law"

HS *nüs- "woman" is the generic word for "female". It is observed in

the following branches of Hamito-Semitic: Sem *ni$(V)w- "woman" (AramneS s e, Arab nisw-at-), Eg nswyjt "queen" (NK), WCh *nus- "woman,

female (adj.)" (Fyer nusi, Sha / ), CCh *nus- "woman" (Tera nusu, Glv

nusa, Gvo nusa), GS ^a-nVs- "sister" (Gel anso). It forms a fairly exact

correspondence to EC *nusV "bride, daughter-in-law" (Diakonoff —Starostin 1988: 180): Hin c'i-nas, Avnus, Tind /inje, Kar nusa, And nusa,

Bac nus, Chech nus, Ing nus and to AA *nzsa id.

AKTS AND CRAFTS

HS *£ - "box, basket" ~ NC *qqwap'wa "kind of vessel"

Among the variety of Hamito-Semitic terms for vessels and Containers,HS *kop- "box, basket" is of special interest for us. It is well preservedin Sem *kup(p)- id. (Akk quppu "box", Arab quff-at- "basket", cf. alsoAkk qappatu "basket" with different vocalism) and appears also in CCh*Wp- "calabash" (Bch kpa\ ECh *kwap- "box" (Mkk koop) and GS *£w/- "basket" (Som quffo). It may be compared with NC *qqwap'wa "kindof vessel" (see Starostin 1985: 87) äs reflected in ND *qqwäp'wa "pot,

jug" (Av qaba\ And (Bagv qapa "pot"), Lezgh *X»ap "sack" (Rut JP"ab,

KiyzXäb), Nakh *qäp'a "clay vessel" (Chech q äba, Ing qäba). A similarterm * fcapV "vessel" is reconstructed in Nostratic (Illich-Svitych 1967:366).

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HS *(ucar- "container" ~ *tVruc- "ladle"

HS *lucar- "container" is somewhat vague semantically. While in Semiticit is reflected äs *{uYar- "bag" (Akk tusaru), its Egyptian trace dsrjt (pyr)denotes a kind of vessel. From the phonological point of view, however,these forms correspond to our reconstruction perfectly.It is not impossiblethat HS *(ucar- would correspond (with a metathesis not infrequently oc-curring in Hamito-Semitic äs well äs in North Caucasian) to EC *VVruc-

"ladle" (see Diakonoff - Starostin 1988: 176adducing also Ur t'irusi

"measure of liquids") represented in Rut Cure, t'urls.

HS *nVhur- "cloth" -NC *-imXwVr "knit, tie"

Some of the Hamito-Semitic words for cloth and/or clothes are obviousdeverbatives (see, e.g., our notes on HS *k[o]c-). However, there are someterms of this kind that cannot be explained within the Hamito-Semitic.An example of the latter is found in HS *nVhiir- "cloth, kind of dress"

preserved only in two branches: Eg nhr.w "kind of dress" (gr) and CCh*nur- *nVHur- "cloth" (Glv nura). It is quite probable that this term maybe compared with NC *-imXwVr "knit, tie" (Starostin 1985: 86) repre-

sented in ND *-imXwVr "tie" (Tind - - , Charn iXn- ), Lezgh ^iX^ar"knit" (Tab u-v-R-us, Rut -XurX-as, Cakh ho-OXar-as), AA *X"a "knit"

(Abkh a-d'a-hwa-ra, Abaz c'a-h

wa-ra). The comparison is valid if we pre-

sume that a verb was originally borrowed from North Caucasian intoHamito-Semitic.

HS ^erib-l^orib· "sew" ~ NC *WrpE id.

A wide-spread term for sewing is represented by a Hamito-Semitic verb

^erib-l^orib- "sew" with a typical ablaut *e ~ *o in the first syllable(see Orel in press passim). The verb is reflected by Sem *9VrVb- "knot,

link" (v.) (Arab ^rrb "knot", Tgr ^arräbä "join, link"), WCh */tö- **>Vrib-

(Zaar ri:p\ CCh **>warVb- "sew)>

(Brg9orbi, cf. also TUm znb "untie")

and GS ^erVb- "sew" (Or erba). It should be noted that the same rootproduced a nominal derivative on the Hamito-Semitic level that may bereconstructed äs **>ur- Vb-, cf. Sem *

9urVb- "knot" (n.) (Arab *>urb-at-)

and Eg wob "cord" (sarc). The Hamito-Semitic verb forms a tentativeisogloss with NC **>IirpE "sew" (Starostin 1985: 87) reflected by ND

*

9

///pKid. (Darg ib-es), Lezgh (Ud elb "sewn"), Nakh ^ab- "sew" (Bacab-ar), AA *bV - *dwV id. (Adyg da-n, Kbr da-n, Abkh a-ja-X-ra etc.).

HS *k[o]c- "clothes" ~ NC *k'öw dUiu.

Among the terms of clothing some have a more or less obvious deri-

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vational history. A good example is found in HS *k[o]c- "clothes" pre-served in Sem *kus- "kind of clothes" (Akk kusltu, Ug ks-t) and Eg kos

"kind of clothes" (t). While the vowel of Sem *kus- may go back eitherto HS *o, or to HS *w, the Egyptian form with -3- seems to indicate HS*o äs more probable. The Hamito-Semitic noun is apparently derived from

a verbal stem the traces of which may be found only in Chadic, namely,in WCh *kic- "plait" (Hs % e) and ECh *kwas- "spin" (Turn foj j). At

the same time, HS *k[o]c- "clothes" may be compared with NC *k'öw£U

"kind of clothes" (Starostin 1985: 87) reflected in ND *k'öwcV "sheepskin

coat" (Avar k'a c, Chech koc "shirt", Ing ko c id.), AA *k'ac'w "coat,

shirt" (Kbr cto", Abkh a-k'ac'\

HS *fa(-/*fuwat- "loin-cloth" -NC *pwatV "clothes"

HS *fat-/*fuwat- is one of general Hamito-Semitic terms for cloth. How-ever, its Chadic reflexes may indicate that its original meaning was notonly cloth but also a kind of clothes, namely, loin-cloth. HS *fa(-/*fiiwa

(- is reconstructed on the basis of the following forms: Sem *fiiwat- "table-

cloth" (Arab fa (-at-, pl. fiiwat-) and WCh *fa(-/*JVwa f- "(loin)cloth"

(Sura/ivfff "cloth", DE f ata9u id., Angflvet "loin-cloth", Mpnfwät id.).

The Hamito-Semitic root represents an interesting parallel to NC *pwatV"kind of clothes, trousers" (Starostin 1985: 88) äs reflected in ND *pwatV

"trousers, old clothes" (Tind bata, Lakpatta, Archpaltela, Rut badu etc.)and AA *padz "stocking" (Adyg %a-pad, Kbr %apad).

INSTRUMENTS AND WEAPONS

HS *dara(t- "(leather) shield" ~ ND *derVgwVarc"

HS *darak- "(leather) shield" belongs to the vast stock of military termsin Hamito-Semitic. 1t has been preserved in Sem *darak- "leather shield"

(Arab daraq-at-) and ECh *darak- "shield" (Mubi daragd). This term maybe equated to a similar military term in North Caucasian where, however,the corresponding word denotes "bow" or "bow and arrows". Some ofthe meanings found in the reflexes of ND *derVg»V (Nikolaev 1985: 72)may indicate a more general meaning äs a source of later semantics andto imply a semantic reconstruction of *"something tightly stretched ortightly covered", "arc", "arch", "rim, felloe": Arch gerti "bow, arc", Tab

derku id., Agul dirka id., Darg derga "bow", Kayt dereka id., Lak kurta"arc, rim, felloe", Kar tirka-c "bow and arrows".

HS *cakin- "knife" ~ NC * ftnVk VK"scythe"

Among numerous Hamito-Semitic words for "knife" there are a few thatseem to form isoglosses with corresponding North Caucasian terms. One

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of them is HS *cakin- present in two branches of Hamito-SemiticiSem*sakin- "knife" (Hbr sakkln) and WCh *cank- id. (Krf songe, Glm fonga)

with a metathesis in Chadic. Its North Caucasian counterpart belongs toa slightly different semantic group and appears to denote an agriculturalinstrument (see our note on HS *cabür-/*cü- bar-\). The North Caucasian

form is reconstructed äs *cinVk'wV "scythe" (Starostin 1985: 81). It ispreserved in the following groups of North Caucasian: ND *ttnVk'wV(And einik\ Av t'inik*), Cez i'inik9 (Gunz c

rmik\ Bezht cY/tflt

1), Lak c'inik',

Chir e\nak\ Lezgh +C'inaK» (Arch t'inikw, Rut i'\nak\ AA *Z(w)VmVgV

(Adyg Samaj, Kbr Samaj, Abkh a-ibaga, Abaz tfteg, Üb iamagf).

HS *cabür-l*$übar- "sharp instrument" ~ NC *bVruccE "woodenplough, ploughshare"

HS *£abür-/*£übar- is a term used in different branches of Hamito-Semiticin order to denote various kinds of sharp Instruments. Thus, this root isrepresented by Sem *sibar- "sharp pin" (Akk sib äru), WCh *cubur-*cabur- "knife" (Buli s^b^r, Say subur, Paa szmb, Dwot surup) and ECh*sabur- "sword" (Mkk saabur). Taking into account our comparison sug-gested for HS *cakin- "knife", it is tempting to treat HS *cabür-/*cübar-

as a correspondence (with a metathesis) of NC *bVruccE "wooden plough,ploughshare" (Starostin 1985: 82) reflected in ND *bVruccV (Av purucc),And *birVccV (Kar bercce, Cham bijaca), Cez *to/Mj (Cez birus, Gunzbzrus), Lezgh (Ud penecc\ AA *b(9)^a (Üb -täa m a compound).

BELIEFS

WCh **amsi- "sky, god" ~ NC **-amsVia.

WCh **<amsi- "sky, god" (Wrj insina, Kry M/WJ/, Mbu / , Miya yyins, Cagu

ansen, Siri ign/i/, Geji giwji "god", see Stolbova 1987: 227) does not havecognates in other branches of Hamito-Semitic. However, it may representa single residue of a Hamito-Semitic word. The latter, tentatively recon-structed äs HS ^am(V)s- "sky, god", has an obvious parallel in NC (EC)* *0/raK"sky, god" (Nikolaev 1985: 61;Diakonoff - Starostin 1988: 174:with Hurr 6& "sky",Ur esd id.) reflected in Tab ams_ "cloud", Ud as-ojid., Gunz has "sky", Cez has id., Lak as_ "god, sky-god" etc.

VLADIMIR OREL

Department of Classic StudiesFaculty of Hwnanities

Tel Aviv University

RamatAviv 69878 TEL AVIVISRAEL

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ABBREVIATIONS

AA - Abkhazo-AdygAbaz - AbazinAbkh - Abkhaz

Adyg - AdygeianAkk - AkkadianAnd - AndianAng - AngasArab - Arabic

Aram - AramaicArb - ArboreArch - ArchinAv -Avar

Bac - BacbianBagv - BagvalinBch - BachamaBezht - Bezhtin

Bid - Bidiya

Botl - BotlikhBrg - BirgitBz - Bzybian

Cakh - Cakhurian

CCh - Central ChadicCez - CezianCham - ChamalinChech -ChechenChir - Chirag

DB - Daffa-ButuraDarg - DarginECh - Hast ChadicEg - Egyptian

Gel - GelebaGlm - GolambuGlv - GlavdaGrk - GerkaGS - Galla-Somali

Gul - GulfeyGunz - GunzibGvo - GvokoHbr - HebrewHin - Hinalug

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HS - Hamito-Semitic

Ing - Ingush

Inkh - InkhoqwariIrq - Iraqw

Jud - JudaicKar - Karatin

Kayt - KaylagKbl - KabalayKbr - Kabardin

Kby - Kabyl

Krf - Kirfi

Kry - KariyaKryz - Kryzian

Lezgh - Lezghian

M bu - Mburku

Mkk - MokilkaMpn - MupunMsg - Musgum

Mwu - Mwulyen

NC - North Caucasian

ND - Nakh-DagestanNK - New Kingdom

Ome - OmetoOmot - Omotic

Or - OromoRnd - RendilleRut - RutulSA - Saho-Afar

SAr - South ArabianSay - Sayanchi

Sem - SemiticSom - SomaliSoq - Soqotri

Tab - TabasaranTgr - TigreTind - TindinTurn - Tumak

Üb - Ubykh

Ud - UdinWCh - West ChadicWrj - Warji

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Diakonoff, Igor"

1986 "Obsh cheafraz ijskie im enn ye kategorii", Sramitel'no-istoricheskij slovar'

afrazijskix jazykov 3 (Moscow: Nauka), 47-62.

Diakonoff, Igor — Sergej Starostin

1988 "Xurrito-urartskie i vostochno-kavkazskie jazyki", Drevnij Vostok: et-

nokultumye sv'azi (Moscow: Nauka), 164-207.

Illich-Svitych, Vladisla v

1967 "Materialy k sravnite l'nomu slovar'u nostraticheskix jazykov", Etimologija

1965 (Moscow: Nauka), 321-373.

Nikolaev, Sergej

1985 "Secerokavkazskie zaimstvovanija v xettskom i drevnegrecheskom", Drevn 'aja

Anatolija (Moscow: Nauka), 60-73.

Nikolaev, Sergej — Sergej Starostin

in press Etimologicheskij slovar' severokavkazskix jazykov.

Orel, Vladimir

in press a "Xamito-semitskij, nostraticheskij, sino-kavkazskij", Voprosy jazykoznanija 6.

in press b "On the Hamito-Semitic morphology and morphonology", Orbis.

Orel, Vladimir —- Olga Stolbova

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