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Feudalism in Malaysian society : A study in historical
continuity / FEODALITE DANS LASOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA
PERSISTANCE HISTORIQUEAuthor(s): Syed Hussein AlatasReviewed
work(s):Source: Civilisations, Vol. 18, No. 4 (1968), pp.
579-592Published by: Institut de Sociologie de l'Universit de
BruxellesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41231157
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Feudalism in Malaysian society: A study in historical
continuity
Syed Hussein Alatas
The aim of this paper is to discuss the historical continuity of
attitudes and values from the feudal period to the present time.
The recognition of this continuity is important for the purpose of
understanding and explaining certain events in Malaysian society,
particularly those pertaining to its political history. The history
of Malaysia has been characterized by the absence of mass uprisings
or any attempt thereto. What had happened was the frequent
emergence of conflicts between hostile and contending groups of
chiefs and princes, between each other or against European colonial
powers. The mass of the people had never been involved as in the
case of a civil war or a general uprising. The Malaysian records
from the 14th century onwards had confirmed the above.
The continuity we are interested in is a cluster of phenomena
for which the term psychological feudalism is here suggested to
differentiate it from its previous political, economic and judicial
order of which those phenomena were the constituent psychological
elements. The term feudalism, as a histo- rical, social, political
and economic order is not easy to define. Historically speaking it
has been a method of government characterized by the following
traits : (a) The presence of a big gulf between the poor usually
peasants and the rich usually noblemen and chiefs, in the economic,
social, political and judicial field, (b) the political order was
dominated by hereditary groups having at their disposals large
estates, (c) the prevalence of the manorial system of economy
wherein a large, self-sufficient estate was cultivated by the
peasants for the master, often a royal personage who rewarded them
with strips of land the fruits of which were in the main part
retainable, (d) at the head of the manorial hierarchy was the
feudal lord, immune from the supervision of higher authorities, yet
possessing judicial, economic, fiscal and administrative rights,
(e) the relation between the lord and his depen- dents was one of
enfeoffment, the lord having the right of the unpaid labour and
services of his dependents, (f) grants of land for cultivation was
not to be withdrawn at will by the lord, (g) the warrior class
dominated the feudal order, and (h) the feudal order lacked
functional division and favoured decentralization of power and
administration.
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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS
The feudal societies of the Malays, the Chinese and the Indians
contained all the above characteristics. There were also numerous
differences bet- ween feudal societies. Without going into further
details, suffice it to say that the institutional and judicial
system of feudalism in Malaysia had gra- dually disappeared over
since the beginning of modernization during the latter part of the
19th century. Despite this, however, the psychological traits
remain. It is these traits that constitute psychological feudalism.
In the context of psychological feudalism, the relationship between
those in power and those dependent on them is characterised by
personal attachment to the leader or man in authority rather than
to the principles he stands for. The leader or the man in
authority, whetter he is a bureaucrat, a political cele- brity, a
teacher or a business boss, expects the subordinate to be loyal and
faithful in a manner that sometimes comes into conflict with the
norms and ethics of the work or profession. He is supposed to be
loyal under almost all circumstances even if these circumstances
violate the present values and philosophy of Malaysian society.
Before we isolate the historically continuous traits, it may be
desirable to raise certain questions of approach and
conceptualization. It has long been recognized by social scientists
that we should not view the state of society as an overall
equilibrium, an overall harmonious integration. In every society
there are the elements of conflict and strain. There is the process
of differentiation in the value system of the society. The dominant
and subjugated classes do not share entirely a common value system.
As Wertheim puts is,
" We should not primarily look for the inherent structure of a
given society, but for the value systems adopted in different
layers of society. We have, in the first place, to learn how
members of different segments of society view society as a whole.
The division of society might even be based upon a distinction
according to the value systems accepted. Instead of searching
exclusively for integrative expedients, we should with equal
intellectual forces try to detect strains and conflicts in society,
as possible agents in future change" (1). The initial step in
tracing elements of continuity is to differentiate the attitudes
and value systems prevalent in the different sections of society.
We have also to make the distinction bet- ween theory and practice.
The absence of the above considerations has caused a misleading
interpretation of the Malay system of values and atti- tudes
towards kingship and all that it entails such as loyalty and
obedience to the ruler.
Scholars on Malay history and society are generally inclined to
regard the Sejarah Melayu, a Malay text of probably the 16th
century, as the oldest written source on Malay life and thought.
Unfortunately until now the pre- dominant interests in the Sejarah
Melayu have been literary and historical. A further enquiry cannot
fail to reveal the conflict and protest elements in the Sejarah
Melayu. The work was deliberately written on royal command
(1) W. F. Wertheim, Society as a composite of conflicting value
system, p. 35, in his East-West Parallels, van Hoeve, the Hague,
1964.
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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY
with the intention of recording and transmitting to future
generations the account of the deeds and customs of the Malay
rulers (2). The identity of the author is unknown but he appears to
be a pious and cultured Muslim. His restraint towards passing a
moral judgment on the cruel deeds of some of his royal characters
would gain the approval of Ranke. Though no eulogist of Malay
royalty, he did suggest the justice, humaneness and mobility of
character of some of the Malay rulers. He was preoccupied with the
history of Malacca.
The incident relevant to our theme was the murder of Bendahara
Seri Maharaja by order of Sultan Mahmud Shah. According to the S e
jar ah Melayu, the Bendahara was murdered because of the intrigues
and slander of Laksamana Khoja Husain. It was suggested to the
Sultan that the Ben- dahara intended to usurp the throne. Without
further investigation he ordered the Bendahara and his family to be
put to death. The attitude of the Bendahara is of interest here. He
accepted the command without a murmur. His retainers and his family
were prevented by him from resisting. His son, Tun Hasan, was on
the point of attacking the two messengers sent to the house for the
execution with the royal kris. The Bendahara exclaim- ed. " What,
Hasan, would you commit treason ? Would you spoil the name of your
ancestors ? Never was there any disloyalty in Malay tradition
" (3). He further said, " If any of you resists, I shall take
him to account in the Hereafter ".
As apparent from the above, the Bendahara accepted his fate and
refused to condemn the misdeed of his sovereign even when he
himself, his own life, was the object. The author of the S erajah
Melayu gave a dispassionate account of the killing without a single
comment. However, he did portray the innocence of the Bendahara
(4). The problem which arises here is namely the attitude of the
Bendahara. Was it the perfect expression of the Malay conception of
loyalty to the rule ? Was he the embodiment of the Malay system of
values ? Was the attitude of the Sultan likewise an expression of
the Malay system of values ? What about the attitude of the
Bendahara's son ? Was it not the expression of the Malay system of
values to honour and defend one's father, to prevent injustice, to
defend one's family against tyranny, and to condemn it at least in
one's conscience ?
In another incident the opposite took place. Another Sultan by
the name of Mahmud was killed at Kota Tinggi in August 1699. Mahmud
was said
(2) For the Malay text see R.O. Winstedt, The Malay Annals or
Sejarah Melayu (Raffles MS. no. 18), JMBRAS, vol. XVI, part III,
Singapore, 1938. The second English translation is by C. C. Brown,
JMBRAS, vol. XXV, parts 2 and 3, Singapore, 1952. The translation
contains some serious errors but it can be used to understand what
happened. Though inaccurate in certain parts, the historical events
are reliably portrayed by the translation.
(3) R. O. winstedt, op. at., p. 187. The translation is mine.
(4) Josselin de Jong suggests that the Sejarab Melayu was written
with a pervasive
bias in favour of the Bendahara family. See P. E. de Josselin de
Jong, Who's Who in the Malay nnals, p. 1. JMBRAS, vol. XXXIV, part
2, Kuala Lumpur, 1961.
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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS
to be a capricious and neurotic ruler. Hamilton who saw him in
1695, suggested that he was fond of the male sex. One day when the
youthful Sultan Mahmud was asleep, someone brought a ripe
jack-fruit. The wife of an influential captain (hulubalang) craved
for a section of the fruit as she was then confining a child. When
Mahmud noticed the damaged fruit, he was wild with anger and
ordered the woman to ripped open. Her husband, Megat Seri Rama,
resolved to avenge her death and thereupon conspired with some
leading dignitaries to execute his plan. The Sultan was killed
while he was carried on his way to the mosque (5). We may also ask
here whether the attitude of Megat Seri Rama is an expression of
the Malay system of values, the rejection of tyranny, of absolute
despotism unbridled by moral scruples. Before executing his revenge
he declared that he was going to commit treason. He offered to make
the Dato Ben- dahara Sultan. The Dato Bendahara and some other
influential persons approved Megat Seri Rama's design. The whole
affair appeared to be an attempt to get rid of an unbearable and
youthful tyrant (6).
It is apparent that the attitude of Megat Seri Rama is in sharp
contrast to that of the Bendahara of Malacca. Both were Malays
living in a similar cultural and political order. The social
scientists have made the distinction between the system of values
and the deviation therefrom. As far as the behaviour of rulers is
concerned, the continuous domination of the power- ful deviating
from the collective norms, the system of values, has shaded the
demarcation line between what is permissible and what is
prohibited. Objectionable actions became acceptable through
successive repetition by the powerful. Through the mechanism of
conditioned reflex they were assimilated into the intellectual and
emotional make up of the observer continuously exposed to such
actions. The clearest instance is perhaps the perenially prevalent
corruption in Asian countries. Though the systems of values in
these countries prohibited corruption, it became accepted by many
people as an unavoidable practice too deeprooted to combat (7).
A clear instance of the Malay system of values which opposed
misrule and corrupt practices is the Undang Sungai Ujong, the
Digest of Customary Law of Sungai Ujong. Its conception of right
and wrong is basically identical with the commandments of the great
world religions. The digest
(5) According to Raja Haji Ali of Riau who wrote in the 19th
century, in his Tuhfat al-Nafis1, pp. 33-34, Malaysia Publication,
Singapore, 1965, Megat Seri Rama was in turn killed by the Sultan
who defended himself with his kris. The Batavian version of Sejarah
Melayu declares that Megat Seri Rama lived 4 years in agony, with
grass growing in the wound of his foot. See R.O. Winstedt, A
History of Johore (1365-1895 A.D.), p. 50, JMBRAS, vol. X, part 3,
Singapore, 1932. For some information on the different versions of
the Sejarah Melayu scattered in different places, see R. Roolvink,
The Variant Verrions of the Malay Annals, BKI, deel 123, afl. 3,
the Hague, 1967. For complete reference see bibliography.
(6) Raja Haji Ali portrayed the event in this light. The
undertaking gained popular support. The Dato Bendahara was
acclaimed Sultan and life went on as usual.
(7) The point is elaborately treated in a forthcoming
publication entitled The Sociology of Corruption, on the nature,
function, causes and prevention of corruption, Donald Moore Press,
Singapore.
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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY
itself is Islamic in tone and principles. The king is exhorted
to be fair, just, generous, patient, courageous and protective
towards his subjects. He will be ruined if he is unjust to his
subjects (8). From this and many other Malay texts, it is apparent
that the Malays do not all share the same values and attitudes
towards particular events and issues. This is not something
peculiar to the Malays. It is a phenomenon which has long been
recognized by sociologists and anthropologists.
We may here note some general observations on the problem of
valuation, (a) The system of values are originally set by groups,
(b) The standard of different groups reflect to a great extent
their respective social structures, organizations, needs and
functions, (c) Valuation as an act is not performed in
psychological isolation and cannot be sufficiently explained in
terms of subjective intentions, (d) A conflict in valuations
usually emerged when different groups are co-ordinated or
superimposed upon each other, (e) The relation between the
different standards of valuation depends on their relation as
social groups. If there is no com- munication between the groups
then their standard will be separated, as in a society based on
caste, (f) " In a static society, which has reached a certain
balance, there will always be some classes of leading groups
(elites) the standards of which will be silently accepted even by
those groups which are subjugated and essentially frustrated by
these valuations (9).
"
(g) When society becomes dynamic with rapid changes of
stratification, involving the rise and fall of individuals in the
social scale, only then the social prestige of the leading groups
will be challenged, (h) Though social classes decisively condition
the valuation process, it would be wrong to relate all values
exclusively to their influence. The family, the neighbour- hood,
the working team, the club, the playground, the secret society, all
of them, have each its particular influence on valuation.
In terms of the above general observations, the dominant
standard of Malay society from the 16th century to the turn of the
19th century, glancing from available records, was that of the
warrior kingship. The values of bravery, absolute loyalty to the
prince, skillfulness in combat, aggressiveness, and pillage were
stressed. From the 15 th century, if not earlier, the history of
the Malays was dotted by petty as well as more serious warfare
between contending chiefs and princess, right up to the end of the
19th century. Within Malay society there developed two
contradictory value systems, the one stressing co-operation,
gotong-royong, usaha (labour), and conformity, the other stressing
courage, power, initiative, individualism, adventure, absolute
loyalty to the ruler, and pillage. The former value system was to
be found among the agrarian subjugated section of Malay society.
The latter value system was upheld by the rulers and their
courts,
(8) R. Winstedt, P. E. de Josselin de Jong, A Digest of
Customary Law from Sungai Ujong, JMBRAS, vol. XXVII, part 3, 1954.
The translation is not always accurate.
(9) Karl Mannheim, A few concrete examples concerning the
soctologtcal nature of human valuations, in Essays in Sociology and
Social Psychology, p. 237, Routledge - Kegan Paul, London,
1953.
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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS
their dependents and hirelings. The larger section of Malay
society was dominated by the latter.
From the history of the Malays we obtain the picture that two
value systems existed side by side, at some points in conflict with
each other, at others not. By value systems here we mean those
which actually influenced behaviour, not the ideal theoretical
systems. An instance of the conflict in value systems was furnished
by Maxwell. He said, " Forced labour is naturally hated by Malays
and is evaded as much as possible. Travelling in the interior of
Kedah I have seen the Malay peasant running from his fields into
the jungle at the sight of the Raja's elephants, lest he should be
called upon to form one of the train. In Perak the establishment of
British influence has led to a general " strike " on the part of
the peasantry against the system to which they formerly submitted
peacefully. A Malay Raja in Perak, who in 1876 was able to supply
me with the men of two or three villages in order to convey the
baggage and stores of a detachment of troops from Blanja to Kinta,
now finds it difficult to procure men to pole his own boat without
paying them. Men required to perform work for the Government of the
State, as at present constituted, are scrupulously paid, or
provided faith ample rations" (10).
In the traditional feudal Malay society, the cultivator or
tenant of the soil was expected to perform compulsory services in
return for his right to cultivate the soil and live on it, in
addition to the proportion of the yield claimed by the chief or
ruler. There seems to be no codified definition of the nature and
extent of the compulsory labour (kerah) which the superior can
deimand. To quote Maxwell again,
" In a Malay state, the exaction of personal service from the
ra'iyat is limited only by the powers of endurance of the latter.
The superior authority is obliged, from self- interest, to stop
short of the point at which oppression will compel the cultivator
to abandon his land and emigrate. But within this limit, the
cultivator may be required to give his labour in making roads,
bridges, drains, and other works of public utility, to tend
elephants, to pole boats, to carry letters and messages, to attend
his Chief when travelling, to cultivate his Chiefs fields as well
as his own, and to serve as a soldier when required. Local custom
often regulates the kind of service exacted from the cultivator in
a particular district. Thus in Perak one district used to supply
the Raja with timber for building purposes, while rattans and other
materials came from others; the people of one locality used to
furnish the musicians for the Raja's band, while another had to
provide nurses and attendants for his children" (11).
The Malay peasant who ran away from his fields into the jungle
to avoid the Raja's party, acted in conformity with his value
system. The manner of avoidance, escape rather than defiance, was
the institutionally
(10) W. R Maxwell, The Law and Customs of the Malays with
Reference to the Tenure of Land, p. 113, JSBRAS, No. 13, 1884.
(11) Op. cit., pp. 108-109.
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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY
established mode to cope with such a situation. We shall
consider this as one of the continuities. However let us now
describe some of these conti- nuities. The first we can discuss is
the lack of a clear and consciously upheld distinction between what
is private and what is official. In its modern form, it assumes the
fusion between the interest of the individual and that of the
state. The group in power ignores the distinction between private
and official, as in traditional feudal society where such a
distinction was often not drawn. The illustrations used here should
not be confused with malpractices or criminal behaviour. They were
considered proper and legal by the participants. The following is
one instance from the State of Pahang in 1965.
" Members travelling on Legislative Assembly business are
entitled to mileage allowances. It has been the practice for
members of the Legislative Assembly to make travelling claims among
other things, in respect of attendance at political meetings,
civics courses, opening of mosque and public buildings, funeral of
Assemblyman, Bulan Bahasa meetings, Koran Readings and election
work. Recently, the Attorney- General has expressed the opinion
that Legislative Assembly business must be restricted to mean only
business directly connected with meetings of the Assembly or a
Committee thereof or with business specifically instructed by the
Assembly or a Committee thereof to be taken by a member. The
attention of the State Government has been drawn to this legal
opinion
" (12). Another instance of the lack of distinction between
private and official
business concerns the use of telephones. In the State of
Trengganu in 1963, the telephone account of the State Secretariat
amounted to $ 12,918.16. This is more than $ 1,000 per month. The
charges included telephone calls made from government quarters on
official telephones. "Proper records of the trunk calls do not
appear to have been kept and it is noteworthy that no collection
was made for any private trunk call.
" (13) Similarly in Kota Bahru, the State of Kelantan, charges
for private calls from certain officers at Police Contingent
Headquarters had not been collected for up to four years. The
amount outstanding in 1961 was $ 1,544 of which $ 861 was then
still uncollected (14). The above instances are two of the numerous
examples in the different sectors of administrative activity. This
phenomenon is to be distinguished from criminal practices. Those
who made use of government facilities for private ends often felt
that they were entitled to do so. In the feudal period the
distinction between the two was often hazy.
Perhaps the most significant continuity of attitude is to be
found in the relationship between the political leader and his
followers, or between the subordinate official and his superior. In
the Malay feudal society, the most
(12) Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State
of Pahang for the Year 1965, p. 5, Govt. Printing Department, Kuala
Lumpur, 1967. (Abbreviation RAGAS Panane.)
(13) RAGAS Trengganu for the year 1963, p. 3, Govt. Printing
Dept, Kuala Lumpur, 1964.
(14) RAGAFM 1961, p. 29, Govt. Printing Dept., Kuala Lumpur,
1962.
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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS
serious disturbance in the relationship between a subordinate
and his supe- rior was a challenge or a defiance. A challenge or
defiance might lead to an outbreak of hostility or it might not.
Even if the challenge or defiance occurred outside the struggle for
political power, it could lead to serious con- sequences. A
subordinate might challenge the soundness of his superior's
decision, or a follower might reject the leader's views. The
adoption of such an attitude would be met with determined
resistance. One instance a few years ago was the expulsion of a
party member by the central leadership without any reason given
because the member concerned challenged the leadership for not
agreeing with his candidacy for a particular consti- tuency. The
state division of the party (UMNO) had nominated him as a candidate
for the general election.
On the other hand party members who negatively affected the
image of the party by their behaviour were earnestly protected. The
best instance of this sort is the case of the previous Minister of
Education. He sued for libel an opposition Member of Parliament who
made the allegation that he, the Minister, was involved in
corruption. The Minister lost the case and resigned. The Cabinet
submitted for his legal fees 88,323 Malaysian dollars. There were
severe criticisms against this by the Opposition mem- bers. They
claimed that public fund should not be spent on a Minister who went
to court on his own initiative and thereafter failed to vindicate
his name. They deplored the Cabinet's statement that the Minister
was innocent before the judge pronounced his decision (15). This
case illustrates the continuity with the feudal past. In the feudal
society the subordinate could rely on the assistance of his master
even though he was wrong. As a matter of fact royal protection had
been granted to criminal and murderers as evidenced by the practice
concerning slavery and servitude. If a person was guilty of a
serious crime, one way to avoid punishment was to run to the ruler
and declared himself as his slave. Thereafter no one would dare to
touch him (16).
The important conditions to obtain protection from feudal rulers
and chiefs were unflinching loyalty and subservience towards the
master. In return for these protection was granted irrespective of
the nature and degree of the crime. The modern version of this
relationship is found in the political party. As long as the
individual is loyal and subservient to the leader, he can rely on
his protection in the hour of need. His misdemeanour and excesses
may be tolerated, but never a challenge or defiance to the leader.
This idea of challenge is often inclusive of mere disagreement on
issues which do not enter into a power struggle for leadership. The
leader managed his party as though it is a manorial unit with him
as head of the manor. In his set up, status seniority and age
prevails over youth and initia.tive. He keeps his party colleagues
around him as though they
(15) For the debate on this see Parliamentary Debates, Vols. Il,
nos. 18, 19, 1965, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur 1967.
(16) For further details see Aminuddin bin Baki, The Institution
of Debt Slavery in Perak, Penin jau Sejarah, Vol. 1, Kuala Lumpur,
July, 1966.
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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY
were manorial attendants who by sheer devotion and proximity to
him remain in their positions. In the party structure and the
Cabinet hierarchy there is very little mobility. This again
reflects the manorial outlook and condition.
Another continuity which can easily be identified is the
tendency to spend on festivals, ceremonies, entertainments, and
recreational projects, beyond what can be rationally justified
within the context of the situation. The feudal value of pomp and
grandeur prevails upon the intention to save and economize. We may
note some instances here. In March 1966, the Prime Minister
requested an additional sum of $ 203,323 on $ 200,000 for the
purchase of stars, badges, ribbons, and so forth, for 2 new orders
of chivalry which the government introduced then. Thus the sum
required totalled $ 403,323 (17). In 1964 the State of Trengganu
purchased $ 43,300 worth of medals (18). The State of Kedah
purchased $ 75,246.09 's worth of medals (117) in the same year
(19). In February 1968, 109 per- sons received the decorations of
Kedah (20). Trengganu conferred 92 deco- rations in the same year
(21). Perlis, the smallest state of Malaysia, honoured 45 persons
in 1968 (22). The Yang di-Pertuan Agong, as Head of the Federal
State decorated 555 persons this year on the occasion of his
birthday. Selangor conferred 45 honours in 1967 (23).
It may safely be estimated that more than 1,000 persons receive
deco- rations each year throughout Malaysia. In the last 10 years
since Merdeka, Malaysia must have spent millions in medals and
ribbons. Judging from the price of the Kedah purchase, $ 75,246.09
for 117 stars and medals, the average cost is about 655. If we
consider 1,000 pieces at $ 300 each (average) for the whole of
Malaysia, it will come to about $ 300,000 (0.3 million) a year. In
addition to recurrent expenditure as buying medals stars and
ribbons, there is the ceremonial send off and welcome for the Yang
di-Pertuan Agong. On 20th and 21st September 1965, the Malaysian
government spent $ 28,000 on the ceremonial send-off for the Raja
of Perlis, and the welcome of the Sultan of Trengganu as Yang di-
Pertuan Agong (24). The state visits of the Prime Minister of Korea
in September 1965 and the Prime Minister of South Vietnam cost $
30,000 and $ 19,000 respectively. Each visit lasted about 3 days
(25).
The Auditor-General's report of 1964 included a total
expenditure of $ 1,038,711 for the purchase of cutlery, crockery
and glass for Parliament
(17) Cmd. 8 of 1966, p. 11, March 14, 1966, Govt. Printing
Office, Kuala Lum- pur. See bibliography.
(18) RAGAS Trengganu 1964, p. 3. (19) RAGAS Kedah 1964, p. 4.
(20) Warta Kerajaan Negri Kedah, Jil. II, no. 4, 1968. (21) Warta
Keraiaan Negert Trengganu, Til. 21, no. 13, 1968. (22) Warta
Keraiaan Negeri Perlis, Til. 11, No. 11, 1968. (23) Warta Kerajaan
Negeri Selangor, Jil. 20, no. 6, 1967. (24) Cmd. 8 of 1966, Dewan
Rakyat, Malaysia, 14 March 1966. {1) Loc. en.
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House, overseas missions and some government houses. They were
pro- bably for 2,000 place-settings for Parliament, overseas
missions and for Parliament House Canteen. The report did not
mention the total. It said, "In October 1963, the Treasury approved
the ordering of 500 place- settings of cutlery, crockery and glass
for Parliament House and of supplies for six Federal Government
Houses up to a limit of $ 406,400, subject to quotations being
submitted in the first instance. However, orders were apparently
placed without prior reference to the Treasury, and the quantities
ordered exceeded those approved by 400 place-settings for
Parliament, 100 places of cutlery and 200 crockery for Parliament
House Canteen and 600 places for Overseas Missions. The Treasury
limit was exceeded by $ 632,311 and the stores-purchasing
regulations were varied without prior Treasury approval. I have not
yet received the Treasury's comments on this matter or been
informed how previous equipment in Overseas Missions will be
utilised. Funds were voted to pay the whole order under three heads
of expenditure in the First Supplementary Estimates 1965 " (26). It
appears that one place-setting may cost more than $ 500.
Another item of expenditure worth noting is the construction of
the Sungai Way Golf Course in the outskirt of Kuala Lumpur. The
cost was estimated at $ 4.1 million (27). Smaller golf courses are
constructed in the states. This has now become a fashion. The state
of Pahang might have spent $ 100,000 to extend the Kuantan Golf
Course (28). In 1963 the State of Malacca spent $ 396,325.84 for
the construction of a golf course (29). There are numerous other
expenditures on entertainments, banquets, festivals, state visits,
and golf courses which need not be recounted here. Suffice it to
say that the mood and desire to spend on such objects have been
continuous with the feudal past where the ruling power put a high
premium on luxury, entertainment and recreation. There is an
apparent contradiction in the professed aims of the government and
its propensity to spend in projects which it considers as
non-essential (30).
It is not the intention here to construct a typology of
continuities or analyse deeper the effect and significance of
certain continuities (31). For
(26) Report of the Auditor-General, Malaysia, on the Accounts of
the Federal Go- vernment for the Year ended 31st December 1964, pp.
47-48, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1966.
(27) Dewan Rakvat. 23 Tanuarv 1968. Government Printine Office.
Kuala Lumour. (28) RAGAS Pahang 1963, p. 5. (29) RAGAS Malacca
1963, p. 6. (30) The Government on its part will do everything it
can to economise, we
will have to continue to cut out the frills, we will have to
keep on reducing non- essential expenditure, if not eliminate it
altogether, and last but by no means least, we must continue to cut
out waste, as it is also clear that taxation exercises of the
magnitude proposed in this Budget cannot be imposed every year. "
p. 67, Tan Siew Sin, The Minister of Finance, The 1967 Budget,
Federal Department of Information, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.
(31) A study of a more elaborate nature has been made with
reference to the grading of occupational prestige amongst the
Malays in Malaysia, See Syed Hussein Alatas, The Grading of
Occupational Prestige amongst the Malays in Malaysia, JMBRAS, vol.
XLI, Part 1, July 1968.
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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY
this purpose it would be best to select a single topic and treat
it in both its synchronie and diachronic dimensions. It is also
necessary here to correct any possible one sided impression of the
Malaysian development owing to the fact that only the elements of
psychological feudalism have been pro- minently emphasized. This
emphasis is necessary to show its existence rather than the degree
of its dominance in the Malaysian scene. The degree of influence
exerted by psychological feudalism has yet to be studied. No
suggestion at the moment can be reliable or is worth offering on
the influence of psychological feudalism in Malaysia.
The presence of historical continuities identified as
psychological feudalism cannot be denied. Their overt
manifestations are obvious. It would require an enormous amount of
time to gather disconnected and scattered facts here and there to
illustrate the continuities in the different sectors of social
life. Recently Inche Tahar bin Haji Kamin,, 70 years of age, a
witch- doctor (bomoh) was flown from West Malaysia to East Malaysia
on the occasion of the state visit of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong,
the King to East Malaysia. His assignment was to stop the rains
from falling which he was believed to have accomplished in a royal
wedding some time ago in the capital. In Sabah he was believed to
have succeeded in preventing rain for more than 3 days, the period
of the state visit (32). In the various sectors of social life we
find continuities from the feudal period in the realms of beliefs,
attitudes and reaction patterns in crisis situations (33).
(32) Berita Hartan, 24 July 1968. The cost of this state visit
to Sabah is $ 938,000. The Sabah government is buying a new yacht
for such occasion in future which will cost $ 1,500,000. Straits
Times, 30 July 1968.
(33) Concerning the influence of traditional thought on present
economic behaviour amongst the Malays, see Syed Hussein Alatas,
Collective Representations and Economic Development, Kai i an
Ekonomi Malaysia, vol. 2, no. 1, Kuala Lumpur, 1965.
(*) All currency noted is in Malaysian $. 3 Malaysian $ is
approximately 1 US $.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. RJ. Wilkinson, Papers on Malay Subjects, Government Press,
Kuala Lumpur, 1908. 2. W.E. Maxwell, The History of Perak from
Native Sources, JSBRAS, no. 9,
June, 1882. 3. W.E. Maxwell, The Law and Customs of the Malays
with Reference to the
Tenure of Land, JSBRAS, no. 13, June 1964. 4. C.C. Brown, (tr.),
Sejarah Melayu, JMBRAS, vol. XXV, parts 2 and 3, October,
1952. 5. R. Windstedt, P.E. de Josselin de Jong, A Digest of
Customary Law from Sungai
Ujong, JMBRAS, vol. XXVII, part 3, July, 1954. 6. RJ. Wilkinson,
Malay Customs and Beliefs, vol. XXX, part 4, Nov. 1957. 7. R.O.
Windstedt, The Kedah Annals, JMBRAS, vol. XVI, part 2, December
1938. 8. R.O. Windstedt, (ed), The Malay Annals or Sejarah Melayu,
JMBRAS, vol. XVI,
part 3, December 1938. 9. P.E. de Josselin de Jong, Who's Who in
the Malay Annals, JMBRAS, vol. XXXIV,
part 2, 1961.
589
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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS
10. R.O. Windstedt, P.E. de Jo.iselin de Jong, (eds., and trs.),
The Maritime Laws of Malacca, JMBRAS, vol. XXIX, part 3, August
1956.
11. W.F. Wertheim, Society as a composite of conflicting value
systems, in W.F. Wertheim, East-West Parallels, van Hoeve, The
Hague, 1964.
12. R. Roolvink, The Variant Versions of the Malay Annals,
Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land, en Volkenkunde, deel, 123, Nijhoff,
the Hague, 1967.
13. A.H. Hill, (ed., tr.), Hikayat Raja-Raja Vasai, JMBRAS, vol.
XXXIII, part 2, June I960. (Malay text and English
translation.)
14. A.M. will (ed., tr.) l he ttikayat Abetunan, jmka, voi.
jllviii, part :>, June, 1955. (English translation.)
15. R.O. Windstedt, A History of Classical Malay Literature,
JMBRAS, vol. XXXI, Part 3, June, 1958.
16. Raja Haji Ali Riau, Tuhfat al-Nafis, Malaysia Publications,
Singapura, 1965. 17. Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, L.A. Manyon,
(tr.), Routledge-Kegan Paul, London,
1961. 18. F.L. Ganshof, Feudalism, P. Grievson, (tr.), Longmans,
Green, London, 1952. 19. R. Coulborn, (ed.), Feudalism in History,
Archon Books, Hamden, Connecticut,
1965. 20. Karl Mannheim, A few concrete examples concerning the
sociological nature of
human valuations, in Karl Mannheim, Essays in Sociology and
Social Psychology, Routledge-Kegan Paul, London, 1953.
21. Dewan Rakyat, Cmd. 8 of 1966, Malaysia, Treasury Memorandum
on the 3rd Supplementary Estimates of Expenditure for 1965 of the
Government of Ma- laysia, Government Printing Office, Kuala
Lumpur.
22. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Kedah, Jil. 11, 21 February 1968, no.
4, Government Printing Office, Alor Star.
23. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Selangor, Jil. 20, 23 March, 1967, no.
6, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur.
24. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Trengganu, Jil. 21, 26 June 1968, no.
13, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Trengganu.
25. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Perlis, Jil. 11, 30 May 1968, no. 11,
Govt. Printing Office, Alor Star.
26. Warta Kerajaan Malaysia, Jil. 12, 5 June 1968, no. 12,
Tambahan 1, Govt. Printing Office. Kuala Lumour.
27. Tan Siew Sin, The 1967 Budget, Federal Department of
Information, Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.
28. Tan Siew Sin, The 1968 Budget, Federal Department of
Information, Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1968.
29. Aminuddin bin Baki, The Institution of Debt Slavery in
Perak, Peninjau Sejarah, vol. 1, Kuala Lumpur, July 1966.
30. Parliamentary Debates, vol. II, nos. 18, 19, 1965,
Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.
31. Dewan Rakyat, 23 January 1968, Government Printing Office,
Kuala Lumpur, 1968.
32. Report of the Auditor-General, Malaysia, on the Accounts of
the Federal Govern- ment for the Year ended 31st December, 1964,
Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1966.
33. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the
Federation of Malaya for the Year ended 31st December 1964,
Government Printing Office, Kuala Lum- pur, 1962.
590
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FEUDALISM IN MALAYSIAN SOCIETY
34. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State
of Pahang for the Year 1963, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur,
1965.
35. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State
of Trengganu for the Year 1963, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala
Lumpur, 1964.
36. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State
of Trengganu for the Year 1964, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala
Lumpur, 1966.
37. Report of the Auditor-General for the Accounts of the State
of Malacca for the Year 1963, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur,
1964.
38. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State
of Kedah for the Year 1964, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur,
1965.
39. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State
of Pahang for the Year 1965, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur,
1967.
40. Syed Hussein Alatas, Collective Representations and Economic
Development, Kajian Ekonomi Malaysia, vol. 2, no. 1, June,
1965.
41. Syed Hussein Alatas, The Grading of Occupational Prestige
Amongst the Malays in Malaysia, International Conference on
Comparative Social Research, New Delhi, March 27 - April 1, 1967.
Published in JMBRAS, vol. XLI, part 1, July 1968.
42. Syed Hussein Alatas, Reconstruction of Malaysian History,
Revue du Sud-Est Asiatique, no. 3, 1962, Bruxelles.
43. Syed Hussein Alatas, The Weber Thesis and South East Asia,
Archives de Socio- logie des Religions, no. 15, Paris 1963.
44. Berita Harian, 24 July 1968, Kuala Lumpur. 45. Straits
Ttmes, 30 July 1968, Kuala Lumpur.
ABBREVIATIONS
JSBRAS - Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society. JMBRAS - Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society. RAGAS - Report of the Auditor-General on the
Accounts of the State of
for the year RAGFM - Report of the Auditor-General on the
Accounts of the Federation of
Malaya for the Year (See bibliography nos. 32-39.)
FEODALITE DANS LA SOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA PERSISTANCE
HISTORIQUE
(Rsum) (communication prsente la Confrence Internationale
d'Histoire asiatique,
Kuala Lumpur, aot 1968)
Pour comprendre et expliquer certains vnements qui ont marqu la
socit malaise, particulirement certains faits de son histoire
politique, il faut admettre la persistance dans cette socit de
comportements et de valeurs remontant la priode fodale et encore
vivaces de nos jours.
Il s'agit plus prcisment d'un ensemble de phnomnes que l'on
pourrait qualifier de fodalit psychologique , pour les distinguer
de ceux qui se rapportent aux domaines politique, conomique et
judiciaire. Dfinir
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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS
le terme de fodalit n'est pas chose aise. Historiquement, la
fodalit est en fait une mthode de gouvernement caractrise par un
certain nombre de traits que l'on retrouve dans les socits malaise,
chinoise et indienne : cart considrable entre riches et pauvres,
prdominance politique de groupes hrditaires, conomie de type
seigneurial entranant la dpendance des paysans envers le puissant
possesseur foncier, suprmatie de la classe des guerriers,
dcentralisation du pouvoir et de l'administration.
Si la fodalit dans Tordre institutionnel et judiciaire a peu peu
disparu au cours de la fin du XIX> sicle, c'est--dire durant la
priode de moder- nisation du pays, ses caractres psychologiques se
sont par contre maintenus. Le trait dominant de cette fodalit
psychologique apparat dans la rela- tion fondamentale qui unit les
hommes au pouvoir et ceux qui leur sont subordonns ou dpendants.
C'est un attachement personnel qui lie ceux-ci au chef, bien plus
que le respect des principes qu'il reprsente. Et cet attachement se
manifeste en toutes circonstances, mme au dtriment des valeurs et
des ides philosophiques sur lesquelles repose la socit malaise.
Cependant, pour juger de l'tat d'une socit, il importe de dceler
les diffrences, voire les oppositions, pouvant exister au sein de
cette socit mme en ce qui concerne les systmes de valeurs. Ainsi,
pour dcouvrir les lments de continuit, il faut d'abord observer les
divergences de compor- tement et d'apprciation des valeurs telles
qu'elles se manifestent dans les diverses couches de la socit.
C'est en ngligeant ces considrations que Ton a t amen interprter
malencontreusement certaines attitudes proprement malaises l'gard
de la royaut et plus gnralement de la soumission envers l'autorit
du chef.
L'examen de plusieurs faits historiques, dont le plus ancien a t
enre- gistr au XVIe sicle, conduit des observations gnrales sur
l'apprciation des valeurs essentielles. On voit se dvelopper dans
la socit malaise deux systmes de valeurs contradictoires, soit
d'une part celui qui engage la coopration et l'acceptation
conformiste, et d'autre part, celui qui met l'accent sur le courage
individuel, sur la puissance, sur l'esprit d'aventure. Ainsi,
travers l'histoire de la Malaisie coexistent deux systmes de
valeurs qui, dans certaines circonstances, pourront entrer en
conflit. C'est en fonction de cette dualit de comportement qu'il
faut juger bien des faits survenus dans l'adaptation de la socit
malaise aux conditions de son dveloppement moderne.
En dfinitive, la persistance d'une fodalit psychologique est
incontestable. Elle se manifeste notamment dans une demi-confusion
de ce qui est propre l'individu et de ce qui appartient l'autorit.
Elle apparat aussi, et de faon caractrise, dans les relations qui
unissent le chef politique et sa clientle. Enfin, on la retrouve
dans cette propension aux dpenses excessives, engages l'occasion de
festivits, de crmonies et de manifestations publi- ques, telles que
la distribution de distinctions honorifiques. Mais il faudrait une
longue et patiente tude pour mesurer le degr rel d'influence de
cette fodalit psychologique sur l'ensemble de la socit malaise.
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Article Contentsp. 579p. 580p. 581p. 582p. 583p. 584p. 585p.
586p. 587p. 588p. 589p. 590p. 591p. 592
Issue Table of ContentsCivilisations, Vol. 18, No. 4 (1968), pp.
I-II, 499-658Front MatterCommune et Socit rurale en Algrie:
Administration locale et degr de participation au dveloppement dans
l'Aurs / LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND PARTICIPATION IN DEVELOPMENT IN THE
AURES DEPARTMENT OF ALGERIA [pp. 501-543]Traditionalism and the
development of human resources / TRADITIONALISME ET ACCROISSEMENT
DES RESSOURCES HUMAINES [pp. 544-552]Les relations de clientle
comme agent de contestation : le cas du Rwanda / CLIENT RELATIONS
AS AN AGENT OF CONTESTATION : THE CASE OF RWANDA [pp.
553-578]Feudalism in Malaysian society : A study in historical
continuity / FEODALITE DANS LA SOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA
PERSISTANCE HISTORIQUE [pp. 579-592]DOCUMENTSNote sur l'histoire de
la thse belge [pp. 593-602]Rponse l'tude du Comte de Briey sur La
fin du Congo belge [pp. 603-619]
IDEAS AND FACTS / LES IDES ET LES FAITSNew developments in
French-speaking Africa [pp. 620-629]Anciens et futurs Etats du
Commonwealth Britannique [pp. 630-635]La "rservation d'emplois"
(reservation of work) et les "conventions de productivit"
(productivity bargaining) en Afrique du Sud [pp.
636-642]Perspectives de vie et explosion dmographique en Amrique
Latine: Centre Latino-Amricain de Recherches en Sciences Sociales,
Rio-de-Janeiro [pp. 643-649]
Bibliographie - BibliographyReview: untitled [pp.
650-651]Review: untitled [pp. 652-652]Review: untitled [pp.
652-655]Review: untitled [pp. 655-656]Review: untitled [pp.
656-656]Review: untitled [pp. 656-658]
Livres reus - Books received [pp. 658-658]