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Conserveries mmoriellesRevue transdisciplinaire de jeunes
chercheurs
#9 | 2011 :Les reprsentations du pass : entre mmoire et
histoire3. Les muses et les sites historiques : un pass
reprsent
The Emotional Museum.Thoughts on the SecularRelics of
Nineteenth-CenturyHistory Museums in Paris andtheir
PosterityFELICITY BODENSTEIN
Rsums
Franais EnglishCet article examine le discours labor dans les
muses dhistoire Paris au cours duXIXe sicle trav ers la prsentation
deffets personnels et priv s ay ant appartenu des personnages
historiques clbres, des artistes ou criv ains. Comment etpourquoi
a-t-on choisi de prsenter des objets en soi aussi banals et
profanes que lemouchoir de Napolon ou une boucle des chev eux de
Marie-Antoinette ? Dans le cadrerationnel du muse public, quel sens
peut-on encore donner ces objets qui nefournissent pas dinformation
documentaire et qui nont pour ainsi dire pas de v aleuresthtique
?
De fait, cette tradition musographique a encore toute sa place
dans les musesdaujourdhui, surtout dans les muses maisons et les
muses biographiques. Nousallons considrer son apparition depuis la
Rv olution comme la transposition depratiques commmorativ es
chrtiennes dans le monde lac de ltat rpublicain, maisaussi comme le
transfert dun culte priv dans le domaine public. Cela nous
permetdexaminer le caractre affectif des rapports que ces objets
tablissent av ec lhistoire.
This article examines the discourse elaborated in Paris
historical museums during thenineteenth century through the display
of personal, priv ate objects hav ing belongedto famous historical
figures, artistes and writers. How and why do we exhibit objectsin
and of themselv es as banal as the handkerchief of Napoleon or
locks of Marie-Antoinettes hair? In the scheme of the rational
public museum, what meaning wasand is still giv en to these objects
of little documentary or artistic importance?
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Indeed this museographical tradition still holds an important
place in museumstoday , especially in biographical or personal
museums, its appearance during theRev olution and its subsequent
dev elopment will be considered as the transposition of
acommemorativ e practice taken from Catholicism and introduced into
the secularworld of French Republican museum but also as a transfer
from the priv ate to thepublic sphere. This allow us to examine the
agency of such objects as triggers thatallow history to be
experienced as an emotion.
Texte intgral
Inspired by the possibilities of new interactive media, the
twenty -first century
museum often maintains its v isitors attention by stimulating
his senses: sound,
smell and touch, as a response to our y earning for affect. In
some cases this has
lead curators to consciously develop an emotional dimension that
the rational
museum for a long time had officially sought to banish. Our
particular concern
here will be to examine how history museums offer their v
isitors the experience
of an emotionally colored past, rather than a purely
intellectual reconstruction
that can remain fragmentary without the binding power of
sentiment. Though
our demonstration will mainly rely on examples of Parisian
museums in the
Nineteenth-century , we would like to state that the
museological strategies that
they will serve to illustrate have been recently adopted by the
organizers of the
Cit de limmigration in Paris and by the Muse de lEurope in
Brussels,
museums which both opened their doors in October of 2007 . In
the press
release which accompanied the opening of the Cit de
limmigration, in the
Palais de la Porte Dore,1 the v isitors circuit is described as
open, interactive,
based on a series of immersive, emotional and pedagogical
experiences;
trajectories, movements, biographical fragments are brought to
life thanks to
indiv idual tales and testimonies, v isual installations and
projections, games and
objects.2 The Muse de lEurope, which has not y et found a
definite home,
inaugurated its existence with an exhibition entitled: This is
our History : a
moving expo on Europe. Here again scenographical intentions
are
unambiguously expressed: We want to awaken public interest in
Europes
History , especially in y oung people, by appealing to their
emotions, by making
them feel that this history concerns them too as their past and
their future.3 In a
bid to contribute to the construction of European identity , or
to change our
attitudes towards immigration these exhibitions rely on some of
today s latest
media technology . Museum discourses generally refer to their
implementation
as a means to make the v isitor feel like an actor rather than a
passive spectator of
his own history . Both of these exhibits have however also
chosen to integrate
classical object-orientated approaches which have been totally
abandoned in
other new history museums, such as the Historial Charles de
Gaulle, monument
audiovisuel, inaugurated in February 2008 in the Invalides in
Paris and which
as the title suggests is based exclusively on audio-v isual
footage. So our prev ious
examples may be seen as an attempt to overcome a gulf [that] has
opened
between those museums which value these new approaches
[interactive,
dramatic] and those that want to maintain the primacy of their
collections
(Spalding, 2002: 51).
1
Y et what do these display s stand to gain from the presence of
what are
sometimes rather banal every day objects? It would appear that
in the examples
cited above, objects have been used for their capacity to
materialize an
otherwise abstract past, as the means to overcome absence
through the
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intriguing power of presence (Maniura, Shepard, 2007 ). In the
Muse de
lEuropes first exhibit, the artist Dominique Blain prov ided a
highly aesthetic
v ision of Europe born out of the Second World War, embodied
through posters,
chewing gum wrappers and ny lon stockings that are supposed to
incarnate a
common experience of hope. The Cit de limmigration has included
a Galerie
des dons in its circuit, inv iting v isitors to deposit objects
for display that were
meaningful to their personal experience of immigration with an
explicative text
that according to the press release will allow singular traces,
every day objects to
become souvenirs, or rather more, sy mbols. Like Proust lending
us his
madeleine, the memories of history s actors are lent to the
spectator and the
private experience of recollection through a personal object is
made public and
collective.4
Let us now reconsider this general trend to capture public
imagination
through memorial and emotional strategies related to objects, by
looking at the
origins of this kind of display in the modern museum from the
French Revolution
onwards. Our analy sis will essentially be based on one
particular category of
display in museums related to French national history : objects
labelled as
having belonged to either famous historical, artistic or
literary personalities,
or, as we have called them, secular relics. Our aim is to show
how such objects
contributed to the specificity of historical narrative in the
museum, a question
that has been addressed in recent y ears by such authors as
Laurent Gervereau in
France or Jrn Rsen in Germany . In attempting to define the
nature of this
specificity , Jrn Rsen underlined the importance of taking into
account often
overlooked or underestimated aesthetic factors that contribute
to giv ing
historical documents meaning and to establishing narratives in
the museum. He
argues that they characterize one of three forces at work in the
construction of
historical discourse: the political, scientific and artistic
(Rsen, 1988: 11). As we
recognize these forces, we may y et ask how historical museums
deal with the
evocation of mans personal experience of the past, where can it
find a place in
this trilogy and how should museum curators deal with emotional
factors? We
will try and show that the emotional museum can provoke, promote
or
accompany any or all three of these forces. By examining how the
memorial
value of personal objects was used and sanctified in the museum
our objective is
to prov ide an historical basis for a better understanding of
how museums use
objects to bear witness to history . For by adopting display s
like the ones
described above by placing ny lon stockings in a glass case
related to the after-
war y ears the museum uses an apparently direct means of v
isualizing historical
narrative. Y et, such items are more than just simple
illustrations of an event or
an epoch. As distinct from texts or two-dimensional images which
represent the
past in an already abstracted form, objects that were once used,
held, caressed,
contemplated, smelt or even eaten are immediate, concrete and
moreover of a
fundamentally sensual nature. They are not only sy necdochical
figures of an
historical event; they are sy necdochical figures of the human
experience of
history . It is the direct and v iv id experience of history in
the museum which will
interest us here as a ritual form of dealing with memory
(Duncan, 1995). After a
brief presentation of the museums that we have chosen to look
at, we will use
them to consider the reliquary -ty pe display and what forms it
took in history
museums from the French Revolution onwards. We will then try and
examine
how and why such objects were acquired by museums by considering
the
attitudes expressed by donors and curators, which will lead us
to discuss their
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From the Birth of the Museum
agency and the v isiting public.
The object hav ing belonged to and what might be considered its
most
extreme form, bodily remains such as hair or even ashes, appears
in Paris first
public museums during the Revolution. A direct result of the
eighteenth century
culte des grands hommes (Glover, 2000: 47 6), the display of
personal effects or
contact-relics, remained a recurrent representational strategy
in historical
museums, promoting an intimate, communal evocation of the past.
We will
consider this museographical tradition as the result of both
material and
semantic transfers that may be schematized as passages from
religious to secular
and from private to public realms. Predictably , in museums
founded during the
first half of the nineteenth century exceptionally unclear
frontiers operate
between these spaces. This is not to suggest that personal
relics had not been
cherished before or that saintly relics were to disappear, we
simply intend to
discuss their appearance in the new public, secular institution
of the museum.5
4
The transfer of practices between secular and religious spaces
may of course
be explained by the brutal rupture with traditional religious
practice caused by
the Revolution, which suddenly transplanted the near entire
range of material
culture related to the Church into the hands of a newly born
republican state. As
churches were transformed into museums, many true religious
relics entered
the newly created national museums, such as the Cabinet des
mdailles at the
Bibliothque nationale, which received parts of the treasure of
Saint-Denis et the
Sainte-Chapelle. As to transfers from private to public spaces,
the creation of
our new relics, most of which were former private possessions,
was above all the
work of indiv iduals: curators and donors. Each of the museums
that we will look
at was born of one indiv iduals personal initiative meaning that
private and
public spheres were in constant interference: Alexandre Lenoirs
Muse des
Monuments Franais, first opened in 17 95; Alexandre du
Sommerards Muse
de lhtel Cluny, became fully public in 1844 and Louis-Napoleon
inaugurated
his Muse des Souverains in 1853 (although in this last case of a
sovereign ruler
there can be no clear separation between the private indiv idual
and his national
agenda). Our first two examples have been rigorously and
eloquently described
and analy zed by authors such as Stephen Bann, Francis Haskell,
Andrew
MacClellan, Dominique Poulot and as such are well know paradigms
of early
French history museums. The Muse des Souverains has received
somewhat less
attention; a recent publication analy zing Napoleon IIIs liste
civile does however
prov ide some essential insights into its conception (Granger,
2005). Created in
the galleries of the Louvre, it was a direct expression of the
new leaders desire to
legitimate his reign by underlining his direct affiliation with
Napoleon, and by
presenting himself as a central figure in Frances genealogy of
power. It was the
first time that historical memorabilia became the principal
concern of any
museums official acquisition policy . Other museums, created in
the second half
of the century , will also be drawn upon for examples. The Muse
des Archives de
lEmpire opened in 1867 . Its creators described it as a kind of
public portal-like
space to be placed before the closed corridors of the national
archives, the
sanctuary of French History , to use the very terms employ ed by
its first
curator.6 The Muse Carnavalet which was instigated by Haussmann
in 1867 to
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Reliquary forms in earlymanifestations of secular veneration
preserve some of the rapidly disappearing traces of the
vieuxParis, and finally
Victor Hugos house museum, place des Vosges. Strictly speaking
this last
example falls into the category of personal museums, but the
strong national
impact of Hugos life and personality , his immediate inhumation
in Frances
Pantheon of Great Men in 1885 allows it to be considered amongst
the capitals
nationally orientated history museums.
Let us begin by first examining some presentations of personal
objects or
bodily remains that borrow the formal aspect of their display
from the catholic
tradition of the reliquary . The persistence of such a formal
kinship may either be
considered as exemplary of the desire to preserve the material
remains of the
past by giv ing them new meaning in post-revolutionary society
or as the
nostalgic desire to recall lost forms of veneration. In the
complex ty pology of
reliquaries, one of the most common forms is that of a
sarcophagus or a
miniature church, it is the one that we recognize most often in
the nineteenth-
century museum.
6
A famous and literal quotation of a catholic reliquary -ty pe
presentation can be
attributed to Dominique-Vivant Denon, who directed the Louvre
from 1802 to
1815, and in which he used an actual fifteenth-century reliquary
to exhibit
sy mbolic remains related to medieval history or to the Empire.
It included such
relics as a lock of Agnes Sorels hair, a bloody piece of the
shirt that Napoleon
had worn on his deathbed and a leaf from the tree that grew over
his grave
(Bresc-Bautier, 2001). However, it was not as director of the
Louvre, but as a
private collector that Denon indulged in such historical
fetishism. This may not
be said for Alexandre Lenoir, who probably prov ided Denon with
some of the
remains present in his reliquary and who established a
collection of corps
historiques that was clearly destined to be public (Poulot, 2007
: 17 1). His first
biographer, M. Allou, described Lenoirs museographical talent as
that of a
clever sorcerer (Poulot, 1986: 499). His efforts to seduce the v
isitors of his
Muse des monuments franais were most obv iously expressed in the
Jardin
lyse, perhaps the most personal part of Lenoirs famous
undertaking. The
former gardens of the convent des Petits-Augustins that he
transformed in 17 99
into a strange, Pantheon-like park, were the heart of Lenoirs
museum and as
such had been specifically designed for the sensitive soul
(Greene, 1981: 214).
These gardens offer a very different context compared to the
more rational
attempts at a chronological presentation of French sculptural
arts that were
budding in the galleries of the convent. Lenoir decorated the
lawns and groves of
his park with a remarkable series of displaced tombs that he had
rebuilt in what
can be interpreted as a direct reaction to the destructions of
the roy al
sepulchres in the Saint-Denis cathedral. Not content for them to
remain simple
cenotaphs, he began to actively seek out bodily remains of
celebrated French
men and women. His efforts proved fruitful and he soon had the
bodily relics of
Molire, Descartes, La Fontaine, Turenne and others transferred
to his museum.
A popular military hero of Louis XIII and Louis XIVs reign,
Turenne fulfilled the
requirements of republican patriotism and so his body was spared
destruction
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after being unearthed at Saint-Denis in 17 93. Miraculously well
preserved, it was
kept for five y ears at the Musum dHistoire Naturelle. In a plea
for its transfer to
the Muse des Monuments Franais, Beaumarchais called for its
display there in
a glass frame that [would allow] us to see the heros body ,
[whose display ]
would command our respect (Glover-Lindsay , 2000: 485). However,
Lenoir
preferred a more discreet method of presentation. The relics he
collected were
not to be made directly v isible to the public. This did not
mean however that
their presence was not considered to be an important element in
heightening the
emotional experience of his v isitors. In some cases, such as
for Hlose and
Ablard,7 the acquisition of bodily remains called for the
creation of a new
monument : in 1800 Lenoir went himself to the abbaye du Paraclet
to recover
Abelards bones. In order to unite the my thical couple, he
constructed a
monumental reliquary from an assortment of medieval monuments
and tombs,
still to be seen in the Pre-Lachaise cemetery today . In his
1801 guide to the
museum he writes : Buried in the tomb, they live on, these
inseparable friends,
they call to each other forever, making the names of Hlose and
Ablard heard
through the stone that covers them ; the air v ibrates with
their soft tones and the
plaintive echo reverberates throughout : Hlose !, Ablard !,
Hlose !,
Ablard ! (quoted by Glover-Lindsay , 2000 : 486). If he made
touch and sight
impossible, the sensorial importance usually attached to relics,
albeit inv isible,
remained all the stronger as the marble figures of the couple
became references
to the bodies buried beneath.
It is characteristic of the revolutionary period, during which
the heritage of
the Ancien Rgime was regenerated through strategies of remploi,
that the
transfers from Christian tradition here described should be so
literal in form.
After the Restoration in 1816 and despite Lenoirs offer to build
a chapel and
have daily mass read to make up for the initial sacrilege, his
relics were restored
to hallowed ground (Greene, 1981 : 217 ). Fifty y ears later in
the Muse des
Archives de lEmpire the testament of Louis XVI and the last
letter written by
Marie-Antoinette were shown to the public enshrined in a black,
Boulle sty le
display cabinet decorated with reliquary -like pediments
(James-Sarazin,
2004 : 227 ) ; unfortunately we have no v isual documentation of
this display .
Most often the reliquary form of display remained related to a
very personal
choice. This meant that generally the object found its way into
the museum
already enshrined, as is the case of the famous Reliquary of Roy
al Mementoes
created for the duchesse de Tourzel (Wrigley , 2002 : 25) an
exceptional piece
that was given to the Carnavalet in 1994.
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F. Bodenstein 2007.
Photo 1: Mme de Tourzels Reliquary of Royal Mementoes, at the
Muse Carnavalet.
However we must add that in some cases the museum as a whole was
designed
and interpreted as a reliquary -ty pe space, the Muse des
Souverains prov ides us
with an excellent example. In 1853, Horace de Viel-Castel, the
museums first
director, praised the striking overall effect that the room
dedicated to the
souvenirs of Napoleon would have on its v isitors. He described
how its lighting
and decoration had been designed to produce a contemplative
atmosphere that
called for religious silence in this funerary monument dedicated
to the memory
of Napoleon as the spiritual counterpart to his earthly body s
resting place at the
Invalides8(Viel-Castel, 1853 : 189-190). A contemporary
journalist clearly
described his v isit to the museum using a series of metaphors
related to the idea
of pilgrimage.9 A less official, less political and more
intimate example of a
memorial cult on an important spatial scale is the faithful
reconstitution in
Victor Hugos house museum, place des Vosges, of the bedroom in
which the
famous poet drew his last breath. Donated to the city by Paul
Meurice, the
museum opened in 1903 in the house that the author had inhabited
from 1832 to
1848. Its v isitors circuit ends with the bedroom including all
of the furniture
and decorative items that were found in his room in the
apartment avenue
dEy lau when he died, creating what Arsne Alexandre qualified in
his terms as a
true sanctuary .1 0 Interestingly , if we compare the
description of the room
given in a 1912 guidebook we can appreciate how little this
installation has
changed over time and in a sense the funerary atmosphere has
even been
reinforced thanks to the dim lighting prov ided by electric
candles.1 1(Quentin-
Bauchart, 1912 : 132 ).
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F. Bodenstein 2007.
Photo 2: Victor Hugos bedroom, Muse Victor Hugo, place des
Vosges.
Objects of private devotion in publicspaces
Although such examples appear particularly striking, there were,
relatively
speaking, few formal citations of the catholic reliquary or tomb
principle in the
display of public collections. Such an explicit reference,
directly connotating
conservative, roy alist values, had to be considered out of
place in the republican
museum. As was to be expected any such reference gave way to a
set of formal
codes specific to secular museum culture.
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Throughout the second half of the nineteenth century and the
beginning of the
twentieth century private collectors and indeed family members
chose public
collections, that guaranteed the inalienability of their
holdings, as the most
suitable last resting place for personal treasures either
related to the lives of
some celebrated figure or linked to some important historical
event. An
examination of the catalogues of the Muse Carnavalet show a
sharp decline in
this ty pe of donation from the 1930s onwards. Taken as an
historical
phenomenon, the number of donations concerning such items
follows the same
evolution as that of other collectables like national
antiquities particularly in
vogue in the nineteenth century . However, it would appear that
more so than
other museums, the Muse des Souverain and later the Muse
Carnavalet both
relied heav ily on the generosity of private donators for the
expansion of their
collections. In the case of Carnavalet it may be said that the
museum made little
or no paid acquisitions of personal objects, although Parisian
sale catalogues
show that there was a very developed market. Richard Wrigley ,
who has studied
the Revolutionary relic, quite rightly remarked on the relevance
of the
assumption made by the organizers of the Muse des Souverains
that sufficient
quantities of new material would certainly come into the museum
through
private sources, indicating that there was a reservoir of
personal souvenirs,
which could be drawn upon (Wrigley , 2002 : 35).
11
Archives concerning donations, such as testaments, show the high
esteem in
which their owners held such objects. Many of them had been kept
in families for
generations. Such was the case of a slipper donated to the Muse
des Souverains
in 1853 supposedly hav ing belonged to Marie-Antoinette. To the
owners mind,
its story was well documented, and its authenticity
unquestionable : shortly
after the queens execution it had been taken from her chambers
by a certain
captain Dorv ille, who immediately gave it to the donors mother.
In his own
words it had been religiously conserved in the family ever since
(Barbet de
Jouy , 1868 : 186). Later, towards the end of the nineteenth
century , donations
came directly from the family members of famous artists or
writers, like a
collection of items which had belonged to Jules Michelet and
given to the Muse
Carnavalet by his wife in 1893 (Dubois, 1947 : 446) orthe 17 0
personal
belongings donated in 1923 by Georges Sands granddaughter.
However, not all
offerings were eagerly accepted, and as might be expected, their
authenticity
became a question of ever-greater importance. The increasingly
severe
conditions applied in the process of admission, illustrated the
curators desire to
justify and to rationalize the presence of these objects.
12
In regard to personal objects, questions of authenticity were
not really raised
before the middle of the nineteenth century . When the famous
collection of the
former Alexandre de Sommerards Muse de Cluny opened to the
public in 1844,
no one expected any explications concerning the provenance of
Saint Louis
chess set, Franois Is bed or the knife that had been used to cut
the stag at the
gala banquet celebrating Charles VIs coronation. Moreover, the
descriptions of
objects on display show no understanding of frontiers between
history and
my th ; the chalice that was used at the dinners of Charles V
was quite naturally
described as being able to quench the thirst of thirty men.1 2
The objects in his
collection, although chosen for their artistic qualities were
not so much
described in aesthetic terms but rather as silent witnesses to
important
historical events and sometimes to very intimate scenes. The
door to the room
named after Franois I came from the chateau dAnet ; in
Sommerards words it
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had often given way to Henri IIs impulses, as he came to forget
his troubles
beside Diane,1 3 his famous mistress. As to the authenticity of
the claimed
provenances and despite their sometimes outrageous improbability
, the
venerable nature of the Muse de Cluny and the reputation of its
founder seem to
have been proof enough (Marot, 1969 : 291).
Under the reign of Napolon III, the museum was asked to satisfy
more
rigorous criteria concerning the authenticity of the artifacts
it display ed. In the
field of historical research, emphasis was being put more and
more on the
essential importance of primary sources (Poulot, 2004 : 199) ;
in this changing
disciplinary context there could be no idea of creating a new
history museum
following the artistic principle which had been adopted in Louis
Philippes
museum dedicated to All the glories of France at Versailles. In
these galleries,
French history , battles and coronations were mainly illustrated
through a
selection of artworks, a huge state commission had ordered a
vast series of
paintings by contemporary artistes such as Vernet or Delacroix
to complete the
museums program. What was required now was proof ; a
prerequisite that
fuelled the creation of the Muse des Archives de lEmpire,
entirely based on the
principle of display ing authentic documents, for the most part
dated and
manuscript. This change in attitude concerning authenticity is
also illustrated by
the efforts of the curators of the Muse des Souverains, a museum
entirely
conceived around the principle of objects hav ing belonged to.
In the decree
announcing the creation of the museum, published and signed by
Louis-
Napolon in 1852, authenticity was declared the essential
condition and
principle of its collections.1 4 milien de Nieuwerkerke,
Directeur gnral des
Muses nationaux, was very active in the creation of the museum
and with his
colleagues in the Louvre, did not hesitate to refuse large
quantities of objects.
The museums archives show that a good deal of the propositions
submitted for
consideration by the museums curators corresponded to a very
loose
conception of authenticity , especially in the case of the
impressive series of
objects pertaining to Napoleon I, in most cases common bibelots
simply marked
with his name. Nieuwerkerke knew that if he wanted to be taken
seriously he had
to have the means of convincing v isitors of the authenticity of
the relics on
display . As Catherine Granger has remarked, the museums
catalogue included
extracts of archives to support claims of authenticity ,
sometimes printing letters
received by donors relating how they came into possession of the
objects. One
such letter is from an Austrian officer, Rudolf Fuchs, who
explained that his
father had been doctor to the Austrian roy al family and had
thus come into
contact with the roi de Rome, giv ing him the opportunity to cut
a lock of his hair
after his death. He could thus guarantee the authenticity of the
relic in
question(Granger, 2005 : 324). It would appear that curators in
general became
increasingly wary . Jules Cousin, the director of the Carnavalet
Library and
Museum from 187 0 to 1898, seems to have had little time to
spare for what a
colleague of his called la dfroque. In spite of the presence at
Carnavalet of a
great deal of such personal possessions, and the importance of
certain
donations, he showed his lack of enthusiasm on more than one
occasion. When a
member of the Duplessis family offered the relics of Lucile
Desmoulins, wife of
the revolutionary hero Camille Desmoulins, including an
embroidered corsage,
that had been worn over the beating heart of the faithful lover,
he distrustfully
demanded, who can prove it, her breast is no longer.1 5 Of
course doubt was
difficult to admit in a space that increasingly defined and
legitimized its
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Experiencing the object, the emotionof history
existence with positiv ist concepts of progress and knowledge.
Moreover
authenticity was a value that allowed curators to outweigh the
importance, at
least in appearance, of the essentially animist ideas and
fetishist reactions that
such objects provoke.
In 1989, an exhibition was dedicated to a Soulier de
Marie-Antoinette in
Caens municipal museum.1 6 The catalogue included a remarkable
analy sis of the
role of museography in conditioning how we behold such personal
objects. The
introductory essay voluntarily opens with a painstaking effort
to establish the
authenticity of the slipper, only to conclude that proof is
perhaps not so very
important but that it is rather the state of uncertainty that
most excites our
imagination and our curiosity , allowing us to invent from what
we see (Tapi,
1989). The object, in this case a slipper, is presented with a
label stuck to the
inner sole indicating the extreme importance of identification
by means of a
written seal. It was most probably affixed when the object was
first exhibited in
Caen in 1883. By examining the question of authenticity we can
see that the
representational value of these souvenirs rarely resides in the
phy sical aspect of
the object itself ; its value is inv isible, only the
supplementary information
provided in the most simple case, the mention of its provenance
on a label
can bestow any real meaning. This strange situation was most
clearly described
by a journalist of the Magasin pittoresque in 1869 : Take away
the certificate of
provenance from the handkerchief that Napoleon touched before dy
ing, or from
Marie-Antoinettes slipper and we cannot say how much they would
be worth,
nor if one would still find a soul who would bend down to pick
them up off the
ground.1 7 This implies that museographical strategies play an
essential role in
fabricating the meaning of such objects. The Caen exhibition is
an intriguing
reflection on how these objects and their display provoke a
sense of intellectual
discomfort. The most obv ious explanation for this is that they
are quite often
devoid or weak in the v isual, aesthetic, demonstrative or
narrative qualities that
generally justify the presence of an artifact in a museum. The
observational
paradigm which is still status quo in most museums considers
that the object
contains a sum of clearly definable knowledge that can be
directly transferred to
the spectator or observer, without there being any
interpretative interaction
between them (Taborsky , 1990 : 60). It most obv iously
flounders in the face of
such objects, for what are we supposed to learn, understand or
appreciate when
we gaze upon Napoleons handkerchief or a slipper once worn by
Marie-
Antoinette ?
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F. Bodenstein 2007.
Photo 3: Napoleons handkerchief and hat. Detail from an
engraving representingobjects in the Muse des Souverains. Wood
graving by J. Choquet, published in theMuse des familles, August
1854: 345.
How can we define the quality that justifies their presentation
to the public,
and how can we define their presence without simply resorting to
admitting to
our own fetishist tendencies, for we feel their attraction
without fully
understanding or accepting it ? The solution may be found in
recent social
theories that place objects or globally material culture at the
heart of social
relationships and try to describe the structures that they help
to define, allowing
us to consider such objects not just as idiosy ncratic
exceptions in a largely
rational and reasonable universe but as extensions of our social
selves (Debary ,
Turgeon, 2007 : 2).
16
The object-souvenir is in fact the clearest expression of how
the museum
preserves and fabricates memories through experience(s) of
history as opposed
to the construction of historical knowledge. In a sense it is
exemplary of a
paradox that lies at the heart of the history museum. Critically
-minded curators
such as Laurent Gervereau and specialists of nineteenth-century
museums like
Dominique Poulot agree that they often evolve far from the
considerations of the
historiography of their time, siding with simple concepts of
compilation and
conservation and indeed serv ing as witnesses of a relationship
with the past,
with memory , with identity rather than as the expression of a
relationship to
History as a scientific discipline (Gervereau, 1996 : 22,
translated by the
author).1 8 The objects that we have questioned here are not
historical
documents in a strict sense, as they prov ide little information
in themselves.
They have value because of their past, their provenance, the
hands that touched
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them, the events that they witnessed ; things that they do not
necessarily
translate directly are remembered or imagined indiv idually by
those that
contemplate them. The emotional potential of these objects is
heightened by the
fact that they prov ide little or no other information that
might distract the
v isitor from a sentimental experience. They may even be defined
by this
discursive void, particularly open to interpretation. The power
of personal
objects was recognized by nineteenth-century curators and seems
to have
served the secular cult des Grands Hommes, described by Louis
Rau as a
replacement religion (Rau, 1959 : 37 2) vowing its cult not to a
higher god but
to humanity itself as a transcendent value. The garden created
by Lenoir can
thus be interpreted as the material expression of the
secularisation of memory
provoked by the changing attitude to death, as analy zed by
Jean-Claude Bonnet
in his study of eulogies in the eighteenth century . He puts
forward the idea that
the secular orator (we might here use the word curator) adopts
the point of
v iew of posterity . [] The former eschatological perspective
gives way to an
exclusively commemorative v ision (Bonnet, 1998 : 53, translated
by the
author).1 9 The cult of Great Men was also considered as an
integral part of civ ic
and moral education. At the end of the nineteenth century , in a
chapter of his
ducation des sentiments, entitled Du culte des grands hommes,
the
philosopher Flix Thomas wrote our religion is to love and
cherish our
patrons, provoking a new form of emulation, whose educational
role is
destined to become more and more important[] because humanity
progresses
in reality only thanks to men of genius (Thomas, 1899 : 216,
213, translated by
the author).20 Aside from obvious political intentions,21 the
fundamental aim of
the Muse des Souverains was to prov ide moral examples and
lessons. The
emotion produced at the sight of the objects display ed was a
means to this end.
Viel-Castel declared that nothing written could compare to the
quiet eloquence
of the relics there assembled, commenting on the strong
emotional reaction
shown by v isitors of all generations ; in his account even the
y oungest and most
frivolous spirits were touched and women and veterans were often
moved to
tears. Towards the end of the century the Muse Carnavalet would
also display
the Emperors possessions, promoting historical pathos by
presenting
Napoleons ncessaire de campagne, as objects of grave curiosity
.22 According
to Viel-Castel, the napoleonic souvenirs needed no introduction
; the history of
this hros populaire was in every ones minds and hearts. Not only
did he claim
that they had the power to recall a whole period, he described
how the presence
of the Emperors personal objects had incited v isitors to recall
their own
forgotten family stories.23 Interestingly one journalist was
shocked by the
presence of the handkerchief that had been used to wipe
Napoleons brow on his
deathbed considering it to be an object too intimate and moving
for display in a
public museum.24 In his inaugural speech of the Muse des
Archives de lEmpire,
Lon Gautierannounced that one of the aims of the new museum
would be to
help v isitors conceive a higher idea of the French nation,
whilst underlining the
importance of the emotional effect produced by the objects on
display . He
recalled the strong impact that the souvenirs from Sainte-Hlne
had had on the
v isitors of the Muse des Souverains, which had opened fourteen
y ears earlier
and imagined the impression that Louis XVIs tearstained
testament would make
on the public of his museum.
We can observe how the display of personal objects became less
political and
gave rise to more intimate v isions in other museums, especially
those
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Towards a Cultural History of RelicObjects and the
Post-ModernMuseum
established from the end of the century onwards in the homes of
famous men,
writers and artists such as Victor Hugo and Gustave Moreau
although it is a
question of perspective as our more recent examples show that
this tendency
seems to have been inversed. In such personal contexts they
became objects of
devotion or veneration in a cult which was not so much focused
on man as an
historical actor, or a personification of national glory but was
in a sense
intensely concerned with Man himself ; great men, generally
artists who came to
represent the div ine element in all men or a new conception of
genius, which
Hugo himself contributed to developing in his writings (Pety ,
2007 : 59).25 We
might conclude that the range of emotional possibilities prov
ided by such
objects was and is still particularly large.
Today , artifacts hav ing belonged to still abound in the
personal museums of
artistes, writers and famous historical figures, places whose
idiosy ncratic
rejection of public museum conventions at once recalls earlier
curiosity
cabinets and anticipates post-modern display strategies
(MacClellan, 2006 :
xv i). Let us first consider two twentieth-century Parisian
examples that
immediately come to mind as efforts to recapture a
nineteenth-century
sentiment of objects : the Maison de Balzac and the Muse de la
Vie Romantique
respectively opened to the public in 1960 and 1984. They both
seek to convey a
sense of the souvenir specific to the romantic era y et they do
not simply
provide a lesson in cultural history . A display of objects
related to Balzacs
passion for Mme Hanska in the house in which Balzac spent the
last y ears of his
life and which was donated to the town in 1949, inv ites us to
relive Balzacs
emotion for his lover, letting us contemplate the same keepsakes
that he had
himself lov ingly handled. We can discover the so called canne
bullition
made from the turquoises of a necklace of Mme Hanska, a watch
and a writing set
that he gave her. We can also see Balzacs hand moulded in bronze
and the
medallion of Balzac by David dAngers.
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F. Bodenstein 2007.
Photo 4: Display of Balzac souvenirs of Mme Hanska at the Muse
Balzac in Paris.
F. Bodenstein 2007.
Photo 5: A display dedicated to objects that once belonged to
Georges Sand, they wereoffered to the Muse Carnavalet in 1923 by
her granddaughter, today in the Muse de laVie Romantique,
Paris.
The fetishist, emotional element that is necessarily attached to
these objects is
one of the most efficient strategies that such museums rely on.
At the Muse de
la Vie Romantique, a similar display of objects, formerly to be
seen in the Muse
Carnavalet, is dedicated to Georges Sand who with Ary Scheffer
has become a
resident me du lieu. Museum catalogues, articles and
descriptions of such
objects reveal how the museum consistently uses them to evoke
the inner,
sentimental life of historical figures.26
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Little remains of the history museums considered in this article
Lenoirs
gardens have of course disappeared, Sommerards Cluny is
unrecognizable and
the Muse des Souverains was shut in 187 1 after the fall of the
Second Empire.
Carnavalet has thrived however and continues to display objects
that once
belonged to historical figures, from Robespierre to
Marie-Antoinette, taking care
however to establish a critical distance by using them to
illustrate the cult
phenomenon that once surrounded these personalities rather than
actually
perpetuating one, and thus avoiding hagiographic discourses. No
phy sical traces
of the Muse des Archives de lEmpire that became the Muse
dhistoire de
France are v isible to today s public, however during a recent
tour, I was lucky
enough to discover the reserves, usually inaccessible to the
passer-by , and the
armoire de fer centrally situated in a room called the Trsor des
Chartes.27
There one of the museums curator solemnly opened the spectacular
onion-peel
series of iron doors that protect what is in fact the phy sical
and sy mbolical heart
of the original museum, carefully extracting the most important
elements of an
astonishing collection of historical artifacts and documents.
When the museum
first opened in 1867 , they represented something like the
founding stones of
Frances history and identity . Out of this veritable tabernacle
emerged a pack of
play ing cards owned by Louis XVI, Marie-Antoinettes Gazette des
Atours and a
set of rusty key s from the Bastille, but also Frances first
Constitution of 17 91,
and Napoleons testament. Bemused by our awed reaction, the
curator
immediately and somewhat disdainfully evacuated, what she
herself designated
as the fetishist value of certain of these objects, by
explaining to us the exact
historic circumstances surrounding each of them. Of course, this
flow of precise,
historical information immediately took the my thical edge off
our first
impressions, reminding us at the same time that this collection
was in itself an
historical object and that today one would certainly select a
very different group
of documents as representative of the nations past. The future
however is
problematic for the Muse dhistoire de France as today it can
hardly afford to
maintain a permanent exhibit and questions its role in relation
to recent projects
proposed by the present government for the formation of a
totally new Muse
national dhistoire de France. Although the program of this new
museum
remains totally undefined rather unclear discussions have called
for it to be
situated in the Invalides its aim is in a sense already quite
intensely ideological
as the current president, Nicolas Sarkozy has expressed the idea
that Frances
History requires stronger representation as it forms a coherent
whole which
needs to be narrated as such in order to reinforce national
identity .28
21
In looking at these nineteenth-century history museums, we have
not so much
analy zed national discourse, as tried to delimit the particular
agency and use of
the relic-ty pe objects under discussion. These considerations
should help in
giv ing such collections as that of the Muse dhistoire de France
the chance to
lead a second life : the greatest challenge is finding a
strategy that lets such
objects retain their historical charm, or one may even say aura,
whilst
developing the full complexity of their meaning, past and
present. An effort
which would indeed contradict any attempt or principal of
coherence that one
may be tempted to attain in a history museum.
22
The curator and controversial critique of contemporary museum
culture,
Julian Spalding has called for a recognition of the museums
poeticpower,
which could become a new element to be considered with Rsens
aforementioned trilogy (and which we qualified as the emotional
dimension).
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There can be no substitute for the experience of seeing with y
our own ey es thepaintings of Leonardo da Vinci, the beaks of the
finches that gav e Darwin his firstinkling of the theory of ev
olution, or the shoes that v ictims of the Holocaust took offbefore
they entered the gas chamber. Once seen and felt and, as far as one
is able,comprehended, such sights can be unforgettable. Creating
such flowers of feeling andunderstanding in the minds of each v
isitor is the challenge facing museums in the21 st century
(Spalding, 2002 : 9).
Bibliographie
Des DOI sont automatiquement ajouts aux rfrences par Bilbo,
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For Spalding :
We have tried to show however that such an understanding of the
museums
mission is not inherently new, and that if we intend to promote
the emotional
powers of display , we need to understand the history of such
strategies.
24
Personal and indeed national relics need to be understood and
felt as such, but
at the same time the v isitor needs to be given new critical
tools. If the aim of the
post-modern museum is to priv ilege a new plurality of meanings
prov iding the
v isitor with more space as an actor, rather than a passive
spectator, then one of
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to understand
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religious and
profane has been deliberately avoided, and by using the term
relic we have
also implied that the transfer from religious to secular did not
necessarily mean
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than of course the museum very much serves to sanctify the
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they represent very
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to recognize that
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that they are
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this in mind as
they serve to construct new lieux de mmoires where the past
reintegrates the
present to define such essential ideas as national or European
identity .
25
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SPALDING, Julian, 2002, The Poetic Museum, London/New York,
Prestel.
TABORSKY, Edwina, 1 990, The Discursiv e Object , in S. Pearce
(ed.), Objects ofKnowledge, London, Athlone Press, p. 50-7 6.
TAPI, Alain, 1 989, Le Soulier de Marie-Antoinette, essai
musographique, expositionau Muse des Beaux-Arts de Caen, 6
juillet-1 6 octobre 1 989, Caen, Muse des Beaux-arts.
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Notes
1 It is in fact the former Palais des Colonies built for the
Colonial Fair of 1 935,Malraux transformed it into the Muse des
Arts africains et ocaniens in 1 960. Itscollections were
transferred to the Muse Quai Branly in 2003.
2 Dossier de presse ouverture de la Cit nationale de lhistoire
de limmigration, p. 1 0: Leparcours scnographique se prsente comme
un dispositif ouv ert, interactif, construitsur des successions
dexpriences immersiv es, motionnelles et pdagogiques ;fragments de
v ie, de trajectoires, de circulations rev iv ent trav ers des
rcits ettmoignages dindiv idus, des installations dimages, de
projections, de jeux etdobjets. (translated by the author).
3 Communiqu de Presse : Cest notre histoire : une expo touchante
sur lEurope,Nous v oulons v eiller lhistoire de lEurope un public,
souv ent jeune, qui, engnral, ne sy intresse gure, ou trs peu, et
chez lequel il faut en appeler plus auxmotions, en lui faisant
sentir que cette histoire le concerne, quil sagit de lui: de
sonpass et de son av enir. (translated by the author).
4 The psy chological relationship between objects, memories and
emotions is perhapsev en more directly and consistently explored in
Orhan Pamuks The Museum ofInnocence. The nov el is entirely
structured around the metaphor of display :throughout the
narration, the main protagonist meticulously describes a series
ofspecific objects to represent each important stage or ev ent of
his own story and torestore some sense of the past.
5 Two definitions of the word relic need to be considered, as
prov ided by the OxfordEnglish Dictionary , 2009: 1 . In the
Christian Church, esp. the Roman Catholic andOrthodox churches: the
phy sical remains (as the body or a part of it) of a saint,marty r,
or other deceased holy person, or a thing believ ed to be
sanctified by contactwith him or her (such as a personal possession
or piece of clothing), preserv ed as anobject of v eneration and
often enshrined in some ornate receptacle.; 2 . Somethingkept as a
remembrance, souv enir, or memorial; a historical object relating
to aparticular person, place, or thing; a memento.
6 Muse des archives nationales, documents originaux de lhistoire
de France, 1 87 2,Paris, Plon, p. I:On en doit la cration M. le
marquis de Laborde. () Ce muse metsous les y eux de tous un prcieux
spcimen des richesses conserv es dans le sanctuaireauquel il sert
en quelque sorte de portique.
TESSIER, Robert, 1 994, Dplacements du sacr dans la socit
moderne, Qubec,Bellarmin.
THOMAS, P. Flix, 1 899, Lducation des sentiments, Paris, diteur
Flix Alcan.DOI : 1 0.2307 /1 41 251 4
VIEL-CASTEL, Horace de, 1 853, Le Muse des souv erains franais ,
Le Moniteuruniversel, 1 6 fv rier, p. 1 89-1 90.
WRIGLEY, Richard, 2002, The Politics of Appearances,
Oxford/New-York, Berg.DOI : 1 0.27 52/97 81 847 88891 4
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7 Pierre Ablard (1 07 0-1 1 42) was one of the most famous
theologians of his time butis better known for his lov e affair
with his beautiful pupil Hlose (1 1 01 -1 1 62). Theirpassion was
of short duration and ended tragically as Abelard was castrated by
hislov ers uncle. After this both Ablard and Hloise joined holy
orders. They spent therest of their liv es apart, but their story
became famous through the correspondencethat they kept with each
other.
8 Le pav illon du milieu, qui correspond au fameux pav illon de
lHorloge, est occupdans toute sa hauteur par la dcoration de la
salle Impriale. Ici, sur un fond pourprerouge, ressortent des
abeilles sans nombre, et, dans les v oussures du plafond, les
aiglesaccompagnent les insignes impriaux et les figures allgoriques
quon y remarque.Leffet de cette salle est saisissant, comme celui
produit par la v ue dun tombeaucontenant la dpouille dun hros
consacr par lhistoire. Le jour, v oil et my strieux,qui lclaire, et
les reliques du grand Empereur, qui y sont dposes, forcent
unreligieux silence et de profondes mditations. On peut dire
maintenant quelEmpereur a deux grands monuments funraires sur les
bords de la Seine: lun auxInv alides, o repose son corps; lautre au
Louv re, o plane son esprit.
9 Philippe Busoni, 1 853 LI llustration, 5 mars, p. 1 47 : Le
plerinage la salle delEmpire comme un de ces reliquaires de la
gloire humaine dont les enseignementsne sauraient tre trop mdits
(quoted by Granger, 2005: 334).
1 0 Alexandre, 1 903: 1 2 : Puis v ient, reconstitue av ec un
soin pieux autant quescrupuleusement exact, la chambre o il
steignit, v ritable sanctuaire, o il estimpossible de ne pas
ressentir une v iv e et profonde motion.
1 1 ce mme tage, lemplacement du cabinet de trav ail, a t
reconstituefidlement la chambre mortuaire de lav enue dEy lau, av
ec le lit colonnes de sty leRenaissance dans lequel mourut le pote,
la haute table, galement en chne sculpt,sur laquelle il criv ait
debout, enfin tout ce qui ornait la pice et qui av ait
treligieusement conserv .
1 2 Cluny , Le Grand Larousse du XIXe sicle, quoted by
Anne-Doris Mey er, 2000:230 (translated by the author).
1 3 Sommerard, Alexandre du, 1 834: 59: Elle cda souv ent
limpulsion de Henri II,v enant oublier prs de Diane les soins de
son empire ou plutt lui remettre lesrnes.(translated by the
author).
1 4 Decree quoted by Catherine Granger, 2005: 307 . Considrant
quil est dun grandintrt pour lart et pour lhistoire de runir dans
une seule et mme collection tous lesobjets ay ant appartenu, daprs
constatation authentique, aux diffrents souv erainsqui ont rgn sur
la France; que ces objets, aujourdhui dissmins dans un grandnombre
dtablissement publics, y sont pour la plupart peu dignement
placs;considrant, en outre, que le nouv eau muse senrichira encore
de dons particuliersque pourront lui faire les possesseurs de
semblables objets.
1 5 Georges Montorgueil, Le Temps, 1 925, quoted by Dubois, 1
947 : 434: uncharmant corsage, en toffe brode, o le cur de la
tendre et fidle amoureuse av aitbattu; Qui me lassure, la gorge ny
est plus! (translated by the author).
1 6 See online v ideo :
http://www.ina.fr/art-et-culture/musees-et-expositions/v
ideo/CAB89032288/caen-exposition-autour-du-soulier-de-marie-antoinette.fr.html
1 7 Quoted by Granger, 2005: 325 : tez le certificat de prov
enance au mouchoir queNapolon Ier a touch au dernier moment de sa v
ie, ainsi quau soulier de la reineMarie-Antoinette, nous ne dirons
pas quelle sera la v aleur de chacun deux; mais setrouv era-t-il
quelquun qui se baissera mme pour les ramasser.
1 8 Gerv ereau, 1 996: 22:En rgle gnrale, malgr leur nom, les
muses dhistoiretmoignent dune relation au pass, la mmoire,
lidentit, mais pas dune relation lHistoire.
1 9 Bonnet, 1 998: 53: Lorateur lac, qui adopte le point de v ue
de la postrit,sav ance ds lors dev ant les tombes comme un juge av
erti et scrupuleux de larenomme. Lancienne perspectiv e
eschatologique cde alors dev ant une v isionexclusiv ement
commmorativ e.
20 Thomas, 1 899: 21 6: Notre religion est daimer et chrir ces
patrons.; 21 3: de lune nouv elle forme de lmulation galement
fconde, et dont le rle dans lducationdoit dev enir de plus en plus
grand. [] cest que lhumanit ne v it en ralit et ne
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progresse que par les hommes de gnie.
21 Horace de Viel-Castel, Le Moniteur universel, 1 853, 1 6 fv
rier: 1 89-1 90, quoted byGranger, 2005: 1 90: Il est bon de faire
rev iv re, pour les hommes daujourdhui, lesnoms de tous les chefs
qui ont prsid aux destines de leurs anctres, de les entourerdu
prestige clatant des souv enirs, et, pour restaurer le pouv oir
quil a t troplongtemps de mode de dnigrer, il faut le relev er, non
seulement dans le prsent, maisaussi dans le pass.
22 Lillustration, 21 mai 1 898, Le nouv eau Carnav alet: 37 1
:Plus loin, cest unesalle empire remplie de rares portraits de
Napolon Ier, remplie surtout par lessomptueuses pices de son
ncessaire de campagne, lgu jadis par le gnralBertrand, et quon a eu
pour la premire fois lide de mettre sous les y eux du public.Quelle
grav e curiosit v oquent ces menus objets si intimes ! Cette brosse
dents demi use qui garde encore la teinte de la poudre; ce flacon
av ec ltiquettemanuscrite eau de rose, et cet autre rempli encore
au quart deau de Cologne.
23 Horace de Viel-Castel, Le Moniteur universel, 1 853, 1 6 fv
rier: 1 89-1 90: Aucuncicerone nav ait besoin de lui raconter
lhistoire du hros populaire; elle sortait detoutes les bouches ;
elle impressionnait tout ce peuple, dont les pres ont t les
soldatsdu grand capitaine. En quelques heures et dev ant ces
monuments contemporains deNapolon on aurait pu recueillir des
milliers danecdotes indites, traditionshrditaires, que les
compagnons du v ainqueur dAusterlitz ont lgues leursenfants, et
qui, passant de gnrations en gnrations, prendront place un jour
parmiles lgendes merv eilleuses.
24 C. de Chatouv ille, Chronique du mois, Le muse des Souv
erains, Muse desfamilles, octobre 1 853, quoted by Granger, 2005:
331 .
25 Pety , 2007 : 59 in reference to Victor Hugos La Lgende des
sicles: En dpit dutitre qui fait rsonner la div ersit des sicles
prise en charge par la parole potique, leprojet, dans la prface de
1 859, semble moins centr sur lhistoire, principedv olution, que
sur lHomme, principe de permanence, grande figure une etmultiple,
lugubre et ray onnante, fatale et sacre.
26 Delpierre, 1 954: 30: De ce dplorable mnage qui troubla
douloureusement la v iede Nohant, errent quelques souv enirs dans
une v itrine de Carnav alet, comme pourremmorer les preuv es
familiales de Sand et nous dire que le cur de la terribleSolange av
ait aussi souffert.
27 For photos see: http://www.culture.gouv
.fr/mcc/Actualites/Actualite-en-images/Les-Archiv
es-nationales/%28offset%29/0/%28selected_image%29/3#3
28 Sarkozy , 2009, Discours de M. le Prsident de la Rpublique :
Vux aux acteursde la Culture, Nmes Mardi 1 3 janv ier 2009.
Table des illustrations
Crdits F. Bodenstein 2007.
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Crdits F. Bodenstein 2007.
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Crdits F. Bodenstein 2007.
URL http://cm.revues.org/docannexe/image/834/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 114k
Pour citer cet article
Rfrence lectronique
Felicity Bodenstein, The Emotional Museum. Thoughts on the
Secular Relics ofNineteenth-Century History Museums in Paris and
their Posterity , Conserveriesmmorielles [En ligne], #9 | 2011, mis
en ligne le 15 avril 2011, consult le 14 avril 2014.URL :
http://cm.revues.org/834
Auteur
Felicity Bodensteinest doctorante en histoire de lart lUniversit
Paris IV-Sorbonne (France) et travaille sur leCabinet des mdailles
de la Bib liothque nationale de 1830 1930 sous direction
duprofesseur Barthlmy Jobert. Elle a t chercheure associe la
Bibliothque nationalede France de 2005 2008, puis fellow au Getty
Research Institute Los Angeles en 2009-2010 et est maintenant
assistante de recherche sur le projet European National Museums
:Identity Politics, the Uses of the Past and the European Citizen
lUniversit Paris IPanthon-Sorbonne.
Felicity Bodenstein is a PhD candidate in Art History at the
Universit Paris IV-Sorbonne(France). Shes working on the Cabinet
des mdailles de la Bib liothque nationale de1830 1930 under the
supervison of Professor Barthlmy Jobert. She was researchassociate
at the Bibliothque nationale de France between 2005 and 2008,
fellow at theGetty Research Institute in Los Angeles in 2009-2010
and is now research assistant on theproject European National
Museums : Identity Politics, the Uses of the Past and theEuropean
Citizen at the Universit Paris I Panthon-Sorbonne.
Droits dauteur
Conserveries mmorielles