1 Farmer Based Organizations in Ghana Note 1. How Are They Established and What Do They Do? Adam Salifu and Rebecca Funk 1. Introduction Cooperation has always been fundamental for human society, and plays a prominent role in rural and agricultural development. Farmers in Ghana engaged in collective activities long before the introduction of formal farmer groups and cooperatives. Collective activities among farmers are traced back to the pre-colonial period during which neighboring farmers (usually relatives and friends) provided each other with reciprocal labor support on their fields, especially weeding (deGraft-Johnson 1958; Onumah et al. 2007). In the late 1920s, the British colonial administration in Ghana introduced formal farmer organizations in the form of cooperatives to improve the quality and marketing of cocoa as well as provide loan facilities to farmers (deGraft- Johnson 1958; Wanyama et al. 2008). Early success in cooperative development stimulated a rapid expansion of cooperatives first in the cocoa sector which subsequently expanded to other crops. The Department of Cooperatives (DOC) was established in 1944 specifically for overseeing cooperative development in Ghana (Dadson 1988). After independence, various governments of Ghana viewed cooperatives as key instruments for agricultural and rural development, although cooperative development during this period underwent frequent and major changes in direction (Dadson 1988). During the late 1980s, state- controlled cooperatives started to dissolve perhaps due to growing global pressure for structural reforms towards market liberalization. Subsequent governments in Ghana therefore adopted a liberal approach to the development of cooperatives, allowing other types of rural and farmers’ self-help organizations for income-generating activities to be formed, all of which are commonly referred to as farmer-based organizations (FBOs). In the past two decades, Ghana has witnessed many governmental and nongovernmental projects (see Salifu et al. 2010) seeking to promote FBO development. In particular, between 2000 and 2007, the World Bank alone invested more than US$9 million for the development of FBOs as part of AgSSIP (AgSSIP 2007). In 2007, the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) also approved a five-year US$547 million anti-poverty compact with the Government of Ghana and a significant proportion of this amount has been used in the development FBOs. Salifu et al (2010) estimated the number of FBOs in Ghana to be around 10,000 and noted that the rapid rise of FBOs is partly due to NGOs, government agencies, and private investors who increasingly see rural collective action as one important means to achieve agri-business development objectives. Despite growing public interest and expectations of FBOs to promote smallholder agriculture, there is limited evidence on their characteristics, activities, and performance. With the intention
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Farmer Based Organizations in Ghana
Note 1. How Are They Established and What Do They Do?
Adam Salifu and Rebecca Funk
1. Introduction
Cooperation has always been fundamental for human society, and plays a prominent role in rural
and agricultural development. Farmers in Ghana engaged in collective activities long before the
introduction of formal farmer groups and cooperatives. Collective activities among farmers are
traced back to the pre-colonial period during which neighboring farmers (usually relatives and
friends) provided each other with reciprocal labor support on their fields, especially weeding
(deGraft-Johnson 1958; Onumah et al. 2007). In the late 1920s, the British colonial
administration in Ghana introduced formal farmer organizations in the form of cooperatives to
improve the quality and marketing of cocoa as well as provide loan facilities to farmers (deGraft-
Johnson 1958; Wanyama et al. 2008). Early success in cooperative development stimulated a
rapid expansion of cooperatives first in the cocoa sector which subsequently expanded to other
crops. The Department of Cooperatives (DOC) was established in 1944 specifically for
overseeing cooperative development in Ghana (Dadson 1988).
After independence, various governments of Ghana viewed cooperatives as key instruments for
agricultural and rural development, although cooperative development during this period
underwent frequent and major changes in direction (Dadson 1988). During the late 1980s, state-
controlled cooperatives started to dissolve perhaps due to growing global pressure for structural
reforms towards market liberalization. Subsequent governments in Ghana therefore adopted a
liberal approach to the development of cooperatives, allowing other types of rural and farmers’
self-help organizations for income-generating activities to be formed, all of which are commonly
referred to as farmer-based organizations (FBOs).
In the past two decades, Ghana has witnessed many governmental and nongovernmental projects
(see Salifu et al. 2010) seeking to promote FBO development. In particular, between 2000 and
2007, the World Bank alone invested more than US$9 million for the development of FBOs as
part of AgSSIP (AgSSIP 2007). In 2007, the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) also
approved a five-year US$547 million anti-poverty compact with the Government of Ghana and a
significant proportion of this amount has been used in the development FBOs. Salifu et al (2010)
estimated the number of FBOs in Ghana to be around 10,000 and noted that the rapid rise of
FBOs is partly due to NGOs, government agencies, and private investors who increasingly see
rural collective action as one important means to achieve agri-business development objectives.
Despite growing public interest and expectations of FBOs to promote smallholder agriculture,
there is limited evidence on their characteristics, activities, and performance. With the intention
2
to fill such knowledge gaps, IFPRI’s Ghana Strategy Support Program (GSSP) conducted a
survey in March/April of 2010 across six administrative regions in Ghana: Northern, Brong
Ahafo, Central, Eastern, Volta and Greater Accra Regions to understand how FBOs are started
and what do they as well as the the factors associated with their performance and how to
strengthen them to promote smallholder agricultural development in the country.
Background
Collective action occurs when more than one individual is required to contribute to an effort in
order to achieve an outcome (Ostrom 2004). In collective action, members can act directly on their
own or through an organization; they may act independently or with the encouragement or support of
external agents from governmental bodies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or development
projects (Meinzen-Dick and Di Gregorio 2004). Farmers in many African countries have a long
tradition of performing certain agricultural productive activities as a group rather as individuals
(Onumah et al. 2007). As was noted previously, in Ghana there have long existed informal labor
grouping and customary arrangements that provided reciprocal labor exchange for farm work
(mainly for weeding fields). This form of arrangement is called nnoboa among the Akan
speaking communities in Southern Ghana.1
Dadson (1998) described the nnoboa as a traditional form of cooperation in Ghana involving
group action and mutual aid based on social, ethnic and family factors in the area. This system is
not only voluntary and informal but also it is temporary with the group dissolving on completion
of the task. The nnoboa system was used widely in traditional farming as well as social projects,
such as the construction of feeder roads, health centers, and wells (Dadson 1988). In the 1970s,
the Ghanaian government adopted the traditional practice of mutual assistance in farming, the
nnoboa system, as a model for rural development. Survey results showed that the most popular
reasons for joining nnoboa groups were: (a) exchange of labor (87%); (b) to gain access to credit
(65%); and (c) to procure mechanization and other services (33%) (Dadson 1984, cited in
Dadson 1988).
In addition to the existence of informal labor exchange groups, Adjetey (1978) mentioned the
longstanding existence of local credit schemes in Ghana, which are commonly known as susu
groups2 (Adjetey 1978, cited in Aryeetey 2004). Susu is a system in which any number of people
may agree among themselves to contribute individual sums of money regularly into a pool,
which are then handed to a participant at an appointed time. Under this system, participants in
effect repay their loans by continuing to make their regular contributions to the group (Aryeetey
2004). He indicated that such groups were widespread throughout the country, especially in
towns, and that they were popular among market women and small traders.
1 Nnoboa is a twi word which literally means mutual assistance in weeding
2 Susu is a twi word which literally means saving money
3
The above practices are still undertaken by present day agricultural cooperatives and FBOs in
Ghana (Salifu et al. 2010). Today, FBOs are involved in an increasingly diverse range of
collective activities; the Ministry of Food and Agriculture (MoFA) currently distinguishes
between production, processing, marketing and multipurpose FBOs (Salifu et al. 2010).
FBOs have attracted interest as vehicles for providing an array of collective services including
common property management, technology development and testing, design, financing and
management of rural infrastructure, and marketing of key production inputs or farm outputs
(Tinsley 2004). The rationale for many projects supporting the development of FBOs in Africa is
to facilitate access to access credit, farm inputs, extension services and markets for their produce,
given the decidedly smallholder nature of agriculture on the continent (Bernard et al. 2008;
Bernard and Spielman 2009; Barham and Chitemi 2009).
In spite of the above available pieces of information, there is much to learn on how farmers use
FBOs to engage in collective action on a daily basis such as: a) planting and harvesting together
on the farm land; b) pooling labor on fields; c) using a common facility for marketing their
products; d) supporting each other financially through saving and credit schemes as well as to
acquire credit from organizations; and e) procuring agricultural inputs.
2. Objective and Data
The primary objective of this paper is to find answers to the following broad questions:
1. What are the key characteristics of FBOs and their members?
2. Who initiates the establishment of FBOs and how is membership selected?
3. What collective activities do FBOs undertake?
4. Does the level of collective activity in FBOs depend on who started/initiated them?
5. Does support to FBOs depend on who started them?
As noted already, the source of data for analysis in this paper is derived from survey data of 501
FBOs. In this survey, detailed quantitative and qualitative data on the history and current
characteristics of FBOs were obtained through group level interviews. The survey used three
main instruments to collect data from each of the 501 FBOs: (a) first, there was an open group
discussion with at least 6 representatives of each FBO to collect qualitative information3. Under
this process, FBO representatives were given the opportunity to freely tell a full story about the
how the group has evolved overtime. To guide the open discussion, the following questions were
often posed to FBO representatives: who started the FBO and why did it emerge in the first
place; how are members selected to the group; what kind of support has the group received; and
what do members do collectively? This paper largely draws from this session of the interview for
its analysis; (b) the open discussion was followed by a structured digital questionnaire uploaded
onto PDAs designed to collect quantitative information from at least 6 representatives from each
3 The 6 representatives include 3 executives (leaders) and 3 ordinary members of in the FBOs
4
of the 501 FBOs. Since this was a structured questionnaire answers to the questions were based
on majority decision; (c) a game was played with 3 representatives per FBO randomly selected
from the 6 representatives who participated from each group in the 2 sessions described above.
The games were conducted with the objective of understanding members’ perceptions,
motivations and preferences.
To maximize the sample’s heterogeneity, the survey was conducted in 40 districts drawn from 6
regions (see Table 1 below). A map of Ghana showing the distribution of the study areas is
shown in the Appendix. The 6 regions were purposefully selected to cover 4 different agro-
ecological zones: the coastal zone, the forest zone, the northern savanna zone and southern
savannah zone. The sample was drawn from a database of FBOs compiled by the Ministry of
Food and Agriculture (MoFA) through a nationwide voluntary registration process in 2008. The
selection of FBOs took into account the type of collective activities (e.g production, processing
and marketing), membership size, and gender distribution as well as their degree of eligibility for
support as reported in the MoFA’s FBO database.
Table 1 – Number of Surveyed FBOs
Region No. of Districts No. of FBOs
Brong Ahafo 8 61
Central 6 51
Eastern 9 143
Greater Accra 4 43
Northern 8 93
Volta 5 110
Total 40 501
For analysis in the paper, the data is often analyzed separately for Northern and Southern Ghana
to understand the differences in these two regions of the country. This paper uses the Savannah
Accelerated Development Authority’s (SADA) definition of Northern Ghana (what SADA
called, the Northern Savannah Ecological Zone). SADA is an independent agency mandated by
Act 805 of 2010 of Ghana to coordinate a comprehensive development agenda for the northern
savannah ecological zone in Ghana. The area comprises Upper East, Upper West and the
Northern Regions, and stretches to include 10 districts contiguous to the Northern Region that
are located north of Brong-Ahafo and north of the Volta Region.4 Based on SADA’s definition,
12 out 40 surveyed districts fall in Northern Ghana. Of the 501 FBOs in the survey, 123 are
located in Northern Ghana and 378 are in Southern Ghana.
4 The 10 districts include Kintampo Municipality, Kintampo South, Atebubu-Amantin, Pru,
Sene and Tain in Brong Ahafo as well as Krachi East and West, Nkwanta North and South districts of Volta Region.
5
3. Key Characteristics of FBOs and Members
The surveyed FBOs were established between the years 1960 and 2010. More than half of the
FBOs were established after 2004. Of the 501 surveyed FBOs, 55 percent are composed of more
than half smallholder farmers, which we called smallholder-dominated FBOs. Our definition of a
smallholder includes any member of an FBO with 1-5 acres of land. We classified all other
members with more than 5 acres of land as largeholders. In this respect, we categorized the 501
FBOs into smallholder-dominated (280) and largeholder-dominated (221) groups. About 52%
and 57% of FBOs are smallholder-dominated in Northern and Southern Ghana, respectively.
There were 26 FBOs that were solely comprised of male members and 20 with solely female
members. About 80% of the female-only FBOs are smallholder-dominated. At the time of
establishment, the surveyed FBOs had 26 members, on average. The mean number of members
currently registered with the surveyed FBOs is approximately 36. This suggests that, on average,
the FBOs grow in membership over time. Approximately 42% of registered members are female
for all surveyed FBOs. Smallholder-dominated FBOs have about 45% female membership,
while largeholder-dominated FBOs have only 38% female members.
Approximately 79% of the FBOs were registered with at least one of the following: the
Department of Cooperative, the District Assembly, MoFA, Registrar Generals Department, and
Farmer Union. About 85% of the FBOs in the Southern Ghana were registered, as compared
with only 60% in the North. About 57% of the FBOs that were registered are smallholder-
dominated.
4. The Establishment of FBOs
FBOs are set up by government agencies, NGOs, and private organizations and individuals. In
Ghana, agricultural extension agents (AEAs) play a very important role in the establishment of
FBOs, especially when FBOs are set up through government projects. The survey shows that a
variety of people initiate FBOs including individual famers, officials from government ministries
and agencies (usually AEAs), NGOs, chiefs and opinion leaders. We used opinion leaders in the
survey to include teachers, assembly men and women, members of parliament, retired public
officers, and some elders of the communities. For analysis purposes, we have differentiated
between FBOs that are started by farmers themselves and those started by external agents. In the
subsequent analysis, we will refer to those groups initiated by farmers themselves as “self
started” FBOs and those started by AEAs, NGOs, chiefs and opinion leaders as “externally
started” FBOs.
In Figure 1, we show the percentages of the FBOs that were self started (42%) and externally
started (58%). Farmers who initiate the establishment of FBOs often live within the community
where the FBO is set up; however, in the majority of these cases, the initiators reported that they
established the FBO because they observed that other FBOs were receiving benefits, usually
6
from government and NGOs. We observed that farmers who led the formation of FBOs
typically became leaders of the groups after they were established.
Figure 1 – Establishment of FBOs
Source: Author’s calculation of field data
In the figure, we also show initiation of FBO by Northern and Southern Ghana. It suggests that
more FBOs are externally started in the Northern Ghana, compared with Southern Ghana.
Whether in Northern or Southern Ghana, the figure shows that majority of FBOs are externally
started. Among the externally started FBOs, AEAs play a major role – of the 58% of externally
started FBOs, about 39% of them were initiated by AEAs (see Figure 2 below). Our survey
found that AEAs mentioned two main reasons why it is important for farmers to set up FBOs: (a)
FBOs would serve as an effective medium for AEAs and others to transmit technologies and best
farming practices rather than providing these services on an individual basis (i.e. AEAs will use
a group based approach to extension if FBOs are formed);( b) members of FBOs are more likely
to benefit from government and NGOs’ projects that provide support in the form of grants,
credit, training and inputs because they prefer to provide support to groups rather than
individuals.
As shown in Figure 2, about 9% of the surveyed FBOs were directly initiated by NGOs and
another 9% were initiated by opinion leaders. Figure 2 also suggests that the role of traditional
rulers (chiefs) in the establishment of FBOs in Ghana is minimal – less than 1% of the FBOs in
the survey were initiated by traditional leaders. Figure 2 also shows that the percentage of FBOs
that are self-started in Southern Ghana (44%) is higher than in Northern Ghana (35%).
In Northern Ghana we found that about 47% of smallholder-dominated FBOs were self started
and 53% were externally started. We also observed that with largeholder-dominated FBOs in
Northern Ghana, 78% of them were externally started and 22% were self started (see Figure 3a).
This suggests that largeholder farmers hardly see the need to initiate FBOs as compare to
smallholder farmers.
41.72 34.96 43.92
58.28 65.04 56.08
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Total North South
Pe
rce
nta
ge o
f FB
Os
Externally vs Self-started FBOs
Externally started
Self started
7
Figure 2 – Establishment of FBOs by Type
Source: Author’s calculation of field data
In Southern Ghana however, we did not observe any significant difference between who initiates
FBOs and whether the FBO is smallholder-dominated or largeholder-dominated as shown in the
of training, equipment, grants and loans rather than encouraging them to establish group farms.
Nonetheless, we noticed that external agencies (especially AEAs) encourage FBOs to engage in
collective production. In many cases, the group farms are also use as demonstration fields by
AEAs.
Agro-processing
Agro-processing simply means transforming raw agricultural products into other forms for the
market. Unlike production, not many FBOs are engaged in agro-processing. Only 17% of the
surveyed FBOs were involved in agro-processing. One possible explanation is that agro-
processing is capital intensive and requires machinery and other processing equipment. We
observed in our survey that agro-processing machinery and equipment are often provided to
groups by government agencies and/or NGOs.
We did not observe any significant differences between Northern and Southern regions in terms
of the percentages of FBOs that engage agro-processing (see Figure 5). We came across four
types of agro-processing among the FBOs: (a) transforming cassava to “gari”5; (b) processing oil
palm to palm oil; (c) processing shea nut to shea butter6; and (d) rice milling, which involves
processing paddy rice to grain rice. Among these activities, cassava and gari processing are the
most common form of agro-processing we observed.
Agro-processing arrangements vary from one FBO to another. In some FBOs, inputs for agro-
processing are purchased collectively, while in others, each member brings his/her inputs to the
processing plant. Where each member brings inputs to the processing center, members may only
pull labor for processing and may also sell the processed commodities collectively. In some
situations, members of FBOs have group farms/fields (for example, cassava, oil palm) and
production from the farms is used for agro-processing. With this arrangement, production from
agro-processing activities would often be sold collectively.
Marketing
Marketing here refers to the collective sale of farm produce. With this form of marketing,
members of an FBO do not necessarily engage in collective production or agro-processing but
only decide to use a common means to transport their product to market centers. In most cases,
one or two members accompany the product to sell on behalf of the group. Marketing is also
used to embrace FBOs that have some sort of certification to sell their product on the
international market (for example EURO-Gap).7 FBOs that have a certification of some sort
5 Gari is a creamy-white, granular flour with a slightly fermented flavor and a slightly sour taste made from
fermented, gelatinized fresh cassava tubers. 6 Shea butter is a slightly yellowish or ivory-colored natural fat extracted from the nut of the African shea tree by
crushing, boiling and stirring. 7EUROGAP is a process of group certification to allow smallholders to join together to be certified to export and
sell to the European Union Market.
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often do not engage in collective production but only sell their produce collectively to a certified
dealer. About 13% of the surveyed FBOs were involved in marketing (see Figure 5). Two main
reasons why members of FBOs engaged in marketing are: first, to minimize the cost of
transportation; and second, to give members of the group collective bargaining power so as to get
reasonable market prices for their product. The latter reason is true for FBOs that transport their
product to the market and also sell collectively.
Internal credit scheme
We use “internal credit scheme” to either refer to situations: a) where members of an FBO
borrow money available in the group’s bank account often with no interest; or b) where members
contribute equal amount of money at regular intervals (e.g. monthly) and the total amount is
passed on to one member at every contribution until each and every member receives his/her
share of the contribution. This was observed in about 12% of the surveyed FBOs (see Figure 5).
As shown in Figure 5, this practice is slightly more prevalent among FBOs in Northern Ghana
(13%) than in Southern Ghana (11%). As we discussed in the introduction of this paper, the
practice of groups making monthly contributions and passing on to one member at a time has
been a common practice among Ghanaians for a very long time and should not be considered as
an innovation among FBOs.
Input procurement
Members of some FBOs procure inputs such fertilizers, insecticides, herbicides, implements and
equipment as well as raw materials for agro-processing. Some FBOs acquire the services of
tractors for their members. We referred to all the above as “input procurement”. It is important to
mention that this does not include purchases for collective production and agro-processing. At
least one of the above forms of input procurement was observed in 24% of the surveyed FBOs
(see Figure 5). Again, Figure 5 indicates that this practice is much more common in FBOs in
Southern Ghana (29%) than in Northern Ghana (9%). It appeared that the majority of the FBOs
in this collective activity paid cash for their inputs with very few FBOs obtaining inputs on credit
from dealers that they would usually pay back after harvesting. The three main reasons why
FBOs collectively procure inputs are: (a) to minimize transportation costs especially when
members of an FBO are located far away from input dealers; and (b) to enjoy discounts that
come with bulk purchases or service provision; (c) input dealers prefer selling on a credit basis to
groups rather than individuals.
Community development
We used “community development” to refer to social services that FBOs provide to their
communities, which are often an attempt to mitigate a particular social problem. The most
common services that FBOs provide to their communities include weeding and sweeping around
their environment; planting trees in and around the community; and lobbying and contributing
money or labor for the construction of schools, hospitals, boreholes, wells, and electricity. As
shown in Figure 5, 15% of the FBOs in our sample said they provide at least one of the above
13
mentioned social services to their communities. Community development is slightly more
common in Northern Ghana (18%) than in Southern Ghana (14%).
Welfare services
“Welfare services” refers to kind or monetary contributions made by members of an FBO to
other members who are confronted with particular social issues or problems. While “community
development” is to the benefit of the entire community, “welfare services” are done for the
benefits of FBO members. Welfare services embrace a wide range of activities including giving
support (usually money) to group members who are, for instance, admitted to a health center;
they may also assist a member who is in need of money to pay his/her ward school fee; give
money or gifts to members who have funerals, weddings, naming ceremonies for new born
babies, and so forth. To provide welfare services for members of the FBO, money is either taken
from the group’s bank account or each member is asked to contribute money. About 47% of the
FBOs provide welfare services for their members. Similarly to community development, Figure
5 suggests that welfare services are slightly more prevalent in Northern Ghana (54%) than in
Southern Ghana (44%). Although empirical evidence on gifting in Ghana is not available, this
practice is not new among FBOs.
Mutual labor support
Labor pooling is very a common activity among FBOs, which we called “mutual labor support”
(MLS). This is widely practiced among members of Ghanaian FBOs especially when seasonal
labor requirements are at a peak. MLS refers to a situation where members of an FBO pool labor
to work on each member’s farm in rotation. Labor support in this sense embraces a wide range
of farm activities such as clearing the land, tilling the land, sowing, transplanting, raising
seedlings, weeding, pruning, agro-processing, and harvesting. Among these activities, weeding
was the most common activity that members of FBOs engaged in. Often, members of an FBO
will have a timetable in place so that each member of the group benefits from the labor support
on his farm. MLS was observed in about 68% of the FBOs we studied (see Figure 5). Figure 5
also suggests that this practice has no regional boundaries; it is almost equally prevalent among
Northern (66%) and Southern FBOs (69%). As discussed in the introduction of this paper, this
form of collective activity has its roots in pre-colonial Ghanaian society. One would suggest that
MLS is common among FBOs because it has long been practiced in Ghana among informal
groups before the advent of formal farmer organizations but an interesting question is whether
non-members practice it to the extent that FBO members do. Unfortunately our survey data
cannot address this question.
From this discussion, it is evident that the four most popular collective activities among the
surveyed FBOs are MLS, input procurement, welfare services, and production. Interestingly,
MLS and welfare services, as discussed, are traditional collective activities that have been
observed since pre-colonial times and mainly geared towards food security and social welfare.
14
While these two activities may not be seen as entirely new innovations among Ghanaian farmers,
collective production and input procurement appear to be more recent initiatives within FBOs.
Figure 6 – Collective Activities
Source: Author’s calculation of field data
Although collective production, agro-processing and marketing may be seen as major
innovations among Ghanaian FBOs, we should be mindful that these activities are done on a
very small scale. As we noted, the field use for production usually ranges from 1 to 3 acres. Also
note that the average size of an FBO is about 36 members and one would expect their field sizes
to be far more than 3 acres if indeed they were truly organizations whose objectives were to
undertake collective production so as to enjoy economies of scale.
It is also obvious from the above discussion that FBOS engage in more than one activity. Apart
from MLS and welfare services, which appear as multiple collective activities in many FBOs, we
also observed that FBOs that engage in collective production tend to also engage in input
procurement and agro-processing. 65% of FBOs that engaged in production were also procuring
inputs collectively and 53% of them that engaged in production also engaged in agro-processing.
Collective activities by landholdings
Apart from agro-processing and internal credit schemes, we did not observe any significant
differences between smallholder-dominated FBOs and largeholder-dominated FBOs in terms of
0.00 20.00 40.00 60.00 80.00
Mutual labor support
Welfare
Internal credit scheme
Inputs Procurement
Community Development
Production
Agro-processing
Marketing
Collective Activities by Landholding
Largeholder
Smallholder
15
the collective activities they engage in. Figure 6 suggests that smallholder-dominated FBOs
engaged more in agro-processing and internal credit schemes than largeholder-dominated FBOs.
However, when the data is disaggregated by Northern and Southern there appears to be some
variation (See Figure 7a and Figure 7b). In Figures 7a and 7b, it is evident that agro-processing
and internal credit schemes are more prevalent in smallholder-dominated FBOs than largeholder-
dominated FBOs in both Northern and Southern Ghana. While community development,
marketing are prevalent among largeholder-dominated FBOs in Northern Ghana, they are more
prevalent in the smallholder-dominated FBOs in Southern Ghana.