Fada'il Literature Bilad al-Sham 16th and 17th C.

Fada'il al-mudun in Bilad a-Sham16th and 17th Centuries

Introduction..........................................2

Monographs of Fada’il al-Sham............................5

Structure and Motivation..............................6

Conclusion...........................................13

Introduction The fada'il genre of literature is a unique product of Islamic culture. It extensively offers quotations from the Quran, hadith and related sources in praise of individuals or localities. Since it lacks topographicalinformation, it cannot be classified under khitat or works of historical topography. Rosenthal makes a briefreference to fada’il under the heading: Theological local historiography; a "manifestation of the course of Muslim history"1. Fada’il al-mudun (towns/cities) is related to but different from the descriptive mahasin type and lacks the "polemical comparison or dialogue of the disputes of precedence" 2. The motivation behind such compositions is to promote the status of any location among the faithful. Works of fada’il were almostfacsimiles of their precursors; for once a name is incorporated in the text it is copied by later historians verbatim in most instances. Krachkovski flatly asserts that nine-tenths of the material was copied accurately from earlier sources, yet not plagiarized.3

Fada’il originated in the early days following the death of the Prophet essentially to extol the qualities of individuals. The disappointment of `Ali and his

1 Franz Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography, 171, 172. For a comprehensive study of this genre see Ernst August Gruber, Verdienst und Rang di fada’il als Literaisches und Gesellschaftliches Problem im Islam, (Freiburgh, 1975).2 The mahasin genre may be reviewed in Abu al-Baqa’ al-Badri,Nuzhat al-anam fi mahasin al-Sham, (Cairo, 1922); E.I.2, s.v.”Fadila”, by R. Sellheim. 3 Krachkovski, Tarikh al-adab al-jughrafi al-‘Arabi, 2 vols., trans. Salah al-Din Hashim, (Moscow, 1957), 557.

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supporters with the proclamation of Abu Bakr as first caliph led to the circulation of fada’il literature in praise of `Ali. The Bakriyya, on the other hand, responded with fada’il of the Abu Bakr.4 Even when the historicity of such traditions is doubtful, they are thefirst instances hadith served a political purpose. During the caliphate of Mu`awiya and upon his request, several traditions circulated by storytellers (qussas) and government officials, as a religio-political instrument of propaganda. Adversaries seeking to elevate the status of their regions within the Muslim community spread similar traditions. Al-Azraqi quotes traditions that verify the establishment of Mecca forty years before the creation of Heaven and Earth.5 The sanctity of Jerusalem and benefits of pilgrimage to the Aqsa mosque were supported by quotations from the Quran and hadith.6 Several seemingly fabricated traditions were quoted in the fada’il al-Sham treatises. Authors frequently refer to the same tradition or Quranic verse to glorify different cities. The mysterious city mentioned in the Quran Iram dhat al-`Imad is misr (Egypt or Cairo) for Kindi and Damascus for Ibn `Asakir. Likewise4 For further details on the relation between hadith and fada’il literature see G.H.A. Juynboll, The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature. Discussion in Modern Egypt (Leiden, 1969) 12-15.5 Al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makka, ed. F. Wustenfeld, (Leipzig, 1858), 1. 6 For further information on the sanctity of Jerusalem see in e.g. C. Mathews, “Palestine Holy Land of Islam”, Journal of Biblical Literature 101(1932):171 178; Von Grunebaum, “The SacredCharacter of Islamic Cities”, in Melanges Taha Husayn, ed. Abdal Rahman Badawi (Cairo, 1962), 25-37; S. Goitien, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions, (Leiden: Brill, 1966); M.J. Kister, “You shall only set out for three Mosques: A Study of an Early Tradition”, Le Museon 132(1969):173 196; A.A. Duri, “Bayt al-Maqdis in Islam”, Hamdard Islamicus 4i(1981):2336.

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rabwa is identified conversely as al-Quds (Jerusalem), Damascus or misr, depending on the predilection of the author.7

The genesis of fada’il al-mudun is difficult to trace since the earliest compositions have not yet come to light. It appears from the titles of these early monographs that Mecca and Medina were among the first cities whose fada’il were exalted. These two cities boasted the most sacred of Muslim sites. Expounding their excellencies and merits would be expected if that were the only objective of fada’il literature. However, the impact of political and intellectual currents should not be ignored. Treaties on fada’il Iraq closely followed those of Mecca and Medina. Among the earliest known fada’il al-mudun were compiled by `Umar Ibn Shabba (d. 262/875) Fada’il al-Basra, Ahmad Ibn Muhammad al-Sarakhsi (d. 283/896) Fada’il Baghdad and Abu Zayd al-Balkhi (d.322/934)Fada’il Balkh.8 Since these cities adopted Islam after theProphet’s death, their authors could not claim authentictraditions in their favor. However, the tomb of a localsaint or waliy was enough to endow that locality with laudable attributes. By the same token al-Kindi (d. 350/961) and Ibn Zahira (d. 986/1578) who wrote fada’il misrand al-fada’il al-bahira fi mahasin misr wal-qahira respectively counted the number of times the word misr appeared in

7 Quran, VII, 89; L, 23.8 For a listing of fada’il treatises see in e.g. Mustafa Hajji Khalifa, Kashf al-zunun ‘an asami al-kutub wal-funun. 2 vols. Edited by Muhammad Yaltaqaya and Rif‘at Kilisi. (Istanbul, 1941-1943), 1274 1280; Isma‘il al-Baghdadi, Idah al-Maknun fi al-dhayl ‘ala Kashf al-zunun, 2 vols. Edited by Muhammad Yaltaqaya and Rif‘at Kilisi, (Istanbul, 1945-1947); Ibn Hazm, Fada’il al-Andaluswa ahliha, ed. Salah al Din al Munajjid (Beirut, 1968), Introduction.

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the Quran .9 That was sufficient evidence, in their view, for its elevated status. "Has it ever been known that any country in the world was praised or described as such?" they both remarked 10. Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064), on the other hand, devoted most of Fada’il al-Andalus to the ulama and pious of the region without any reference to hadith.

The vast mass of literature that was composed on fada’il al-Quds deserves special attention with the understanding that only a few monographs were composed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The sanctity of Palestine and Jerusalem and their religious merits had been firmly established by the second century of Islam. The Crusades and the liberation of Jerusalem in 583/1187evoked special interest among compilers of this genre; al-Quds the symbol of jihad against Frankish infidels.11 The concentration of fada’il literature during these centuries supports the argument that this genre developed and gained strength for the purpose of mobilizing religious sentiment. Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 579/1183) described in his work on fada’il al-Quds the calamity (musiba) that ensued after the fall of

9 ‘Umar Ibn Muhammad al-Kindi, Fada’il Misr, edited by Ibrahim al-‘Adawi and ‘Ali Muhammad ‘Umar, (Beirut, 1971); Ibn Zahyra, Al-fada’il al-bahira fi mahasin Misr wal-Qahira, ed. Mustafa al Saqqa and Kamil al Muhandis (Cairo, 1969), 71-75. 10 Kindi, fada’il misr, 26.11 Kamil ‘Asli, Makhtutat fada’il al-Quds, (Jordan: “n.d.”), 7; Emmanuel Sivan, “Le character sacre de Jerusalem”, Studia Islamica 27(1967): 149 182; idem, “The Beginnings of fada’il al-Quds Literature”, Der Islam 48(1971 1972): 100 110; Ibn alJaws, Fada’il al-Quds, ed. Jubra’il Jabbur (Beirut, 1979), 21; E.I.2, s.v. “Al-Quds”, by Oleg Garabar; Krachkovski, tarikh al-adab, 507; Abd al-Aziz Duri, “Bayt al-Maqdis in Islam”, Hamdard Islamicus 4i(1981), 29.

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Jerusalem. Ibn `Asakir (d. 571/1175) wrote fada’il `Asqalanto exhort Muslims to recapture the town.12 Towards the end of the Mamluk period and during the centuries that followed, fada’il literature espoused a more general view of the region. Fewer monographs were devoted exclusively to Jerusalem while fada’il al-Sham, the area extending from the Euphrates to al-`Arish, increased in number.

The earliest extant treatise devoted exclusively to fada’il al-Sham is the one compiled by `Ali al-Rab`i (d. 444/1052) entitled fada’il al-sham wa dimashq.13 The monographs of `Ali Ibn Muhammad al-Samisati (d. 453/1061) kitab akhbar al-sham and of Abu al-Fat al-Katib (460/1067) tafdil al-sham `ala ghayriha min al-buldan mentioned inthe sources, are presumably lost.14 For almost a centuryand until Ibn `Asakir, there are no identified monographs on fada’il al-Sham. Ibn `Asakir, although a better authority on hadith than his predecessor al-Rab`i, was influenced by the latter and incorporated his treatise in the first section of tarikh madinat Dimashq.15 Both works became models for later compilers.It should be emphasized that none of them added anythingto what Ibn `Asakir had written. Most of what was compiled in the following centuries and until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are either lost or neglected, leading to a disparity in the study of this genre. No significant change in style and content can be discered in the extant monographs. Eulogies and 12 E.I.2, s.v. “Ibn ‘Asakir”, by N. Elisseeff.13 Ali Rab‘i, Fada’il al-Sham, ed. Salah al Din al Munajjid, (Damascus, 1950).14 Munajjid, Mu‘jam, 27, 29.15 ‘Ali Ibn Hasan Ibn ‘Asakir, Tarikh madinat Dimashq, 3 vols. Edited by Salah al-Din al-Munajjid, (Damascus, 1951 – 1978).

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biographies of ascetics and Sufis buried in the localities were added presumably to give an aura of perpetual sacredness. Themes expounded by al-Rab`i in the fifth century remained the same for Yasin al-Biqa`i (d. 1095/1684) six centuries later.16

Monographs of Fada’il al-Sham

The study of fada’il literature in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries involves a review of structure, motives, themes, selection of material and style. This genre had little to offer by way of historical information despite its unmistakable political undertones. Whatever contribution it added to the development of historical writing must be sought in the reticent messages it tried to convey. Several tracts survived from this period, the earliest composed by `Ali`Alwan Ibn `Atiyya (d. 936/1529) entitled fada’il al-Sham. His contemporary Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim al-Bilbaysi (d. 937/1530) mentioned in the introduction of a monograph devoted to the birth of the Prophet, al-rawd al-rahib bi mawlidal-habib, that he wrote a treatise on fada’il al-Sham, which he named mahasin al-alfaz fi lata'if al-wu`az. Muhammad Ibn Tulun (d. 953/1546) wrote bahjat al-anam fi fada’il al-sham. The monograph of `Imad al-Din Ibn `Imad al-Din (d. 986/1578), catalogued under risala fi fada’il al-sham, is actually an abridged copy of an earlier work fada’il al-sham. Ibn al-Imam al-Busrawi (d. 1015/1606) composed tufat al-anam fi fada’il al-sham. His contemporary Muhammad Ibn Nasr al-Din al-Sawa'i (d. 1015/1606) wrote two treatise on fada’il Jabal Qasiyun in Damascus. One carries the title

16 Yasin Ibn Mustafa al-Faradi al Biqa‘, “rawdat al-anam fi fada’il al-Sham, Zahiriyya MS. No. 8603. Brockelmann, GAL, 2:433. Forthe biography of Yasin see Muhibbi, khulasat, 4:493.

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shann al-ghara fi fadl ziyarat al-maghara and the other al-jawhar al-maknun fi fadl ziyarat jabal qasiyun. The last work in this collection rawat al-anam fi fada'il al-sham was composed by YasinIbn Mustafa al-Faradi (d. 1095/1683).17

Structure and Motivation

There is no discernable structure for fada’il monographs. Each monograph has unique features that reflect the interest and scholarship of its composer. from the timeof Ibn `Asakir isnad began to disappear.18 Authors were satisfied with one or two authorities for traditions cited. Most of these monographs are still in manuscriptform; a description of their content is required at thisstage.

The text of Ibn `Atiyya resembles in its general context earlier monographs of this genre from which the author quoted extensively. The preface contains quotations from hadith that describe the virtues of bilad al-Sham; in addition to the Umayyad Mosque, Ghuta, Jabal Qasiyun, Rabwa, Barza and the Mosque of Ibrahim. Damascus is celebrated as the mysterious city Iram dhat al-

17 ‘Ali ‘Ulwan Ibn ‘Atiyya al Hawrani, “Fada’il al-Sham”, Zahiriyya MS. No. 7144; Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim al-Bilbaysi, “Al-rawd al-rahib bi mawlid al-habib”, Zahiriyya MS. No. 1895. For his biography see Ghazzi, kawakib, 2:20; ‘Imad al Din Ibn ‘Imad al Din, “Risala fi fada’il al-Sham”, American University of Beirut MS. No. 38038; Ibn al Imam al Busrawi, “Tuhfat al-anam fi fada’il al-Sham”, Zahiriyya MS. No. 8388; Al-Faradi, Yasin Ibn Mustafa, “Nubdha latifa fi al-mazarat al-sharifa bi-Dimashq”, American University of Beirut MS. No. 297.18 Isnād, is a list of people who transmitted a discourse, action, or consent of the Profet Muhammad, one of his Companions; their reliability determines the validity of a hadith.

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`Imad ; it is the fustat (tower, arena or cupola) of Muslims, their encampment on the final Day of Judgement.Traditions quoted demonstrate divine compassion towards the inhabitants of blad al-Sham; the gold-mine (ma`dan) of ascetics; abode of the forty abdal.19 Its populace, are the `sword of Islam'; pillars of religion; frontier armies (al-murabitun) in defense of the Faith. Nine-tenths of the wealth and benevolence (al-khair) of Islam is located within its boundaries.20 The eschatological role of Damascus on the Day of Resurrection and the Final Battle against the anti-Christ (al-Dajjal), is supported by tradition. The large number of endowments in the city is further confirmation of the piety of its inhabitants. To mention endowments in this context would be to draw attention to the corruption of government officials and their encroachment on an important source of income for many ulama.21 Ibn `Atiyyaconcludes with a brief account of the descent of Christ on the ‘White Minaret’ in Damascus; it is followed by a brief review of fada'il Hama, his native town. Since no traditions are connected to the city, Ibn `Atiyya reliedon historical sources.

Muhammad Ibn Ibrahim al-Bilbaysi directs the `inquisitive' reader to a detailed monograph on fada’il that he composed mahasin al-alfaz fi lata'if al-wu`az. The list of

19 Abdal, aints in Sufi theosophy, only known to and appointed by Allah. It is through their operations that the world continues to exist. They are forty in number and are in the closest proximity to God. Muhammad al Geyoushi,”Al Tirmidhi’s Theory of Saints and Sainthood”, Islamic Quarterly 15(1971):17-61.20 Ibn ‘Atiyya, fada’il, folio, 1, 2, 6.21, Muhammad ‘Adnan Bakhit, The Ottoman Province of Damascus in the Sixteenth Century, (Beirut, 1982), 321.

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traditions related to the merits of bilad al-Sham are typical of other fada’il compositions. Since none of later compilers referred to Bilbaysi in this context, itcan be safely assumed that his work had little impact onthe development of the genre.

The abbreviated copy risala fi fada’il al-sham by `Imad al-Din al-Hanafi is adequate for the purpose of this study.22 The text is arranged under separate headings (fusul) of varying length. The preface is followed by a section onfada’il al-Sham, the Rabwa and Umayyad Mosque, unequivocally`Imad al-Din’s main target. The remaining sections are devoted to the construction of the mosque and details ofits exquisite decorations. `Imad al-Din affirms that theUmayyad mosque was an honored site since antiquity and Biblical times. Probably he was referring to the site ofthe Aramean temple which was converted to a Cathedral dedicated to John the Baptist (Yahya); a saint revered by both Christians and Muslims. The Umayyad mosque was built on the same location. A separate chapter is dedicated to the citizens of Damascus and its sacred of sites; mentioned are places like Jabal Qasiyun, Rabwa, Ghuta, Magharat al-damm among others. Similar to his predecessors, the last section elaborats the eschatological role of the city with a detailed description of al-Dajjal and his role in the Final Battle.

We discern from the introduction that the text of `Imad al-Din's was initiated at the request of some officials

22 Ghazzi mentioned in the biography of al Bilbaysi that vagabonds attacked the `Imad al-Din at his home and stole some of his books. The complete copy of lata’if could have been lost at that time. Ghazzi, kawakib, 3:40-41.

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eager for information on the Umayyad Mosque.23 Whatever his incentive, `Imad al-Din produced a replica of earlier tracts on the subject. The treatise of `Imad al-Din lacked these original and interesting perceptionsof Ibn `Atiyya's in which one can identify bias or preference or motive for the composition of fada’il tracts. It remains curious that biographers of `Imad al-Din neglected this monograph despite the details theyfurnished about his life and works.

Ahmad Ibn Muhammad Ibn al-Imam al-Busrawi (d. 1015/1606)wrote tufat al-anam fi fada’il al-sham (34).24 This treatise is the most organized among this collection. The text is divided into chapters (abwab) and sub-sections; a title assigned for each. Details include fada’il al-Sham, fada’il ofthe city of Damascus, and a description of the Umayyad Mosque. In addition the author incorporated short biographies of mystics buried in Bilad al-Sham, sacred sites in the city and its environs and finally the eschatological role of the city. With the exception of the section devoted to the commemoration of ascetics andpious Sufis, Busrawi copied the material from his

23 This is based on the fact that the extant copy was completed upon the request of a certain Muhammad Amin al-Nashif. ‘Imad al Din, risala, folio, 31.24 There is no mention of Ibn al-Imam al-Busrawi in the biographical dictionaries consulted for this study. Hajji Khalifa and Baghdadi included cited this monograph under fada’il. Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, 296, 363; Isma‘il al-Baghdadi, Idah al-Maknun fi al-dhayl ‘ala Kashf al-zunun, 2 vols. Edited by Muhammad Yaltaqaya and Rif‘at Kilisi, (Istanbul, 1945-1947),153. Ibn al-Imam’s work appears to have been familiar to hiscontemporaries. He was quoted by ‘Abd al-Qadir (d. 1053/1643) in his biographical dictionary. ‘Abd al-Qadir IbnAhamd al-Sawwaf, “Tarikh ‘Abd al-Qadir”, Berlin MS. No. 9729. folio 76.

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predecessor `Imad al-Din, verbatim in most instances.25 Busrawi wrote in the preface to tufat al-anam that his motive transcends the enumeration of fada'il al-Sham to the commemoration of ascetics and pious Sufis buried in the region. Though he was skeptical about the exact locationof most of their graves, factual information remained ofno consequence. Popular belief in the sanctity of the site induced reverence and encouraged visits. Busrawi identified eighty-one such sacred locations and elaborated on the commendable qualities and honorable deeds (karamat) of their occupants’.26 In the introductory lines he comments:

“God willing, I will mention some of those whopassed away and were buried in bilad al-Sham; venerated sahaba (companions of the Prophet), tabi`in (followers), ulama, and awliya' . Their intercession is sought for istisqa' (prayer for rain). God bestowes his mercy [upon bilad al-Sham] upon the invocation of their names … misfortunes are repelled; plagues recoil” 27.

Mercy' and `misfortunes' in this quotation resonates people’s fears and anxiety; Divine intercession their only hope against such predicaments. Busrawis draws attention to the Greek inscriptions on the third pillar on bab Jayrun as clear testimony of Divine protection against all types of tyranny.

25 Except for the preface, folio 1- 17 in al-Busrawi are identical with folio 1-19 in the monograph of ‘Imad al Din. It is curious that Busrawi does not mention ‘Imad al-Din among his sources.26 Busrawi, tuhfat, folio, 50.27 Ibid, folio, 2

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“I am Damascus. I am the tyrant (al-jabbar). God crushed all tyrants within my [walls]. I tolerate no injustice, nor the unjust, nor [doI allow] the cruelties of tyrants “ 28.

An unmistakable hostility towards rafidites coupled with ananti Christian tone permeated Busrawi's monograph.29 He applauds the Ayyubid sultan Salah al-Din for stamping out the Shia Fatimid Dynasty; persecuting the Rafidites and humiliating heretics and ahl al-bida` (religious novelties) . Busrawi might be echoing the fanaticism and ‘revulsion’ produced in the minds of the ulama with those `heretics' who believed in the divinity of the Fatimid Caliph al Hakim bi amr Allah.30 The Druze Ma`nid family in the Shuf district of Lebanon was in constant rebellion against Ottoman governors of Damascus. Some of their religious manuscripts were brought to Damascus during punitive expeditions initiated against them.31 Busrawi applauds Ottoman walis for preserving and 28 Ibid, folio, 4. The same text is quoted by al Sawa’i in al-jawhar, folio, 108. Sawa’i mentioned ‘al-Jazri as his source without giving the person’s full name and the title of the composition he is quoting. There were two works composed by men with the name al-Jazri and from whom Sawa’i could have copied. The first was Muhammad Ibn al-Jazri (d. 739/1308) who wrote hawadith al-zaman wa abna’ihi and the other Muhammad Ibn M. Shams al Din al Jazri (d. 833/1429) who wrote tarikh ibn al-jazri. 29 Rafida (reject) is an Islamic term that denotes all groups that do not recognize the sunna. 30 On the subject of the Druze faith see in: Abdallah Najjar,The Druze: Millennium Scrolls Revealed, trans. Fred I. Massey, (Beirut: American Druze Society,1973); Sami Makarim, The Druze Faith, (New York, 1974); Muhammad Ahmad al-Khatib, `Aqidat al-Duruz, (Jordan, 1980); Nejla Abu Izzeddin, The Druzes: a New Study of their History, Faith and Society, (Leiden, 1984); Tadhakkarya Marwan: al-madaris al-fikriyya wal tayyarat al-siyasiyya wa da`wat al-tawhid al-Durziyya, (Beirut, 1997).

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protecting the sunna against the threat of such apostasy.

Muhammad Ibn Nasir al-Din al-Sawa'i (alive in 1052/1642)compiled two very similar monographs: shann al-ghara fi fadl ziyarat al-maghara the other is entitled: al-jawhar al-maknun fi fadai'l ziyarat jabal qasiyun. 32 The first shann al-ghara he intended as an epistle (risala) the other jawhar a comprehensive treatise (kitab). The anarchic presentation of the material and the juxtaposition of information in the monographs of Sawa'i were atypical oftreatises on fada’il al-Sham encountered thus far. Non conformity, however, did not imply creative originality.The word fadl disclosed an additional connotation for Sawa'i to the one encountered in other fada’il literature. “God gave preference (faddala) certain locations above others”. Hence both meanings, that of excellencies fada’il and favoritism faddala should be observed in the traditions cited in these monographs. Al-Sawa'i opened his discourse with the Quranic verse al-tin wal zaytun (Figs and Olives) Damascus as jabal al-tin (mountain of figs) and 31 For details on these punitive expeditions see in Ibn Tulun, I‘lam al-wara, 240 242; Burini, tarajim, 1:241 242; Ibn Jum‘a, wulat dimashq, ed. Salah al Din al Munajid, (Damascus, 1949), 6; Bakhit, The Province of Damascus, 164 169; Abdul RahimAbu Husayn, Provincial Leadership in Syria, 1575-1650, (Beirut: American University, 1984), 130 134. The Fatimid Caliph Al Hakim bi-amr Allah reigned from 386-411 A.H./996-1020 A.D. 32 There is no mention of Muhammad Ibn Nasir al Din al Sawa’iin any of the biographical dictionaries consulted. He may have originally come from the village of Bayt Sawa’ in the Ghuta, hence the kunya (surname) al Sawa’i. From the text we know he was living in al Salihiyya districts in the outskirts of Damascus. For more information on the villages of Ghuta see in Muhammad Kurd ‘Ali, Ghuat Dimashq, (Damascus, 1949); idem, Khitat al-Sham, 2nd ed. (Beirut, 1969 1971).

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Jerusalem as jabal al-zaytun (mountain of olives). In the six sections that follow he reviewed a myriad of subjects; merits of Jabal Qasiyun (fadl singular of fada'il), fadl magharat al-damm (the cave of blood), where locals believe the first murder was committed by Cain against his brother Abel; birth of Ibrahim; circumcision; sacred locations in Damascus; birth of theprophet Yahya Ibn Zakariyya and circumstances of his execution. The epilogues appended to each section oscillate between the original and trivial. Qualities of musk, sanctity of mountains, motivation for the ‘heinous’ murder of Abel, offerings (hadaya), times (awqat) when prayers are answered are conflated with "God's two most celebrated individuals" Ibrahim and Muhammad. The concluding epilogue is a detailed description of fada'il al-Sham. Sawa'i divided this epilogue into four additional sections that incorporate the return of the Mahdi, with the role of the anti-Christ and merit alms (zakat).

Sawa`I claims the frequent digressions in the text: advice, warning and anecdote (fa'ida, tanbih, latifa), are intentionally designed to avoid monotony. Such a broad spectrum of topics classify Saw’is monographs under the genre adab (belle lettres). Extreme caution must be exercised, however, as to the use of this term. In thiscontext only the very broad meaning of adab as pleasant and delightful literary composition, can be applied.33 Sawa'i like other compilers of fada’il literature, was trying to deliver a message. At one instance he described the abominable state of the mosque outside Bab

33 E.I.2, s.v. “Adab”, by I. Goldziher; E.I.2, s.v. “Adab”; F.Gabrieli. I. Lichtenstadter, “On the Conception of Adab”, Muslim World 33 (1943):33 38.

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Jayrun.34 It appears this mosque was converted to a public refectory. The author strongly reprimanded thoseresponsible and appealed to the authorities to remove this transgression. "Have you not heard His saying: Youare the most favored umma that enjoins what is right and forbids what is evil?” 35. This incident motivated an elaborate discussion of the proper behavior practicedin a mosque. During Sawa'i's lifetime the inhabitants of Damascus were forced to accommodate twelve thousand Ottoman (sipahi) cavalry and their retinues. Contemporary sources abound with accounts of the atrocities committed by these troops and the imposition of (kishlak) forced lodging.36 At another instance, the author was less subtle possibly because the appeal was more personal. He wrote concerning the matter of alms distribution: "It remains best if [alms] were given to the virtuous, devout, or pursuer of useful knowledge (talib `ilm nafi`) not to an idle (`urbadiyy) parasite each serving his own master like the sufi of these times”37. Probably Sawa'i was the intended talib al-`ilm in this statement. In addition, he was denouncing what he considered an unmerited distribution of alms to the Sufis and the military. The power and influence of Sufiorders grew to the extent that the zawiyas became socio-religious organizations. Opposition of local ulamato Sufi orders was frequent and at times exuberant. As

34 Sawa’i, Shann, folio, 11. The destruction of this mosque probably took place during the author’s lifetime because it is not mentioned by any other compiler of fada’il or ziyarat of this period.35 Ibid, folio, 11.36 Abd al-Qadir, tarikh. Abd al-Qadir was wittness to disruptive behavior of the troops; Muhibbi, khulasat, 1: 263;Ibn Jum‘a, wulat, 32.37 Sawa’i, Shann, folio, 64.

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a semi-official class, the ulama could only invoke the support of secular authorities to exercise control over their endowment. 38

Coming orginally from rustic background, Sawa’I faced additional pressure to be accepted in the restricted ulama class. Trimingham affirms that the ulama of Damascus treated others with haughtiness and scorned their pastoral origins setting them aside as peasant villagers (qarawi fallah).39 With the dearth of informationavailable about the life of Sawa'i, we cannot assert whether he was personally subjected to such scorn.

The last treatise to be examined is rawat al-anam fi fada’il al-sham was compiled by Yasin al-Biqa`i al-Faradi (d. 1095/1687). Faradi followed the general framework of fada’il literature by citing traditions and quoting or paraphrasing predecessors. The author claims he was commissioned to compile a compendium on the subject of fada'il al-Sham by government officials (wulat). Without anyreference to their identity, one is skeptical about the validity of his report. Presumably, he advanced this treatise to voice a complaint against the interference of functionaries in judicial affairs. Faradi, a respected ‘alim renowned for scholarship and honesty, often acted as mediator among adversaries, issuing legal opinion (fatwa) and arbitrating disputes. To members of his community, he acted as the actual mufti, which infuriated the residing na’ib `Uthman al Kurdi .40 38 For the relationship of Sufi orders with the Orthodox institution see in: Trimingham, Sufi Orders, 241 244; Khalidi,Classical Arab Islam, (Princeton, 1985), 67-77.39 Trimingham, Sufi Orders, 231.40 For further information see in Muhibbi, khulasat, 4: 493; Mahasini, kunnash, 60.

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Yasin was severely reprimanded and thrashed (falaq).41 Citzens of Damascus reacted with a general strike and marched in anger demanding justice. The incident does not by itself constitute motivation for a treatise on fada'il al-Sham. It did, however, amplify the sense of injustice and fury that permeates this treatise.

Further on, Yasin cited Ka`b al Ahbar, the renowned sahaba (companion), as having said "al-Sham is God's treasure on earth where the greater number of His servants are assembled" 42. The word `servants' designated those true believers whom God referred to in His address to Satan: "You shall have no power over my servants except the sinners who follow thee" 43. Why didthe author relate the above tradition to this Quranic verse? It is not conjecture that the `you' in the verserefers to the na’ib and `servants' to the ulama of Damascus. Another explanation that Yasin offered about a well-recognized tradition sheds more light on his attitude. "There will remain a few in my umma... they will uphold the truth until the Hour of Doom arrives”44. According to the author, three advantages could be discerned from this tradition: the `upholders of truth are the savants (ahl al-`ilm), `ilm in this phrase designatesfiqh, his specialty; ahl al-`ilm reside in bilad al-Sham 45.

41 Al-falaq is a device for holding the legs of the delinquent during the bastinado. About this incident see in: Mahasini,kunnash, 60. 42 Faradi, rawdat, folio 2.43 Quran, XV, 42.44 M.J. Kister, “A Study of an early Tradition”, Le Museon, LXXXII(1969):173-197.45 Faradi, rawdat, folio, 4.

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Conclusion

Some of the authors of fada’il al-Sham lived during the last decade of the Mamluk Sultanate and the early years of Ottoman rule. They were witness to turbulent times that frequently accompany a change in dynasties. Bilad al-Sham, no longer a frontier province threatened by external forces, generated lethargy among the armed forces.46 Instead, ambitious rebels rallied the malcontent around them and posed a continuous threat to internal stability. The ulama by virtue of the status and influence they enjoyed among government dignitaries and the masses, tried to perform the valuable service ofmaintaining stability in times of crisis. Their task was not always successful. In many instances those who voice their complaints were punished or rebuked.47 Fada’illiterature was one of few instruments remaining that could be used to influence government opinion. Authors attempted to direct the attention of Ottoman officials to the eminence of bilad al-sham and to the desecration of its sacred soil by rebels and the soldiery. Ibn `Atiyyadescribes this scandalous situation:

“Of mahasin al-Sham the district of Salihiyya stands out. It teems with zawiyas, turab, and madrasas... seized by nuzzar and mubashirun... How many a madrasa perished, where daily prayers and tarawih (prayers of Ramadan) were recited! Darkness engulfed them where lanterns once sparkled. If it could speak themadrasa would say: I have fallen to ruins where my courtyard once echoed with incessant

46 Abd al-Karim Rafiq, “The local forces in Syria”, in War Technology and Society, ed. V.P. Perry and M.E. Yapp, (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), 291.47 Bakhit, The Province of Damascus, 32, 165, 166,168.

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voices of Quran reciters. Another would cry out: I was once a sanctuary for the faithful and now I am but a shelter for beasts. Yet another would say: I am a private residence [for corrupt officials]; and another would sayI am a storage space for animal fodder… they have dismantled me, taken away my roof and exposed me… they pulled down my walls, sold mygates and turned me into a kennel”.

He continued with a plea for assistance: "The awqaf implore God the Redeemer for help. It is said unto themlisten to the words of the Compassionate in the Quran {To us they shall return, and we will bring them to account}" 48.

Compilers of fada'il of this era stated in the preface of their monographs that they would concentrate their efforts on exalting the excellencies of the whole regionrecognized as bilad al-sham, extending from al-`Arish to the Euphrates. They adhered to this inclusive conception only in the first sections of their treaties. What followed was an elaborate citation of traditions that glorified Damascus and its environs to the neglect of others; yet they never attempted to elevate its status above that of al-Quds. The status of al-Quds was already established in the minds of the faithful. The controversy that arose over the authenticity of the wellknown tradition: "You shall only set out for three mosques: The sacred mosque [in Mecca), my mosque [in Medina] and al-aqsa mosque [in Jerusalem], had been resolved among Muslim scholars.49 In view of this partiality, compilers of fada'il al-Sham ignored this hadith

48 Badri, Nuzhat, 321.49 M.J. Kister, “An Early Tradition”, 173-196.

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in its entirety. Instead, they concentrated on the efficacy of prayers performed at those three mosques adding the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus as the fourth mostrevered site in Islam where the prophet al-khidr was spotted praying every night.50 To reinforce their claim they designated "the fourth pillar in the eastern section" as that spot.51 Ka`b al-Ahbar instructed a pilgrim on his way to Jerusalem: "Come, I will show you a place in [the Umayyad] mosque where you can perform your prayers as if you were in Jerusalem” 52. Authors were determined to specify that exact spot "between al-bab al-saghir and the western arch (al-qantara al-gharbiyya)”53. With the exception of Busrawi, none of the compilersreferred to liberating Jerusalem from Frankish occupation; "there will be no harm to honor this text with a brief account of the conquest of Jerusalem and its liberation from the vicious infidels" 54. Despite the exaltation of Jerusalem the author was careful not to let it eclipse Damascus. He claimed that Salah al-Din favored Damascus `above all other cities' as a placeof residence and that his last days were spent in the city, savoring its numerou attractions (mahasin).55

Another shared conviction concerns `amud al-Islam (pillar or foundation of Islam)that is lodged in bilad al-Sham the 50 A prayer in Mecca is equivalent to 100,000 prayers elsewhere, in Madina 50,000 in Jerusalem 40,000 and in Damascus 30,000. Busrawi, tuhfat, folio, 5; Faradi, rawdat, folio, 6. 51 E.I.2, s.v. “Khdir”, by A.J. Wensinck. For the exact location see in Busrawi, tuhfat, folio, 6; Faradi, rawdat, folio, 5.52 Busrawi, tuhfat, folio, 5; Faradi, rawdat, folio, 6.53 Ibid.54 Busrawi, tuhfat, folio 91. 55 Ibid.

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abode of the abdal. Nine-tenths of prosperity and wealth (al-khair) remain within its boundaries. A tradition quoted by Ibn `Atiyya and Yasin al-Faradi deserves special attention because it brings to the foreSunni-Shi`i conflict. The Prophet while invoking the name of God in prayer said:

“O God! Bless our villages, our towns and our Sham. And a man said and `Iraq. The Prophet said: from there the horn of Satan (qarn al-shaytan) will appear and rebellion will rage. Malevolence (jafa') will advance from the East”56.

Others quote the same tradition albeit with variations:

“O God! Bless our villages, our towns and ourSham. And a man said and `Iraq. The Prophet was silent. The man repeated: and our `Iraq. The Prophet was silent, then [Mohammad] said: O God! Bless our city, our towns and our villages. O God! Bless our Sham ”57.

By using the possessive form `our' in this tradition, compilers ascertained the Prophet’s preference to bilad al-sham as his adopted native land. The authenticity of this tradition is of little consequence. What is of theessence is the poignant religio-political message that it carries. The fall of Baghdad in 1624 to the Safavids and the slaughter of the Sunni inhabitants produced tremendous popular reaction, especially among the orthodox ulama of bilad al-Sham. Pilgrims coming from the East brought with them tales of public condemnation of

56 Ibn ‘Atiyya, fada’il, folio, 6; Faradi, rawdat, folio, 4.57Ibid., folio, 4. For more details on this theme see e.g. Wilferd Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies in Hims in the Umayyad Age”, Journal of Semitic Studies 31(1986):141 185.

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Sunnis and of atrocious acts against them in the easternprovinces. This would justify the word jafa' in the tradition cited above.

Bilbaysi offered a more interesting example of the preference for bilad al-Sham at the expense of committing an historical forgery. It is meaningful to quote the whole passage as it illustrates the rationale adopted bythe author in the text. Bilbaysi wrote, on the occasionof the birth of the Prophet, the following observation:

“Some of the ancestors (salaf) report that all prophets were born in bilad al-Sham, those who were not, migrated to [the region]. The Prophet [Mohammad] made two voyages to the region, but he never resided there and he never entered Damascus. He almost reached Busra [in the outskirts of Damascus]. I say! likely this was at the time of his birth when his mother could distinguish the necks of camels [at Busra] by the celestial glow that emanated on that [glorious] occasion”.

He explained further:

“It was reported that the midwife observed thecastles (qusur al-rum at the same time. This [vision] is transmitted for a reason (munasaba). The sahaba, God bless them, conquered al-Rum (Anatolia) and prevailed overthe infidels… Some of their progeny... are still living in there. These are the same kings and sultans of al-Rum, the descendants of the greatest (al-a`zam) of the sahaba `UthmanIbn `Affan”58.

58 Bilbaysi, al-rawd, folio, 6-7.

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The author, thus linked Ottoman lineage (al-`Uthman) to the Caliph `Uthman purely on a linguistic basis devoid of any historical verity. It is difficult to imagine that he was ignorant of the proper ancestry of the Ottomans since their genealogy was included in contemporary works of history.59

Contention between orthodox Islam and the Sufi orders was intense in the middle of the seventeenth century. Sources describe a mood of intolerance and bigotry encouraged by the ulama of Istanbul under the influence of the kadizadelers.60 Sawa'i expressed indignation towards Sufis “sufiyyat hadha al-zaman” in a fervent passage 61.

“It has been said by some of our ancestors (al-salaf) that people originated as foliage without any thorns (waraq la shawka fihi). Later they degenerated to thorns without foliage (shawk la waraqa fihi). I say, at this time, those thorns are transmuted into injurious live coal (jamr la khair fihi)” 62.

These are not isolated selections; they reflect the disposition of the authors and of the period in which discontent with prevailing conditions was expressed within a religious guise.

59 Qutb al-Din Muhammad Ibn Sultan, “Fath al-malik al-‘alim al-mannan ‘ala al-malik al-muzaffar Sulayman”, Berlin MS. No. 5622., folio, 5; idem,al-jawahir, folio, 7; Ghazzi, kawakib, 1: 208.60 Shaw, History, 1: 194-195.61 Sawa’i, shann, folio, 64. 62 Sawa’i, shann, folio, 42.

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Collections of hadith were firmly established and recognized by the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At that point newly fabricated traditions could not be added; instead compilers of fada’il emphasized specific utterances of the Prophet to propagate an idea or deliver a message. There appears to be a consensus among them that Damascus is indeed the mysterious city iram dhat al-`imad {the like of which was never created in the land}. In addition, pre-Islamic legendary and non-legendary figures connected with Damascus are cited from Isra'iliyyat and qisas al-anbiya' genre rather than historical Islamic sources.63

Yasin al-Faradi manifested a stronge ‘asabiyya - to borrowfrom Ibn Khaldun - than ordinarily encountered in fada’il treatises. In the Muslim profession of faith (shahada) Yasin inserts bilad al-sham to create the impression that the shahada depended on, or was fortified by God's veneration of the region. He writes in the introduction:

“There is no God but God who said blessed are the people of bilad al-Sham. Muhammad is the Prophet of God who said bilad al-Sham is the abode of the abdal. Glory be to God who chosefor his favorite prophet Dimashq al-Sham as theseat of Resurrection... Praise be to God for He said: Oh! Sham you are the favorite among my countries".

He pressed the point further by identifying bilad al-Sham as the Holy land (al-ard al-muqaddasa):

63 E.I.2, s.v. “Isra’iliyat”, by G. Vajda.

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“Jerusalem was designated as al-ard al-muqaddasa a term also applied to al-tur and its environs and to parts of Jordan. Later the [term was applied to] Damascus and I say there are no contradictions here; all these regions fall within bilad al-Sham… al-muqaddasa [in this context] denotes purity. Bilad al-sham was cleansed of the infidel [Franks] and has become the abode of prophets and believers... When Ibrahim stood on Mount Lebanon, God said to him: Behold! everything within your visionis sacred muqaddas” 64.

The author was describing the aura of holiness that he and his contemporaries conferred on bilad al-Sham. Referring to `infidels' at a time when the Ottomans wereengaged in campaigns against the Europeans had its significance. Presumably, he was reminding Ottoman dignitaries that Bilad al-Sham has a history of heroic actions jihad against the Franks. The intimate connection of this genre with hadith and related disciplines imposed a certain prescribed and traditional style and acted as an impediment to innovation and progress. Compilers became the custodians of knowledge accumulated by former generations and tedious collators of information. Lastly, fada’il in general lack a well-structured presentation of information. Occasionally there was a glimpse of originality, not in subject matter, but in motive and selectivity. By giving precedence to a particular tradition or advancing a particular commentary (tafsir) of a Quranic verse, the author explicitly or implicitly revealed his motive for

64 Faradi, rawdat, folio, 1, 2.

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composition. This laudatory type of literature, used asmeans of exalting the excellencies of a specific region,was also employed by individuals or government officialsas a religio-political tool to express their sentiments.The merit of bilad al-Sham was secure in Muslim lore reaffirmed by hadith and reinforced by the number of graves of outstanding religious personalities. However,at a time when the ulama were the voice of the malcontent, compilers of fada’il found it necessary and advantageous to remind Ottoman officials, who were of non-indigenous origins, of its worth.

To end this section I include a quotation cited in all the texts with the exception of Ibn `Attiyya. It pertains to the site of magharat al-damm in Jabal Qasiyun.

“Whenever there was scarcity of rain, or a rise in prices; whenever [the people] were oppressed by a suzerain (sultan), and should any one of them be in need, the people of Damascus would mount to that site [where] the blood of Abel was [spilled] and pray to God; He bestowed His grace on them and granted their request” 65.

65 ‘Imad al Din, risala, folio, 24; Al Hawrani, “al-isharat ila amakin al-ziyarat, zahiriyyat, MS. No. 3467 folio, 44. Hawrani wrotea monograph on ziyarat and not fada’il; Busrawi, tuhfat, folio, 101; Sawa’i, shann, folio, 3; Faradi, rawdat, folio, 9.

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