http://wes.sagepub.comWork, Employment & Society DOI:
10.1177/0950017004040761 2004; 18; 29Work Employment SocietyRebecca
F. Taylor EmploymentExtending Conceptual Boundaries: Work,
Voluntary Work
andhttp://wes.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/18/1/29The online
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from Extending conceptual boundaries: work,voluntary work and
employmentIRebecca F.TaylorPolicy Studies Institute,
UKABSTRACTTraditional social theory has conceptualized work in
terms of a dichotomy of pub-lic paid employment and private unpaid
labour that oversimplies the
complexityoftraditionalandcontemporaryworkpracticesandexcludesvoluntaryworkfromsociologicalunderstandingsofwork.
Thisarticleexploresthelivesofveworkers from two voluntary sector
organizations, whose experiences highlight
theweaknessesofconceptssuchascareer
andsuggestthatworksconceptualboundaries be extended. A framework
based on the total social organization oflabour is developed that
distinguishes between paid and unpaid work within
thesettingofinstitutional, communityandfamilyrelations.
Thisprovidesabasisformapping individuals labour and exploring both
the interconnections between theirwork positions and the boundaries
of their work identity. At the structural level
ithighlightshowhealthcareandcommunityworkconstitutelabourmarketsorelds;
hierarchicalstructuresgovernedbyrulesthatshapehowpositionsareaccessed.KEY
WORDSemployment / elds / informal economic activity / TSOL / unpaid
work / voluntaryworkIntroductionithin the sociology of work the
concept of work has largely been
takenforgrantedbytheoristsandresearchers.Untilquiterecentlytheresearch
agenda was shaped by the assumption that work is constituted29Work,
empl oyment andsoci et yCopyright 2004BSA Publications LtdVolume
18(1): 2949[DOI: 10.1177/0950017004040761]SAGE PublicationsLondon,
Thousand Oaks,New Delhi W040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 29 by
Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded
from
bytwoseparateanddiscreetactivities:paidemploymentinthepublicsphereandunpaiddomesticlabourintheprivatesphere.Thesetwoformsofworkhavetendedtobeunderstoodwithreferencetodifferenttheoreticalmodels:economicrelationsorgenderrelations.Howeverthelimitsofthisconceptualstructure
are revealed in attempts to explore forms of labour that do not t
thedichotomy of paid public work and unpaid private work. Voluntary
work is animportant example since it takes place in the public
sphere but is unpaid, mak-ing it conceptually and theoretically
incompatible with the existing denitionsof work.Although voluntary
work has, for the most part, been ignored by the
soci-ologyofworkitisanimportantformoflabour.RegularsurveysbytheNationalCentreforVolunteering(in1981,1991and1998)consistentlyndthat
just under a half of all adults engage in formal voluntary work in
a 12-month period and around two thirds engage in informal
voluntary work.1Forthose volunteering regularly, i.e. involvement
with any one organization on atleast a monthly basis (Davis Smith,
1998: 21), the numbers are lower but stillsignicant, with just
under a third of the population taking part.The problem is that
voluntary work is not actually dened or
understoodasworkbysociology.Thisraisedanepistemologicalproblemfortheauthorwhose
research consisted of in-depth interviews with workers engaged in
paidand unpaid work within two voluntary sector
organizations.2Before it was pos-sible to explore research
questions such as why individuals engaged in particu-lar forms of
paid and unpaid work at particular times in their working lives
andhow this was connected with their class and gender identity, it
was rst neces-sary to re-conceptualize work. This project involved
creating a framework thatwould provide a theoretical basis for a
meaningful analysis of workers experi-ences, and it provides the
focus of this article.The article begins by examining the
historical construction of the existingconceptual dichotomy within
sociology. It is argued that work has never beenreducible to
employment and that the model is a product of academic concernswith
industrial capital within the new discipline of sociology at the
beginningof the 20th century.Then, with reference to empirical data
from the research, the second
sec-tionexploreswhythismodelprovidesaninadequatetoolforunderstandingcontemporary
working lives. It begins with a brief description of the
researchquestionsandmethodology,andthenoutlinesthecharacteristicsofthe29interviewees,
most of whose work practices exist outside, or on the peripheryof,
sociologys narrow conceptual domain. This is followed by a sketch
of thework histories of ve of the workers who each capture a
different set of
issuesraisedbytheresearchandwhohighlighttherangeofexperiencesandthelayered
complexity of peoples working lives.These issues are explored in
the third section. Here, it is argued, traditionalnotions of work,
and also career, marginalize and devalue the experiences
oftheinterviewees.Theseincludealifetimeofvoluntarywork,non-standardforms
of employment, juggling several jobs, balancing familial care and
public30 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch
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work,workinandforthecommunity,politicalwork,workafterretirementand
work whilst
unemployed.Aconceptualframeworkisdevelopedinthefourthpartofthepaperinorder
to overcome the problems associated with the dichotomy. The
frameworkconstitutes a development of the ideas of social theorists
who have attemptedto rethink the nature of work. It rests on
Glucksmanns (1995, 2000)
assertionthatthereisnosimplecorrespondencebetweenpayandwork;instead,sheargues,
work is embedded in and dened by the social relations within which
itislocated.Withintheframework,distinctionsaredrawnbetweendifferentforms
of work in terms of whether they are paid or unpaid and their
locationwithin the setting of institutional, community or family
relations. This concep-tual model develops Glucksmanns notion of
the Total Social Organization
ofLabour(TSOL)asadevicethatsuggeststherelationalandinterconnectednature
of different forms of work in different
spheres.Inthenalsectionsofthearticle,thisframeworkprovidesthestartingpoint
for exploring the work practices, work identities and working lives
of theinterviewees. At the individual level it provides a way to
map the mix of differ-ent forms of labour that constitute peoples
work practices, and at the
structurallevelitilluminatesthesocialorganizationoflabourintoeldssuchashealthcare
and community work. The article concludes that a widening of works
con-ceptual boundaries is crucial if the complexity of peoples
working lives, and
therelationshipsbetweendifferentformsofworkandbetweenworkandsocialidentity,
are to be explored and understood.Theories of
workTheproblemwithexaminingpeoplespaidandunpaidworkis,asseveralauthors
have observed, that for most of the 20th century the concept of
workwithin sociological denitions and empirical studies has been
synonymous
withpaidemployment(Beechey,1987;Bradley,1989;Glucksmann,1995,2000;Hakim,
1996; Pahl, 1988; Tancred, 1995). This reductionism can be seen as
alegacy of the changes that took place during industrialization
with the
genderedseparationandre-alignmentofpublicandprivatespheres(Davidoff,1995;Hall,
1992). The public sphere was dened as the site of economically
produc-tiveindustriallabourandasaspecicallymaledomain,whilsttheprivatedomestic
sphere came to be seen as non-economic the site of family and
repro-ductionactivitiesassignedtowomen.Theseactivitieswerenotregardedaswork
and were dened in opposition to industrial labour (Glucksmann,
1995).More importantly, Glucksmann (1995) points out that this
dichotomy waslegitimated, and its underlying distinctions
reinforced, by the creation of
disci-plinaryboundarieswithinacademiathatmirroredthedifferentiationandspecialization
of institutions in industrial society. Classical economics
hijackedthe notion of work by dening it as wage labour and thus
part of the
economicsystem,sothatunderstandingworkbecameaneconomicquestionofthe31
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Downloaded from monetarization and quantication of labour. This not
only excluded all workthat was not exchanged for a wage, but it
rendered impossible analysis of theinterconnections and
interdependencies between the different spheres in whichwork was
actually performed (Glucksmann, 1995: 66).Within this model, public
and private worlds were entirely separate
arenasconstitutedbydifferentactivitiesandconceptualizedbydifferenttheoreticalconstructs
(see Figure 1). Not only was labour in the private sphere of the
fam-ily not interesting to early labour theorists, but the model
excluded voluntarywork and other forms of unpaid work in the public
sphere, that did not takeplace within the boundaries of formal paid
employment.The legacy of this focus on male industrial labour and
the notion that workand employment are synonymous has been a narrow
view of peoples workinglives both before and after
industrialization. In fact, in pre-industrial society,
thelandedaristocracywereagroupforwhomworkandincomewereconnectedonlytenuously,andwhohadlittleconceptofemploymentforgain(Davis,1980:
585). The gentry inherited a living or property that provided
nancialsecurity whilst their work, consisting of positions within
parliament, the
churchandthemilitary,wassomethingtheydidinordertomaintainhonourandsecure
status and power. These positions were usually acquired through a
sys-tem of patronage, and although a stipend or living might be
provided, this wasa not a direct form of remuneration for work in
the way wages are for employ-ment today (Reader,
1966).Similarlythelabourofcraftandagriculturalworkersanddomesticser-vantswasenmeshedinawebofsocialobligationsandfamilyresponsibilitiesanddependenciesthatborelittleresemblancetoaformalizedmodelofcon-tractual
employment (Davis, 1980: 585). Agricultural seasonal workers in
the32 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch
2004Figure 1 The separation of spheres of work in traditional
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entwined this essentially casual employment with household
pro-duction such as weaving, cultivating their own small cottage
gardens, and
graz-inglivestockoncommonland(Malcolmson,1988).Work,forbothrichandpoor,
was not simply dened by material reward but was embedded in
culturalpractices and social and domestic relations and
expectations.3The advance of industrial production systems and the
rise of professionalpractices and associations in the 18th century
meant that labour was increas-ingly circumscribed by formal
employment relations (Berg, 1988;
Glucksmann,1995;Pahl,1988).However,althoughdenitionsofworkwereincreasinglyweddedtothepracticesofindustrialemployment,unpaidworkinthepublicspherealsocontinuedtoourish.Thiswasnotconnedtotraditionalvolun-teering
epitomized by aristocratic public service (Owen, 1964) and
middle-classphilanthropic and charitable labour (Owen, 1964;
Prochaska, 1980;
Summers,1979).Italsoincludedworking-classself-help(Finlayson,1994;Harrison,1971;Zeldin,1983),informalneighbourhoodwork(Anderson,1971;Glucksmann,2000),politicalandlabourorganization(Cleggetal.,1961;Fraser,1999;Lewenhak,1977;LiddingtonandNorris,1978)andnewsocialmovements
(Brand, 1990; Scott,
1990).Yetthedichotomywasnotchallengeduntilthelate1960swhensecond-wave
feminism began to question assumptions that unpaid work in the
privatesphere was not work. The feminist critique sought to counter
the
marginaliza-tionofwomensdomesticlabourinthehomebymainstreamsocialtheory(Oakley,1974).Beecheyarguedthat,amajortheoreticalbreakthroughinvolvedtherecognitionthathousework,thelabourofloveperformedbywomen
in the home, was a form of work (1987: 126). This new focus
extendedtheconceptofworktoincludelabourthatwasnotdirectlyeconomic(Glucksmann,
1995) and also enabled Marxist feminists (Hartman, 1981) andlabour
economists (Becker, 1991) to explore the hidden economic value of
thiswork.However, although this recognition of domestic labour
meant both
halvesofthedichotomywerenowdenedaswork,thedichotomyitselfremainedrmlyintact.Theempiricalandtheoreticaltextsonworkthatappearedthroughout
the 1980s and 1990s (both by feminists and mainstream
theorists),withafewexceptions,madenoreferencetounpaidlabourinthepublicdomain.4Where
attempts were made to look beyond the dichotomy, voluntary work,if
mentioned at all, tends to be included anecdotally rather than
empirically,
andwithouttheorizingorconceptualizingitsrelationtootherformsofworkorengagingwithitsabsencefromtheliterature.5Moreproblematically,investi-gating
these rare appearances in the literature, it becomes clear that by
appro-priating the notion of unpaid labour to signify domestic
labour in the homedone by women, feminism had succeeded in reducing
all unpaid work and
byextensionvoluntaryworktowomenswork.Forexample,Beecheyarguedthat
as well as doing most of the housework women also comprise the
major-ity of this countrys voluntary work-force (1987: 1). The
volunteering surveys33 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761
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reality. For the last 20 years at least, men and womenhave
participated in voluntary work more or less equally (Davis Smith,
1998).6Not only does this dualistic model of work lead to unfounded
assumptionsabout the nature of mens and womens work, it renders
invisible or marginal,substantial parts of the working lives of
those who do not conform to it. As willbe explored below in
relation to the empirical data, this model serves to
limitunderstanding of peoples work identity and the practical
reality of their work-ing lives.The research and the
intervieweesTwenty-nine people were interviewed for the
research7and of these, 13 worked,paid or unpaid, at North End
Community and Refugee project, located in
aninnerLondonborough.Theorganization,foundedintheearly1970s,wasfunded
through a trust provided by an Anglican minister, and worked
closelywith local asylum seekers and other minority ethnic groups,
providing servicesthat included education outreach, English
language classes, housing advice, anda range of cultural groups and
events.The other 16 interviewees worked, paid or unpaid, for a Home
Countiesbranch of Care Aid, a national health care charity founded
at the end of the19th century that provided emergency rst aid cover
and training. The branchalso ran a number of health care services
such as hospital after care, staffed byvolunteers, and domiciliary
care, staffed by paid care assistants. Unlike
NorthEnd,wheremanyoftheworkerswerefromtheminorityethniccommunitiesthey
served, the majority of workers at Care Aid were
white.Thetwoorganizationswerechosentocaptureverydifferentendsofthespectrum
of voluntary organizations, from local and informal to national
andhighly organized. The 29 who were interviewed represented a
cross-section ofworkers in each organization. They worked in paid
and unpaid positions rang-ing from president to ofce manager and
from ESOL teacher to care assistant.They were each interviewed
once. The interviews lasted between an hour
andtwohoursandfocusedoneachintervieweesworkhistory,theirfamilyandparents
work, and their experiences of education. The research questions
wereconcernedwithhowtheseindividualsorganizedvoluntarywork,paidworkand
domestic labour; the (lack of) choices that led to them to
undertake partic-ular forms of work at various points in their
lives; the nature of the relation-ships between these different
forms of work; and how their work practices wereshaped by their
class and gender
identity.Ofthe29workers,12wereinfull-timepaidemployment,eightwereinvarioussortsofpart-timeemployment,andtheremainingninewereunem-ployed,retired,supportedbyfamily,studying,orataparticularstageintheasylum
process whilst also engaging in some form of unpaid or informal
work.Over two thirds of the sample were involved in regular
voluntary work, mostof which was formal. Over half the sample were
doing more than one job in an34 Work, employment and society Volume
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average month, often juggling a mixture of paid and unpaid work,
and in
thatsenseitwasnotpossibletocharacterizeanddistinguishpaidworkersandunpaid
workers. Those who worked paid for one organization often
workedunpaid for another and vice versa.The sample reected not only
different types of workers, but also a cross-section of the social
characteristics that constituted each organizations
work-force.Intervieweesrangedinagefrom19to68,althoughCareAidhadanolder
prole. They covered a range of socio-economic groups from
professionalteachers and accountants to unqualied care assistants,
and at North End thesample included individuals from Somalia, the
Philippines, Chile and Ethiopia,reecting the projects community
focus and client
base.Themanydifferences(generational,cultural,social,etc.)betweenthe29research
participants meant that their work histories and their
understandingsof those histories were also incredibly diverse. In
order to explore their experi-ences in depth and capture the
complexity of their lives and work practices itwas necessary to
focus on particular characteristics and relationships by exam-ining
individual cases. In this paper Jill, Claire, Jose, Trish and Bob
provide thefocus since they capture a range (although by no means
all) of the experiencesand issues that were highlighted by the
wider sample.Their work histories are summarized below.I Jill
isinherearly60s,hasworkedforCareAidfor20years,unpaid,inpositions
from centre organizer to branch director and is currently
deputypresident of the branch. This is a part-time job and she also
holds
unpaidpositionsasgovernorandtrusteeinthreeothercharities.Herthreechil-dren
have left home and she and her husband inherited and manage a
farmin the home counties and also have a house in London.I Claire,
in her late 20s, is an Oxford graduate with an MSC in
Developmentfrom the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS).
She is employedas a part-time housing development worker at North
End, which she occa-sionally supplements with paid temping work. On
graduating she had
beenunabletondpaidworkinhumanrightsandrefugeework,andinsteadworkedasavolunteerforseveralcharitiesforoverayear.Shelivedinashared
house in London at this time and claimed income support and
hous-ing benet to support herself. Since then she has juggled
part-time employ-ment in a number of voluntary sector
organizations.I Jose is in his late 40s and has been employed
full-time as the ofce man-ager at North End for the last ve years.
He is originally from Chile
andcametoBritainasapoliticalrefugeeinthemid1970swithhiswife,although
they are now divorced and his children have left home. Alongsidehis
paid work, Jose has been heavily involved in unpaid political and
cul-tural work within the Latin American community in London. This
includeshelping to run a prison visiting group and a Latin American
cultural cen-tre, nance work for a Chilean political association
and organizing culturalevents informally for the community and at
North End.35 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761
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2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from I Bob, in his late 60s,
retired from his career in nursing ve years ago and iscurrently a
hospital after care volunteer for Care Aid with his wife Joyce(also
a nurse), who has recently retired due to ill health. He also
supportsanelderlyneighbourandworksunpaidasafundraiserforachildrenscharity.
After 12 years in the navy medical corp he moved into
psychiatricnursing and ran a day hospital in the North West. When
Joyce found a jobmanaging a care home in the South East they moved
and Bob took a job inmental health nursing in a local authority
home, where he worked until hisretirement.I Trish is in her mid 40s
and is employed as a domiciliary care worker forCare Aid on a zero
hours contract. She normally works most evenings andweekends,
enabling her and her husband to share the care of their ve
chil-dren, two of whom suffer from chronic asthma and require
additional
care.Herworkinglifehasbeenconstitutedbypart-timecareworkthatbeganwith
ten years of unpaid work in her local community before nding
domi-ciliary and nursing home work with social services and then
Care Aid.Work, careers and identitiesThese ve individuals have very
different life stories and experiences that raisea number of issues
about how work is dened and conceptualized. In the rstplace they
have all, at some point, engaged in what several of the
intervieweesdescribeasjugglingjobs.Theirliveshaveinvolvedmanagingacomplexarrangement
of paid work, voluntary work, domestic labour and informal
eco-nomicactivity.Theissueofwomenjugglingdomesticlabourandcareerhasbeenexplored(see,forexample,CromptonandBirkelund,2000),butmorecomplexcombinationsofdifferentformsoflabour,particularlythosethatincludevoluntarywork,havenot.Theseexamplesraiseinterestingquestionsabouttheprocessofprioritizingandmanagingdifferentformsofpaidandunpaid
work and the issue of whether juggling jobs is a matter of choice,
obli-gationornecessity.Asynchronicperspectiveonpeoplesworkinglivesisrequiredinordertohighlighttheinterdependenciesandinterconnectionsbetween
these different forms of labour at a particular historical
moment.Secondly, taking a diachronic perspective and examining
these individualsworking lives over a period of time raises issues
about how their careers andwork histories have been constructed.
The problem here is that these terms areembedded rmly in the
traditional dichotomous model of work that polarizesemployment and
domestic labour. Careers are implicitly or explicitly dened
inrelationtoanidealtype:acontinuousandupwardtrajectoryoffull-timeemployment,
the product of organizational or occupational strategies
(Brown,1982).Asseveralauthorshavenoted,itisamodelthatwouldrendermostwomen
and many working-class men careerless (Brown, 1982; Dex, 1984),
asitdoestheinterviewees.Forexample,despitethefactthatJillhasworkedatCare
Aid for 20 years and has moved from an administrative position to
that36 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch
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the fact that this was unpaid work rather than
employmenteffectively renders her careerless. One author, referring
to the unpaid
charityworkofwomencivicleadersintheUS,hasdescribedtheirworkinglivesasinvisible
careers (Kaplan Daniels,
1988).Attemptstoexpandthistraditionalmodelofacareerbyconstructingtypologies
that take other work patterns into account give rise to labels such
asdomestic career or homemaker career (Dex, 1984; Hakim, 1996).
Whilst thisallows women to have a career the problem remains that
paid and preferablyfull-time employment is what counts as work.
Time spent out of employment(even if engaged in raising children or
doing voluntary work), is dened as
notworkingandunderstoodtosignifyalowcommitmentorattachmenttowork
(see, for example, Dex, 1984: 104). Other forms of work are not
givenequalweightintheanalysis,andassumptionsaboutmotiveareextrapolatedfromdifferentcareerpatternsthatemergefromquantitativedataratherthanqualitativequestionsthattapworkersfeelingsandprioritiesinrelationtowork
(Halford et al., 1997).The experiences of these ve individuals
highlight why models of work andcareer are problematic. Trishs work
history has consisted of a series of paid andunpaid positions
providing care and support for old or terminally ill patients
intheir own homes, whilst also bringing up ve children, and caring
for two withasthma. Dening her career as domestic and so labelling
her as someone
withalowcommitmenttowork,isclearlyinappropriateforawomanwho,forover
20 years, has juggled public and private work and currently works
sevendays a week. It misses the more important questions that might
be asked
abouthowshemanagesandprioritizesthesedifferentworkactivitiesandhowshenegotiates
work time with her
husband.Noraretraditionalconstructionsofcareerparticularlyusefulforunder-standing
the work of those such as Jose, who do other jobs in addition to
full-time paid employment. Before getting the ofce manager job at
North End, Josemoved through a series of low-paid bookkeeping
positions in commercial orga-nizations. However, although these
positions constitute Joses career in the
tra-ditionalsense,theyonlyconstitutehalfofJosesworkhistory.Alongsidehispaid
work Jose has engaged in extensive political and community work. A
morecompleteviewofJosescareerwouldrecognizethedifferentformsoflabourthathaveconstitutedit,andraisequestionsregardingthenatureoftherela-tionshipbetweenthesepositionsandwhattheyhaveprovidedhimwithinterms
of material resources and other forms of capital.Focusing only on
the period of time spent in paid employment can producea very
limited understanding of someones working life, which, for those
suchas Trish and Claire, may have started before they got their rst
paid job.
Trishhadworkedunpaidprovidingcareandsupportforelderlyneighboursandothers
in her local community for almost ten years before nding a paid job
asa care assistant for social services in her mid twenties. After
graduating, Clairerealized that the only way to gain the necessary
experience to nd a paid
jobwasthroughvoluntarywork.Thisinformalapprenticeshipprovidedtherst37
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crucial in the process
ofndingpaidwork.Clairesvoluntaryworkiscentraltounderstandinghercareer
and future plans. It does not signify a lack of commitment to work
butis, she argues, wholly strategic.Im ambitious, I know I want to
be going upwards and I identify ways forward andthere are events
here (North End) on a Saturday or in the evening and there is
poten-tial for doing voluntary work on steering groups and this
sort of thing, its going tobe me doing
that.Peoplesworkinglivesdonotnecessarilyendatretirement.Bobdidnotgive
up work on retirement but rather found other forms of work to
engage in.Initially he helped his wife Joyce run the retirement
complex (unpaid) where shewas the manager. He then found himself on
the committee of a local
childrenscharitythroughhisniece,whowasanassistantthere,andbeganfundraisingwork
for them. Later when Joyce suffered a number of strokes and was
advisedtoretirebyherdoctor,shetoorefusedtogiveupworkandfoundvoluntaryworkwithCareAidshospitalaftercareservice.Bobdrovehertoseeherclients
and then became a volunteer for Care Aid himself.As the experiences
of these ve individuals make clear, structures such ascareers that
are dened in relation to narrow models of what counts as
work,failtoacknowledgethewidermeaningsthatworkhasforindividuals.Thequestion
is how work (and career) can be conceptualized more inclusively in
awaythatmakessenseofthecomplexityofworkactivitiesinwhichpeopleengage,
and draws attention to the interconnections and dependencies
betweendifferentformsofwork.However,inordertobeabletoexploretheconnec-tions
between them, these activities rst have to be dened as
work.Reconceptualizing
workWhatconstitutesanactivityaswork,asopposedtosomethingelsesuchasleisure,
is not whether it is paid but whether it involves the provision of
a ser-vice to others or the production of goods for the consumption
of others. Furtheran activity is only deemed productive if it can
be performed by a third
person,someoneotherthantheonebeneting(Hakim,1996:23).However,equallyimportant
in exploring the question of what constitutes work, is
Glucksmannspoint (1995, 2000) that it is necessary to look at work
as activities taking placein different spheres, embedded in, and
dened by particular social relations, andconnected to one another
through the organization of social structures. She pro-poses a
conceptual device the total social organization of labour (TSOL)
thatilluminates the manner by which all the labour in a particular
society is
dividedupbetweenandallocatedtodifferentstructures,institutionsandactivities(2000:
67).This notion of the TSOL can be developed by pulling apart the
dichotomyand constructing a conceptual framework in its place that
extends the bound-38 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber
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work. Private and public and formal and informal aspects of work
rela-tionscanbesituatedalongacontinuum,ratherthaninmutuallyexclusivespheres,
and divided by a vertical axis signifying paid and unpaid work (see
g-ure 2).Leaving aside the paid or unpaid aspects of the work, this
creates a
seriesofzonesmovingfromlefttoright,fromformalworkinthepublicspherewithininstitutionsandorganizations,throughacentralzoneofinformalbutpublic
work taking place in the community and neighbourhood structured
bysocialnetwork,throughtotheinformalorprivatesphereontheright,thedomain
of the family.These zones are divided into paid work at the top and
unpaid work at thebottom creating six rather than two forms of
labour; paid employment,
formalvoluntarywork,informalunpaidwork,informaleconomicactivity8,paidlabour
within the family and unpaid domestic labour. Work activities here
areunderstoodbythecontextandrelationswithinwhichtheyareembedded.Aparticular
activity such as ironing could conceivably take place in all areas
ofthe framework, although in each the conditions relations and
meanings of
theworkwoulddiffer(Glucksmann,1995;Pahl,1988).Theimportantpointisthatinmappingactivitiesontoaframework,ratherthanpositioningtheminopposition
to one another in a dichotomy, the interconnections between
differ-ent forms of work become visible.39 Extending conceptual
boundaries TaylorFormal paidemployment in public,private and
voluntarysectore.g. paid accountant or careassistantInformal
economicactivitye.g. paid babysitting forfriends or
neighboursHousehold/family worke.g. paid babysitting withinthe
familye.g. unpaid accountant orcare assistantFormal unpaid work
inpublic, private andvoluntary sectore.g. unpaid care for sick
orelderly neighbourInformal unpaid worke.g. unpaid care for sick
orelderly relativePrivate domesticlabourPUBLIC/ PRIVATE
PUBLIC/FORMAL INFORMAL INFORMALPAIDUNPAIDFigure 2 A framework
showing the organization of labour040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage
39 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com
Downloaded from Importantly for this research, the framework can
accommodate peoplesunpaid activities in the public sphere as well
as their employment and
domes-ticlabour.ThusJosesemploymentasanaccountantisdifferentiatedfromhisaccountancyworkfortheChileanorganization,whichisunpaid.Jillsmanyunpaidrolesindifferentorganizationsarealsopositionedwithintheformal/publicunpaidsectionoftheframework.TrishspaidworkforCareAid
is differentiated from her informal unpaid work for her neighbours
andfrom Bobs formal unpaid care work for Care Aids hospital after
care ser-vice.The framework also acknowledges that paid work that
takes place
beyondemployment,withinrelationsthatareneitherinstitutionalnorfamilial;thelooselystructuredarenaofthecommunityandneighbourhoodandwithinunregulatedlabourmarkets.Thisworkwouldincludeinformaleconomicactivity,thegreyeconomy,inwhichproductsandservicesprovidedarenotlegitimatedbyinstitutionalandlegalsystems(Gershuny,1988;WilliamsandWindebank,
1998). An example here might be prostitution or drug dealing.
Italso includes what Gershuny identies as the communal production
system, inwhich he situates activities such as babysitting (1988:
581).The area labelled family work within the framework
acknowledges thatin addition to unpaid domestic labour and care
work, relations of paid labouralso occur in the context of familial
relations. This might include paying
chil-drentododomesticchores,orpaymentbetweenfamilymembersforcare(Ungerson,
1997).9These arenas are not separate; their boundaries merge andan
activity can move from one to another as a relationship changes or
nancialrewardsareintroduced.Moreimportantly,thisconceptualframeworkforlocatingdifferenttypesofworkisnotanalyticalinitself.Itactsasalensthrough
which to view the organization of labour and this can be at the
level ofsocial structures or an individuals work.Mapping
individuals work domainsThe framework comes to life when it is used
to map the way individuals
orga-nizetheirlabour.Itcreatesadomainrepresentingtheirworkatagivenhis-toricalmomentandsuggeststheboundariesoftheirworkidentity.Forexample
Joses current work includes paid employment, and several
differentcommunity work positions. His domain is located within the
informal end
ofthepublicsphereandembeddedwithintheLatinAmericancommunityandthesocialnetworksthatstructureit.Thispositioningsuggeststheextenttowhich
the community is central to his work and shapes his work identity
(seeFigure 3).Understanding Joses work involves exploring the
relationship between hispositions at a given moment. He talks about
his many roles and projects withinthe Latin American community and
lists his connections to various communityorganizations and the
people who run them. He sees his paid work as support-40 Work,
employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761
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inghisunpaidworkbothinnancialtermsandalsointermsoftheskillsheuses.
As he puts it, Ive got managerial skills, I was a trustee, and then
Ive gotmy diploma and course in accountancy so Ive got skills I
think I can give backto the community. For Jose a key issue is
managing his time and organizing theinformal work (requests for him
to join companies and partnerships and pro-mote musicians), around
his regular paid and unpaid positions outlined in thetable. As he
puts it, I always say yes very eagerly but then I dont have the
timeand I have to say sorry.Now that Jose has paid work at North
End he is able to further combinethe two elements of his working
life: earning a living and working for the com-munity. These two
areas clearly overlap and the boundaries between his differ-ent
roles at North End can be unclear. Although he is the nance worker
andofce manager many of the Latin Americans who come to North End
think hesees clients.I dont see clients but I couldnt be rude and
say go away so I give them a little
helpandthenIputthemintouchwithMargarita,andloads,ofcourse,cometome,theyve
got problems with this, problems with thatClaires work domain is
located within the arena of formal paid and
unpaidwork.Shehasnodomesticcommitmentsorcommunityobligationsandher41
Extending conceptual boundaries TaylorFormal paidemployment in
public,private and voluntarysectorNorth EndOffice ManagerInformal
economicactivityPromoter for LatinAmerican
musiciansHousehold/family workTreasurer of LatinAmerican
OrganizationFormal unpaid work inpublic, private andvoluntary
sectorOrganizer Latin Americancultural groupInformal unpaid work
Private domesticlabourPUBLIC/ PRIVATE PUBLIC/FORMAL INFORMAL
INFORMALPAIDUNPAIDFigure 3 Joses work domain040761
Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 41 by Cecilia Cross on October 7,
2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from concern is with
balancing the needs of her career with those of supporting her-self
nancially. Her current position juggling part-time work is a
product of hercareer aspirations. After graduating from SOAS she
wanted to work in the areaof human rights and refugee work and
began to develop a knowledge of the sortof paid jobs that were
available and the organizations that she wanted to workfor. She
argues that at this time it was common knowledge amongst her
peersthat it was necessary to do unpaid work to get the experience
to get paid
workintheseorganizations.Sheexplainsthatitwasnecessarytobeverystrategicaboutdoingthistypeofworkandsheleftonevoluntarypositionaftereightmonths,
explaining I knew that it wasnt going to get me anywhere.Claires
rst paid job was only part-time, and whilst she perceived it as
astep up from voluntary work, the income was insufcient to support
living
inLondon.Unabletondfull-timepaidworkshespentthenextyearjugglingpart-time,xed-termcontractcommunityworkjobsandsomeadministrativetemping
but found balancing two jobs hard to manage, they expect more
ofyouthantwoandahalfdays.Sinceherpart-timepositionatNorthEnddemanded
an almost daily attendance in the ofce she had given up her
secondpaid job and was lling her time with voluntary work at North
End which shehoped would increase her chances of nding full-time
work.Jills domain is situated entirely in the arena of unpaid work.
She
attendscommitteemeetingsandundertakesadministrationofthevariouscharitieswhere
she holds executive positions in addition to the heavier schedule
entailedby her work as deputy president of Care Aid. This involves
a commitment ofabout two days a week attending meetings, events and
awards, and giving
sem-inarsandpresentations.However,forJillherworkidentityisalsodenedinrelationtoherdomesticrolesaswifeandmotherandmanagerofproperty.Although
her children have left home the domestic sphere is still the centre
ofherworkdomain.Shearguesthatrunningtwoproperties,particularlythefarm,takesalotoftime,thingsdonotlookafterthemselves.HerworkatCare
Aid and other voluntary sector organizations has always been
exible, andtted in with her family
responsibilities.LikeJill,BobandJoycescurrentworkdomainislocatedintheareaofunpaidwork.Howeverbothdenethemselvesascommittedprofessionalsdedicated
to their work, and for them voluntary work is strongly connected
totheirprofessionalnursingskillsandcareers.Theylookafteranelderlyladywho
lives locally to them as well as carrying out the more formal
weekly careduties that are expected of a hospital after care
volunteer. Although they
arebothretired,theybothexplain,almostinunison,butyouvegottolivehavent
you since for them living means working. Their talk about
devel-oping skills, and looking for a new challenge in relation to
their professionalcareers is indicative of an ethos they have
maintained in retirement. The cen-trality of a professional
occupation to their identity has meant that they
havesoughtotherwaysofcontinuingworkingaftertheirretirement(BarnesandParry,
2002).42 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch
2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 42 by Cecilia Cross on October
7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from Trishs work domain,
located in the arenas of domestic labour and employ-ment, draws
attention to the ways in which, for some, working lives are
con-structed through a balancing of family work and other forms of
work. The issuefor Trish is how she manages and prioritizes these
activities and how these arenegotiated in relation to her husbands
work. The division of labour in Trishshome is partly shaped by her
husbands nine-to-ve job. He takes over the car-ing duties when he
gets home from work so that Trish can go out to work.Trish sees
bringing up her ve children and managing the care of the
twowhoaresickasanissueoforganizinghertimeandmanagingherdifferentresponsibilities,inmuchthesamewayasJoseseesmanaginghiscommunitywork
and paid work. She denes her primary role as a carer for her
children,yet this does not mean she regards the domiciliary care
work as unimportant.In fact she is deeply committed to it and
points out that she only took a yearoff work after the birth of
each of her children. She says, I went back becauseI love it, I
really love it I mean the money helps but I can actually think of
alot easier ways to go and earn some
money.Thesesnapshotsofveintervieweesprovideaglimpseoftherangeofissues
raised by extending works conceptual boundaries. Exploring the way
inwhich people work and construct themselves as workers entails
acknowledgingthe whole arena in which they work and examining the
social relations
withinwhichtheirworkisdened.Understandingtheirdifferentworkdomainshasrevealedtheirdifferentorientationstoworkandsuggestedthecomplexityofthe
resources, priorities and understandings that individuals bring
with them tothe world of work.Structures, elds and the TSOLAt the
structural level the framework draws attention to the social
context
oftheorganizationoflabour.Theextenttowhichsomeunpaidworkcantakeplaceatallisdependentonthedegreetowhichsubsistencecanbeseparatedfrom
paid employment in a society. For example Jills unpaid work is
dependentontheinheritanceofpropertyandtheadditionalsupportofherhusbandssalary,
whilst Bob and Joyce are dependent on receiving an adequate state
pen-sion. Claires unpaid work was supported by the benet system
that rewardedher with 10 per week for doing voluntary work. From a
structural perspectivetheir work domains are not simply the product
of an individuals choices
andprioritiesbutareshapedbythewaysinwhichlabourisorganizedatthestructural
level across institutions and the nature of the markets within
whichskills and resources are exchanged (Evetts,
2000).Theframework,likethetotalsocialorganizationoflabour,providesatool
to explore the distribution of labour between different functions
such
asproduction,services,welfare,educationandsoon,andwiththeinstitutionsandformsoflabourinwhichsuchfunctionsarecarriedout(Glucksmann,2000:
19). The working lives of these ve individuals have been shaped by
the43 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761
Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 43 by Cecilia Cross on October 7,
2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from market for particular
types of labour, such as health care, nance or
communitydevelopment.Moreimportantly,withinthelabourmarketforparticularfunctions,
it is not only paid employment for which there is supply and
demandand systems of exchange. These markets include all forms of
work outside thefamily: paid or unpaid, formal or informal. For
example, Trish, Bob and Jill canall be positioned within a health
care labour market, which includes not onlypaid work within
commercial, voluntary, and statutory sector health care
insti-tutions, but also unpaid work in the voluntary sector and
informal care
work,paidorunpaid,withinthefamilyorthecommunity.ClaireandJoseworkwithinamarketforcommunityandrefugeework,whichincludesarangeofvoluntary
sector and social services agencies, informal local community
associ-ations, church groups and self-help groups (Clark and
Broady, 1990; Rochester,1992).Within a market forms of work are
interconnected and where cultural
shiftsorpolicyinitiativesleadtochangesintheavailabilityofoneformoflabouritaffectsthemarketforanother.Changesinthemarketforstatutorysectorcarewhichtookplaceduringthe1980sasaresultofparticularpoliciesoftheConservativegovernment,affectedthelocationoflow-paiddomiciliarycarework
(Snaith et al., 1989; Walker, 1982) and the division of care labour
(Graham,1997). Trish was forced out of social services, where she
had worked for severalyears, and into the voluntary sector, and Bob
and Joyce found themselves in anincreasingly formalized market for
health care volunteers within the
sector.Similarly,politicalprioritiesandtheallocationofbudgetsinrelationtorefugeeandcommunitydevelopmentworkhaveshapedthislabourmarket.Claires
work trajectory in particular is a product of the dismantling of
asylumseekersrightstostatutorysupportinthemid1980s,inconjunctionwithanincreaseinspendingonurbanregenerationandcommunitydevelopmentthroughoutthe1990s.Theresultwasamarketforshort-term,unpaidandpoorly
paid or part-time labour within small, community-based
organizationsthat were meeting the basic needs of asylum seekers
(Joly, 1996).The notion of a labour market, as it is used here,
converges with, and canbe developed in relation to Bourdieus
understanding of elds as markets,
eachwithahierarchyandsetofrulesgoverningaccesstopositionswithininstitu-tionsandeachconstitutingthesiteofastruggleforthecontrolofresources(BourdieuandWacquant,1992).Withinaparticulareld,employmentposi-tions,
community roles or formal voluntary work roles are structured
throughahierarchygovernedbyprofessionalandclass-basedintereststhatdenethepay,
status and other resources provided by these positions. Fields
serve to legit-imate and reproduce particular occupational and
professional inequalities.The concept of a eld of labour provides a
way of articulating the differ-ences between individuals in terms
of their interaction with the labour
market.Forexample,ClaireandJosesverydifferentexperiencesofcommunityworkare
partly explained by the way their capital is recognized and
rewarded withinthe eld. There are few paid jobs for graduates like
Claire because
qualicationsarelessimportantthancommunityknowledgeandexpertise,resourcesJose44
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hadplentyof.Further,therulesofthegameinthecommunityworkelddetermine
that this has to be acquired through unpaid work. Jill and Trish
haveno qualications and both have undertaken health care work in
quite differentcontexts. Trish has undertaken unpaid care work in
her local community, butwhilst this has given her access to
low-paid care work it has not provided herwith the power, inuence
and symbolic capital that Jill obtains from her man-agement roles
with various charities.ConclusionThe framework that has been
developed in this article undermines the publicprivate dualism that
underlies conceptualizations of work within sociology,
andaccommodatesarangeofdifferentworkrelations:paid,unpaid,public,pri-vate,
formal and informal. In locating work within the context of a total
socialorganization of labour as Glucksmann (2000) urges, the
framework has
pro-videdawaytoexploretheextentandcomplexityofpeoplesworkpractices,the
connections between different forms of work, the nature of work in
differ-ent historical periods and the embeddedness of work in
cultural and social prac-tice. This has made it possible to unpick
assumptions about the gendered
natureofpaidandunpaidworkembeddedinthefeministcritique.Ithasalsoaddressedgapsinthecriticalliteratureonwork(forexampleBeechey,1987;Pahl,
1988), by developing a concrete theoretical basis for research into
volun-tary work.The analysis of the experience of the ve
interviewees that has arisen fromthe process of extending works
conceptual boundaries, has highlighted the cen-tral role that
marginalized forms of labour can play in peoples work historiesand
shown how unpaid labour outside the family can be central to, or
even con-stitute, a career. It has highlighted how the issue of
whether and how work
isremuneratedisshapedbythesocialorganizationoflabourand,assuch,thestructureofparticularmarketsorelds.Thefocusonbothpaidandunpaidformsoflabourhasalsoledtoareformulatingofmoretraditionalquestionsandissues.What,forexample,aretheskillsandresourcesrequiredofthosewho
work in unpaid positions and how are they rewarded for their work?
Whatroles do class and gender play in the organization of this
labour the mecha-nisms of recruitment and progression and how do
these vary across
differenteldsoflabour?Suchquestionsprovidethefoundationsforfurtherworkonthetotalsocialorganizationoflabourandvoluntaryworkspositionwithinthis
conceptual
framework.AcknowledgementsFinancialsupportforwritingthisarticlewasprovidedbytheUniversityofWestminsters
Regent Street Polytechnic Trust.45 Extending conceptual boundaries
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October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from Notes1
Formalheremeanscarriedoutfororthroughanorganizationorgroupofsome
kind; informal means outside of an organizational context on an
indi-vidual basis, such as helping a neighbour (Davis Smith, 1998:
14).2 This empirical work took place in 1998 as part of a doctoral
research projectentitled Rethinking work: congurations of class,
gender and career.3
CeliaDavisnotesthattheremnantsofapre-industrialsocialorderinearlyindustrial
society meant that census makers had considerable problems
untan-gling the work of husbands, children and wives, and deciding
who was to
becountedashavinganoccupationandwhatcountedasemployment(1980:5856).4
SeeforexampletextsbyGrint(1991),Adkins(1995),Brown(1997),Crompton
(1997), Bradley (1989, 1999), Briar (1997), Dex (1987), and
Glazer(1993).5 See, for example, Pahl (1988), who in his
exploration of work outside employ-ment mentions voluntary work,
dening it as hard to distinguish from play.See also Beck (2000) and
Hakim (1996).6
Therearesomekeyexceptions.Hakim(1996)examinedthevolunteeringstatisticsanddrewonthegenderequalityofvolunteeringtounderminethenotionthatwomenswork,unlikemens,isuncounted.IntheUS,KaplanDaniels
(1988) and contributors to an edited collection by Higginbotham
andRomero(1997)carriedoutqualitativeempiricalresearchthatprovidessomeimportant
insights.7 The names of the interviewees and the two organizations
have been changed toprovide anonymity.8 American economists Tilly
and Tilly reach a similar conclusion in their map-ping of works
diverse forms, distinguishing four regions of work which theyterm:
the world of labour markets, the informal sector, household labour
andvolunteer work. However, they focus largely on paid employment
and
mentionvoluntaryworkonlyasaninvisiblerealmpeopledlargelybywomen(Tillyand
Tilly, 1994: 291).9
Lewenhaks(1988)exampleofwomeninTheGambia,Senegal,Nigeria,Madagascar,
and Mauritania, who are paid by their husbands to do the plant-ing,
harvesting, picking or processing of their crops, highlights the
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