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Journal of Archaeological Science (2001) 28, 787–794 doi:10.1006/jasc.2000.0575, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on Erythroxylum coca: Microscopical Identification in Powdered and Carbonized Archaeological Material A. R. Cortella† and M. L. Pochettino Laboratorio de Etnobota ´nica y Bota ´nica Aplicada (LEBA), Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo, UNLP, Paseo del Bosque s/n, 1900 La Plata, Argentina A. Manzo and G. Ravin ˜a Departamento Cientı ´fico Arqueologı ´a, Museo de Ciencias Naturales, UNLP, Paseo del Bosque s/n, 1900 La Plata, Argentina (Received 22 November 1999, revised manuscript accepted 7 March 2000) Carbonized material adhering to the cavity wall was obtained from a wooden Peruvian illa (animal figure), held in the archaeological collections of the Museo de La Plata. This sample was analysed with a light microscope, petrographic microscope and scanning electron microscope and identified as Erythroxylum coca (presumably var. coca). This finding appears to verify the hypothesis, generated by ethnohistorical and ethnoarchaeological records, that illas were used to burn coca leaves during ceremonies in Andean region. 2001 Academic Press Keywords: ERYTHROXYLUM COCA, POWDERED AND CARBONIZED MATERIAL, PALAEOETHNO-BOTANY ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY, SOUTHERN ANDES Introduction I n museum collections which focus on Andean archaeology, small carved animal figures are fre- quently present, that normally represent ‘‘llamas’’ or ‘‘alpacas’’ in dierent degrees of figuration (Figure 2). They are named illas and may or may not have details of eyes, ears, tail and sex, but all of them contain in the back of the animal, an hemispherical cavity. In the Andean region, illas are included in the generic category huaca that means any sacred place or object for worship and cult. The huacas may be a geographical feature, a material object, either naturally or artificially made. The worship element is not the mountain, nor the stone, nor the carved figure, but the spirits which they house. ‘‘. . . Comu ´n es a casi todos los indios adorar huacas, ı ´dolos, quebradas y piedras grandes, cerros, cumbres de montes, fuentes, y, finalmente, cualquier cosa que parezca notable y diferenciada de las demas . . .’’ (Medina, 1952: 380). (It is common to all the indians to adore huacas, idols, gorges and stones, high mountains, top of hills, and, finally, any thing that seems notable and dierent from others.) ‘‘. . . Todas [las huacas] tienen sus particolares nombres, con que las invocan, y no ay mochacho que en sabiendo hablar no sepa el nombre de la Huaca de su Ayllo; porque cada parcialidad, o Ayllo tiene su Huaca principal, y otras menos principales algunas vezes, y de ellas suelen tomar el nombre muchos de aquel Ayllo . . .’’ (Arriaga, 1621: 12). (All of them [the huacas] have their particular names, by means of which they are addressed, and there is no child that, knowing how to speak, does not know the name of the Huaca of his own Ayllo; because each parciality or ayllo has his principal huaca and sometimes others less import- ant, and often many people of the ayllo takes their name from them.) A special type of huaca is the conopa that is a human figure as well as an animal or plant and constitutes representations of gods of the home. In Inca times, each family had their own household god, which often was inherited from fathers to first-born sons. Instead of the greater huacas that had a public character and were common to a whole province, settlement or ‘‘ayllu’’, conopas were secret and familiar or private. There were conopas for corn named zarapconopas, for potatoes— papapconopas—and for cattle growth, the caullamas. The illas, being generically huacas and specifically conopas, exclusively portray animal figures, generally domestic ones from herds such as ‘‘llamas’’ or ‘‘al- pacas’’, and they are included in rites or ceremonies to propitiate both cattle or crop fecundity. According to Ambrosetti (1899: 63), that name is given to ‘‘. . . todo objeto, animal o parte de e ´l, que se conserva como mascota para que la buena suerte se cierna sobre un reban ˜ o, una sementera, una cacerı ´a o tambie ´n sobre el †Deceased. 787 0305–4403/01/080787+08 $35.00/0 2001 Academic Press
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Erythroxylum coca : Microscopical Identification in Powdered and Carbonized Archaeological Material

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Page 1: Erythroxylum coca : Microscopical Identification in Powdered and Carbonized Archaeological Material

Journal of Archaeological Science (2001) 28, 787–794doi:10.1006/jasc.2000.0575, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on

Erythroxylum coca: Microscopical Identification in Powderedand Carbonized Archaeological Material

A. R. Cortella† and M. L. Pochettino

Laboratorio de Etnobotanica y Botanica Aplicada (LEBA), Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo, UNLP,Paseo del Bosque s/n, 1900 La Plata, Argentina

A. Manzo and G. Ravina

Departamento Cientıfico Arqueologıa, Museo de Ciencias Naturales, UNLP, Paseo del Bosque s/n, 1900 LaPlata, Argentina

(Received 22 November 1999, revised manuscript accepted 7 March 2000)

Carbonized material adhering to the cavity wall was obtained from a wooden Peruvian illa (animal figure), held in thearchaeological collections of the Museo de La Plata. This sample was analysed with a light microscope, petrographicmicroscope and scanning electron microscope and identified as Erythroxylum coca (presumably var. coca). This findingappears to verify the hypothesis, generated by ethnohistorical and ethnoarchaeological records, that illas were used toburn coca leaves during ceremonies in Andean region. � 2001 Academic Press

Keywords: ERYTHROXYLUM COCA, POWDERED AND CARBONIZED MATERIAL,PALAEOETHNO-BOTANY ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY, SOUTHERN ANDES

†Deceased.

Introduction

I n museum collections which focus on Andeanarchaeology, small carved animal figures are fre-quently present, that normally represent ‘‘llamas’’

or ‘‘alpacas’’ in different degrees of figuration (Figure2). They are named illas and may or may not havedetails of eyes, ears, tail and sex, but all of themcontain in the back of the animal, an hemisphericalcavity.

In the Andean region, illas are included in thegeneric category huaca that means any sacred place orobject for worship and cult. The huacas may be ageographical feature, a material object, either naturallyor artificially made. The worship element is not themountain, nor the stone, nor the carved figure, but thespirits which they house.

‘‘. . . Comun es a casi todos los indios adorar huacas, ıdolos,quebradas y piedras grandes, cerros, cumbres de montes,fuentes, y, finalmente, cualquier cosa que parezca notable ydiferenciada de las demas . . .’’ (Medina, 1952: 380). (It iscommon to all the indians to adore huacas, idols, gorgesand stones, high mountains, top of hills, and, finally, anything that seems notable and different from others.)‘‘. . . Todas [las huacas] tienen sus particolares nombres, conque las invocan, y no ay mochacho que en sabiendo hablar nosepa el nombre de la Huaca de su Ayllo; porque cadaparcialidad, o Ayllo tiene su Huaca principal, y otras menos

7870305–4403/01/080787+08 $35.00/0

principales algunas vezes, y de ellas suelen tomar el nombremuchos de aquel Ayllo . . .’’ (Arriaga, 1621: 12). (All ofthem [the huacas] have their particular names, by means ofwhich they are addressed, and there is no child that,knowing how to speak, does not know the name of theHuaca of his own Ayllo; because each parciality or ayllohas his principal huaca and sometimes others less import-ant, and often many people of the ayllo takes their namefrom them.)

A special type of huaca is the conopa that is a humanfigure as well as an animal or plant and constitutesrepresentations of gods of the home. In Inca times,each family had their own household god, which oftenwas inherited from fathers to first-born sons. Instead ofthe greater huacas that had a public character and werecommon to a whole province, settlement or ‘‘ayllu’’,conopas were secret and familiar or private. There wereconopas for corn named zarapconopas, for potatoes—papapconopas—and for cattle growth, the caullamas.

The illas, being generically huacas and specificallyconopas, exclusively portray animal figures, generallydomestic ones from herds such as ‘‘llamas’’ or ‘‘al-pacas’’, and they are included in rites or ceremonies topropitiate both cattle or crop fecundity. According toAmbrosetti (1899: 63), that name is given to ‘‘. . . todoobjeto, animal o parte de el, que se conserva comomascota para que la buena suerte se cierna sobre unrebano, una sementera, una cacerıa o tambien sobre el

� 2001 Academic Press

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788 A. R. Cortella et al.

hogar . . .’’ (any object, animal or the part of it that iskept as a mascot for obtaining good luck over flocks,sowings, huntings and as well at home . . .). Among thecategory of illa are live cattle that must be strictly takencare of until their death, as well as a part of the wool ofthe first ‘‘vicuna’’ or ‘‘guanaco’’ hunted that year, theleather of the first ‘‘chinchilla’’ that has been killed,feathers of certain birds, and even bezoar stone fromCamelidae stomach.

The illas of ‘‘llamas’’ are also named mamallamas,caullamas, llamaconopas or chullumpi. They symbolizethe best animals of the herd, ideal for procreation.

‘‘. . . Las conopas de los animales domesticos recibıan elnombre de illas . . . Confeccionadas en piedra representabanen miniatura al respectivo animal. Se los enterraba en loscorrales y sitios magicos de los cerros en honor al Huamanipara conseguir la reproduccion continua de los hatos . . .’’(Espinoza Soriano, 1990: 437). (The conopas of householdanimals recibed the name of illas. They were made onstone and represented in miniature the respective animals.They were buried in the courtyards and magic places ofhills in honour to Huamani to obtain the continuousreproductions of herds.)

The sex of the illas depends on the moment of theprayer or song executed during the ceremonies. It canchange alternatively from female to male or it can evenbe bisexual, though never simultaneously (FloresOchoa, 1974: 253–254).

Both kinds of representations, conopas and illas,showed a high sacred value and propitiatory characterin private and familiar ceremonies held to have successin socio-economic activities. But, while the first wasemployed in any kind of ritual, like fertility or protec-tion (either for a person, a family or an ‘‘ayllu’’possessions), the illas took part in ceremonies relatedto the activities developed for the good managementand prosperity of cattle such as shepherding, earmark-ing, cattle exchange or transference, and rites carriedout for herds multiplication.

Ethnohistorical documents state that illas has beenemployed by the incas to contain, both together oralternatively, coca leaves, whole or ground corn,‘‘llama’’ blood and fat offered to the gods. Theseofferings could be burnt, buried or dropped into anymass of water. Morris & Thompson (1985: 172) say thefollowing, according to chronists.

‘‘. . . Stone offering containers (conopas) . . . carved in theform of an alpaca, were filled with a mixture of llama fat andblood and placed in pastures to insure the fertility of theherd . . . Simple versions are still used in the Andestoday. Offering containers in the form of llamas were alsocommon . . .’’.

On the other hand, ethnoarchaeological investi-gations carried out by one of the authors in Bolivian‘‘Puna’’, showed that at present they are employedas containers for coca leaves that are burnt likeincense.

The sheperds of Bolivian Altiplano (Figure 1), per-form a ceremony to beg for the reproduction and/orthe re-establishment of the equilibrium of their llama

herds. This ceremony, which is called Augustukuy(August festivity), is convoked every year by theowners of the herds and officiated by an aboriginalpractitioner. It lasts three days and nights and ismade up of a series of rituals (Manzo & Ravina,1997: 4–7).

Augustukuy ceremony begins with the arrangementof the native altar, which is composed by two ‘‘man-tas’’ (blankets) of different sizes. The biggest made of‘‘vicuna’’ wool belongs to the practitioner and thesmallest made of llama wool to the chief of the familythat celebrates the ceremony. The most importantelements employed in the different rituals are placedover these blankets, as well as the offerings givensuccessively to their gods: feathers, valves of a molluscof the genus Spondylus (‘‘mulloo’’), different containerswith, ‘‘chicha’’ (maize beer), llama fat, aromatic herbs,maize kernels and incense, woven fibres of differentcolours of llama wool, crucifix, and pottery bowlscontaining coca leaves, that then will be spread out ofthem over the surface delimited by the blankets.

These coca leaves are also put in the hemisphericalcavity of small containers, the illas, to be burnt indifferent moment of the ceremony.

When the ceremony ends all the offerings (includingcoca leaves, container with ‘‘chicha’’ and maize, mol-lusc valves, crucifix, illas, and the ear portions cut fromto the young of the animals) are wrapped with thesecond blanket, the one made of llama wool, which isburied near a ‘‘puquial’’, lagoon or spring of water farfrom the houses of the owners of the livestock. It willbe undug the following year, everything purified by thepachamama (mother earth), to be employed again inthe next ceremony.

The goal of the present work is to verify the hypoth-esis generated by ethnohistorical and ethnoarchaeo-logical records, that is the ancient and long-lasting useof illas to burn coca leaves during ceremonies inAndean region, by means of the botanical study of thecarbonized material adhered to the cavity wall of illasdeposited in Museum collections. As well, to demon-strate the importance of analytical microscopy in theidentification of powdered and carbonized plantmaterial of archaeological origin. As illas constitutescarce object in archaeological record, and consideringthat both the area where the considered illa came from(Cusco) and the one where ethnoarchaeological in-vestigations had been performed (Bolivian Altiplano)correspond to Inca empire, the verification of thecontinuity in the use of illas would be made in anindirect way.

Materials and MethodsSeveral illas can be found in archaeological collectionsof the Museo de La Plata. Most of them proceedfrom Peru and others from Northwestern Argentina.Carbonized material adhered to the cavity wall was

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1

1

Powdered and Carbonized Archaeological Material 789

Caripuyo

Potosi

0 100 200Escala

60°64°64°68°

A r g e n t i n aC

hi l e

Pe

ru

Br a z i l

Pa

ra

gu

ay

Figure 1. Location of the study area.

Figure 2. Illa (container to put the offered coca).

Figure 3. Illa (container to put the offered coca).

obtained from one of these illas made of wood, thepiece 3559 of Muniz Barreto Collection. It proceedsfrom Cusco (Peru) and represents an ‘‘alpaca’’ (Figure3). There is no date for this material, but it belongs toInca collections.

The powdered sample was sent to the Laboratoriode Etnobotanica y Botanica Aplicada at Facultadde Ciencias Naturales y Museo de La Plata. Thesample weights 0·0610 g and is composed by fragmentsof different size, the gret majority ranges between

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790 A. R. Cortella et al.

100–500 �m and six pieces are detachable reachingnear 5 mm.

The material was analysed with a stereoscopicmicroscope with zoom in order to observe its compo-sition and preservation conditions. Then it was treatedwith oxidative agents (H2O2 of 50 and 100 vol.) inorder to decolourize the sample for its observation withlight microscope (LM) and petrographic microscope(PM) with photographic camera. The original samplewas also analysed with a scanning electron microscope(SEM).

As the sample showed leaf morphology, and con-sidering the materials that were observed duringAugustukuy ceremony, the authors discarded maize asthe possible source of the material. As well, secretorytissues were not observed so aromatic herbs employedin South Andean region (like Tagetes spp., Werneriaspp., Senecio spp., Satureja spp., Lippia spp., Acanthol-ippia spp., among others) (Abella, 1998) were alsorejected. A kind of coca seemed to be the best alterna-tive for the botanical identity of this material.

Diagnostic features were depicted and registered bymeans of these techniques and the identification of thematerial was made by comparing it with vouchersamples from LEBA collections LP herbarium andwith specialized literature.

Studied Material

Cultivated taxa

� Erythroxylum coca Lam. var. coca: material ob-tained from Merck Darmstad collection no. 41(Laboratorio de Etnobotanica y Botanica Aplicadacollection) (reference material); Bolivia, La Florida,Parodi 10047 (SI); Argentina, Buenos Aires, VillaOrtuzar, cultivado, Boelcke 16537 (BAA).

� Erythroxylum coca var. ipadu Plowman: Amazonas,Rıo Negro, G. T. Prance et al. 15572 (RJ, NY)

� Erythroxylum novogranatense (Morris) Hieron.var. novogranatense: U.S.A., Illinois, Chicago, T.Plowman 6275 (LP) (reference material)

� Erythroxylum novogranatense var. truxillense(Rusby) Plowman: U.S.A., Illinois, Chicago, T.Plowman 6244 y T. Plowman 6329 (LP)

Figure 4. Erythroxylum coca var. coca (archaeological material):lower epidermis with paracytic stomata.

Figure 5. Erythroxylum coca var. coca (reference material): lowerepidermis with paracytic stomata.

ResultsThe observation of the material with stereoscopicmicroscope showed an homogeneus sample constitutedby carbonized and fragmented plant remains as theresult of a combustion process.

The subsequent treatment with oxidatives to analysethe sample with LM and PM caused its disintegrationbecause of material lability. Only the presence ofabundant crystals in nerve zones could be observed,that were made evident by PM and presented thecharacteristic morphology depicted in reference litera-ture (Jackson & Snowdon, 1968; Rury, 1981).

In spite of the sample damage, determining andconclusive features (even middrib structure) could beobserved with SEM. At the generic level:� Paracytic stomata (Figure 4, reference material

Figure 5)� Deposits of fused waxes in leave surface (Figures 4

and 6, reference material Figures 5 and 7)� Characteristical morphology of the midrib, consti-

tuted by the vessels disposed in the shape of ahalf moon surrounded by mechanical tissues andcholenchima to the upper epidermis (Figure 8)

Wild species

� Erythroxylum amazonicum Peyr.: Basin of RioPurus, Krukoffs 5526 (LP)

� Erythroxylum pelleterianum: Brazil, Florula dePelotas, no. 15. Est. Esp. De Pelotas (cascatas),F.S.C. 20039 (LP)

� Erythroxylum macrophyllum Cav.: Brazil, 7th expe-dition to Brazilian Amazonia, Krukoffs 8218 (LP);Peru Dpto. Loreto, Prov. Cnel. Portillo, Schurcke2707 (LP).

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� Presence of cubic crystals by the veins (Figure 9,reference material Figure 10)

At the specific level� Presence of rounded papilae in the lower epidermis

characteristic of E. coca (Figure 6; reference materialFigures 7 and 11)The observed features have been checked against

reference material.In a previous work developed in LEBA (Cortella

& Aguilar, 1992) about comparative analyticalmicroscopy to identify ‘‘coca’’ leaves of comercialspecies and varieties (Erythroxylum coca and E.novogranatense), the following diagnostic features weredetermined: papilae that constitute an importantcharacter because of their different morphology allowsto segregate both species; paracytic stomata; fused waxpattern with fusion point at 50�C.

In the studied sample papilae were present in thelower epidermis, that we consider typical of the culti-vated ‘‘cocas’’ as they were not present in the studiedwild species (Figure 12). This lower epidermis showed

rounded papilae and paracytic stomata. E. novogranat-ense could be discarded because it present collapsedtriangular papilae (Figure 11) (Cortella & Aguilar,1992). The difference in the morphology of the papilaewould be due to a thickening in the apex of the papilaewall in E. coca, while in E. novogranatense thisthickening would be minor (Machado, 1972).

The studied material is covered by fused wax. Thisfact shows that it was exposed to temperature over50�C causing the fusion of the deposits of epicuticularwaxes. Therefore, we identify this sample as Erythroxy-lum coca.

Figure 6. Erythroxylum coca (archaeological material): lowerepidermis with rounded papilae.

Figure 7. Erythroxylum coca var. coca (reference material): lowerepidermis with rounded papilae.

Figure 8. Erythroxylum coca (archaeological material): midrib.

Figure 9. Erythroxylum coca (archaeological material): cubiccrystals by the vein.

DiscussionThe cultivated ‘‘cocas’’

According to Plowman (1984) most anthropologistsand archaeologists have been holding a monotypicview of coca, so their view of early history of cocain South American cultures was often simplistic orerroneous.

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792 A. R. Cortella et al.

Figure 10. Erythroxylum coca var. coca (reference material): cubiccrystals by the vein.

Figure 11. Erythroxylum novogranatense (reference material): lowerepidermis with collapsed triangular papilae.

Figure 12. Wild species, Erythroxylum amazonicum: lower epidermiswithout papilae.

The ‘‘cocas’’ belong to the pantropical genus Eryth-roxylum (Fam. Erythroxylaceae) that present a lot ofspecies that are employed in traditional medicine indifferent parts of the world (Hegnauer, 1981), but only

in Tropical America, coca leaves are intensivelychewed as a stimulant and the plants acquire majorcultural importance (Martin, 1970; Mayer, 1978;Plowman, 1984).

At present it is generally accepted that cultivated‘‘cocas’’ correspond to two species, each of them withtwo varieties: Erythroxylum coca var. coca (‘‘coca deHuanuco’’ o ‘‘coca boliviana’’), E. coca var. ipadu(‘‘coca de Amazonia’’), E. novogranatense var. truxil-lense (‘‘coca de Trujillo’’) y E. novogranatense var.novogranatense (‘‘coca de Colombia’’). The ancestralform, E. coca, could have grown wild in the easternslopes of the Andes and its culture could have begun inthe Peruvian ‘‘montana’’ turning into the domesticated‘‘Huanuco coca’’. The distribution of this cultivar inAmazonian area eventually gave place to the evolutionof ‘‘Amazonian coca’’. On the other hand, when‘‘Huanuco coa’’ was brought from the moist montanato dryer zones of middle altitude, it developed into awell differentiated new type, ‘‘Trujillo coca’’, estab-lished under cultivation in the arid West Andes. Thefollowing dispersion of ‘‘Trujillo coca’’ to Ecuador andColombia caused the evolution of the fourth variety,‘‘Colombia coca’’. (Pearsall, 1992; Plowman, 1984).

Each of the four cultivated cocas was domesticatedin pre-Columbian times and they are still employedfor chewing in South America. Furthermore, theywere known under different popular names before theSpanish popularized the now widespread term ‘‘coca’’.(Plowman, 1984).

Archaeological record of cocaAccording to Plowman (1984), identification of ar-chaeological coca is often difficult because of thefragmentary nature and poor preservation of leafmaterial.

As a result of the monotypic vision of ‘‘coca’’previously mentioned, most of archaeological remainsfound up to now have been identified as Erythroxylumcoca var. coca. Unfortunately, leaves recovered frommany sites have not been preserved for later analysisand most critical samples are now lost or discarded(Plowman, 1984).

Most findings of ‘‘coca leaves’’ proceed from thePeruvian Coast where, as a consequence of drought,preservation of plant remains is optimum. In mostcases they have been identified as E. coca var. coca, butsubsequent studies revealed that they all represent‘‘Trujillo coca’’. None of the earliest records of pre-served ‘‘coca’’ (Asia—Omas Valle, 1314 (100 ;Ancon-Gaviota phase, 1750–1900 ; HuancayoAlta—Chillon Valley, 800–200 ; all of them in theDepartment Lima) have been identified botanicallybecause none of the original specimens could be lo-cated. On the other hand, other more modern findings,like Vista Alegre in the Rimac Valley (Dept Lima),Late Horizon from Yauca Valley (Dept Arequipa),Nazca in the Taruga Valley and Monte Grande in Rıo

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ConclusionsThis identification to a specific level of fragmented andcarbonized ‘‘coca leaves’’ found in archaeological fig-ures from Peru is the first one achieved with this kindof material by means of analytical microscopy. Up tonow, identifications have been performed by means ofexternal morphological features, generally venationpatterns and morphology of the fruit (Castro da Mata& Ravines, 1981; Hastorf, 1987; Griffiths, 1930). Theimportance of the microscope in the determination ofarchaeobotanical samples has been stated by sev-eral authors (Korber-Grohne, 1991; Pearsall, 1989;Pochettino & Cortella, 1989–1990; Pochettino,Cortella & Copparelli, 1999; Pochettino, Cortella &Capparelli, in press).

The four varieties of coca are very closely related toeach other and superficially, they are morphologicallyvery similar, which explains the confusion in the iden-tification of archaeological coca specimens. (Plowman,1982, 1984). The varieties can be positively distin-guished when complete specimens are available, butthe identification becomes more difficult with veryscarce material. As a consequence of the developmentof methodologies based on microscopical features(Cortella & Aguilar, 1992; Rury, 1981; Rury &Plowman, 1983) we can agree with Plowman (1984)that in most cases, isolated coca leaves can now beidentified to species if not to variety, especially if theirprovenance is known.

In the case here presented, it was not possible toidentify the material to variety level, but consideringthe limited distribution of E. coca var. ipadu, strictlyAmazonian, and its use restricted to those occasions

when other cultivated coca are not available because itpresents half of their alkaloid content (Schultes, 1981),it is possible to infer that the analysed material belongsto Huanuco coca.

On the other hand, it is important to point out thatthis observation corresponds to an offering in a ritualcontext as observed by ethnoarchaeological investi-gations (Manzo & Ravina, 1997). This fact would beconsistent with the supposed restriction imposed by theIncas to the massive consumption of coca (Gagliano,1968; Naranjo, 1974) although the belief that the Incasmaintained an exclusive monopoly over both culti-vation and chewing of coca throughout theirconquered territories has recently been questioned(Burchard, 1978; Plowman, 1984).

Considering of the outlined facts, the continuity inthe use of illas in Inca empires could be verified, amongother data, on the basis of the identification of thematerial contained in one of them. The developedobservations allow to underline the importance ofhypothesis originated from ethnoarchaeological andethnohistorical investigations.

AcknowledgementsFinancial support from the Consejo Nacional deInvestigaciones Cientıficas y Tecnicas (CONICET) ofArgentina and Universidad Nacional de La Plata isgratefully acknowledged. We would like to thank DrJ. P. Grattan and the anonymous referees for thecritical review of the manuscript and their valuablecontributions, and Dr D. Pearsall for providing usliterature not available in our country. We also expressour special recognition to the technicians of theScanning Electron Microscope Service of Museo de LaPlata.

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Grande Valley (Dept Ica), and Chacota near Arica innorthernmost Chile have been undoubtedly deter-mined as E. coca var. truxillense. These identificationswere made with leaf material but also coca endocarpsreferable to Trujillo coca were reported from VistaAlegre and Chilca (Dept Lima, Intermediae period).(Plowman, 1984; Rury & Plowman, 1983).

Archaeological records of E. coca var. coca are evenmore scarce. Plowman (1984) considers it to be veryuncertain that the remains recovered from humancoprolites in Preceramic Period 6 (4200–2500 ) inAyacucho region (Peru) were E. coca var. coca asstated by Mac Neish, Patterson & Brown (1975). Morerecent material was recovered in the Upper MantaroValley, also in Peru, where two endocarps (c. 1300–1460) and a coca leaf (c. 1533) were undoubtfullyidentified as E. coca var. coca (Hastorf, 1987).

In Argentina, well preserved leaves of this varietyhave been recovered in a post-Conquest level (level B,CH III cave) at Huachichocana site in Jujuy and theyhave been identified by means of external morphologydepicted in photographs (Fernandez Distel, 1984;Plowman, 1984).

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