ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH T HE FRANKS DURI NG T H E UMAYYAD PERIOD* ABDURR AHMA N A. EL-HAJJI INTRODUCTION Wh at is understood by th e word "Franks" varies considerably in th e us age of th e Musli m historians between a part icu lar and spe cific mea nin g, and a broad and cmnprehens ive one . The com- prehens ive meani ng i s, on the whole, used in the la ter period, when it refers to differe nt peo ples of Europe other than those of Andalusia (Muslim Spain). It is sometimes us ed for the inhabitants of Christian Spain, ' and somet imes eve n fo r Byz antium and C~nstantinople.~ t was als o used for the Germans3 and for th e Franks4 who were un der t he rule of the Merovingian and Car oli ngia n sta tes which ruled over present-day France togethe r with large parts of northern Spain, such as Catalon ia, northern Italy, part of Germany, and ot her parts of Europe. It appe ars that when it was used as a general designa tion by the later historians, it covered many of the peoples o f Euro pe, including everything within the meaning last given; it s use was some times extend ed and sometime s restricted. Possib ly one o f the reasons for this was the fluctuation of the borders of Frankish rule. The early chroniclers, contrary to what one might expect, are more prec ise in their usage th an the la te r historians. According to them, the wor d means those peoples who were under the rule of the two dynasties. Merovingian and Carolingian, which is also t he restricted meaning o f t he later histor ians.5 It is used in this meaning by Ibn ' I & ~ r i , ~ ho died about 69511295, and by al-Bakri,? (d. 48 7 11 094) who was infl uenced t o a considerable extent by al -Ma s' il di. who had defined th is' precisely8 and s poke of many o f the peoples f Europe, distinguishing between them. Among those who defi ned it s meaning even more precisely were Ahmad al-Rgzi (d . 324/ 936)9 and I b n Haypi in (d. 46 9/ 10 76 )1°, who consid ered t h a t the country of the Franks began at the nat ural border of the Islamic Studies (Islamabad) 6:1 (1967)
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7/29/2019 El-Hajji (AR)_andalusian Diplomatic Relations With the Franks_umayyad Period
AN DA LU SIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS 25
him to intermarriage and peace. He ['Abd al-Rahmin ?I accepted
the peace, but no marriage took place.30
There are differing views on this statement :Aschbach doubted
its authenticity and considered it a legend,3l and Murphy wasdoubtful as to who initiated the proposal. H e thinks it more
likely that it was al-D&&il who did so.32 Some say that on the
contrary it was Charlemagne who started it, but al-Dg&il turned
down the proposal.33 So the problems to be solved are :-Who it was that tested the other and tried him in battle ?Who started suing for peace ?Who was the first to offer peace and a marriage alliance ?In fact the expression is not entirely clear, nor do the preceding
and the following statements offer any help. Both interpretations
are possible : either that al -D~khi l equested peace and a marriage
alliance from Charlemagne, or the opposite. I t may be that we can
solve this problem in the light of the historical events connected
with this matter and of contemporary internal happenings in each
of the two countries.
It appears that al-Maqqari reproduced this text from the
reliable historian, Ibn H a y y ~ n , ~ ~specially since he also copied the
preceding and the following sections from the same auth0r.~5Thus
its authenticity is beyond doubt and the preceding and following
historical events tend to confirm it. Charlemagne undertock no
further attack on Andalusia after his raid on i t in 1611778until the
end of the reign of al-D~khil--not, in fact, until the occupation of
Barcelona by the Franks in1851801.
according to LCvi-Pro~en~al.36The Franks' attack on Andalusia took place between the death of
al-D~&il in 1721787 and the latter date.3' However, i t was not as
serious as that of 1611778. On the other hand. events were taking
place in the Frankish Empire which deterred them from following
an aggressive forward policy. For instance. the Saxons whom
Charlemagne had only recently suppressed,38 had again revolted.3a
Charlemagne's failure in attacking Andalusia caused him to think
of changing his policy towards that country and to prefer friend-ship with it, so that he might turn to regulating the affairs of his
own country and to putting an end to his local troubles. At the
same time, the disaster suffered by his army while crossing the Pass
of Roncesvalles, showed him the fruitlessness of such adventurous
attempts, especially as the strength of Andalusia and the firmness
of its ruler had become apparent t o him. Thus a town like
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ANDALUSIAN D1,PLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS 37
t o rescue their father. T he y might have been reconciled with
al-Ansiir i in ord er t o help them in this ta s k ; i t is qu ite possible
th at he supplied the m with a military force.130 Som e E uro pe an
accounts say th a t the Basques at tacked Charlemagnel31 by ambush-ing him while h e was crossing th e Pass of R oncesvalles and sweeping
down upon th e rearguard of his forces, in revenge fo r th e inflictions
t o which he had twice subjected them an d thei r country. Among
th e Muslims, th e sons of al-A'rsbi with the ir followers, pursued
Cha rle rn ag ne t o re sc ue t h e ir f a th e r a n d o t h e r h 0 ~ t a g e s . l ~ ~h e ywere helped by th e M uslims who were neighb ours of t h e Basques.133
In short. all these part ies agreed t o make a common fro nt against
th e Franks. la4 In fact , th e plan was carried o u t and th e Frankish
reargu ard was wiped out. T his success, in such a manner, consider-
ably strengthen s th e the ory of the ir co-o peration , which helps us
t o reconcile th e Muslim and th e European accounts .
T h e Muslims were superior in mil itary planning, but lacked th e
knowledge of that difficult terrain, which the Basques knew very
well. O n the oth er hand, th e Basques needed th e mil itary skil l and
expe rience of th e M uslims. By joining th e tw o abilities, th eycould successfully attack the rearguard of the Frankish army.135
According to this explanation, the re is no contradict ion between
th e tw o accounts , for each one of the m concentrates on cer ta in
points, the auth ors being interested in th e eve nts tha t happened in
the ir own countries.136 Although th e M uslim acco unt is less
detailed, i t appe ars m ore im po rtan t and accurate.13'
As for the most prominent rebels. most of them were killed.138
Yet th e sto ry of Muslim rebel officers entering in to alliance w ith
th e Christian rulers against Cordoba did not come t o an end w ith
them. H ow eve r, henceforth i t was on a smaller scale. In 1741790
Abii n n w r , Gov ernor of Huesca, sen t envoys to Toulouse , capi ta l
of Aqu itaine, t o con clude an alliance with its king, L ouis, son of
Charlemagne.139 W e d o no t have enough detai ls to say if i t was
concluded, nor what was the result of this embassy. It may be
th at the Franks did no t gr ant his request because they had al readyconcluded a peace tre at y with Co rdob a afte r th e ba ttle of Ronces-
valles. I t appears th at th e Franks did not gra nt th e request of
Aba n a w r and a f te rwards he r e tu rned to Cordoba o ffering h is
allegiance. o r a t least preferring peaceful relations with Co rdob a.
But in 1811797 he turne d in revolt against Cordo ba, imm ediately
af te r th e dea th of H ib a rn and th e coming t o power of a l-Hakam I.
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A t the same time Bahlal b. Marwsn, who was known as Abh
'1-Hajj~j, evolted against Cordoba in the Upper Marches, and took
possession of Zaragoza in the same year. About this time Sulayman
and 'Abd Allah al-Balansi, sons of al-Dd&l and paternal unclesof al-Hakam I, crossed over to Andalusia from al-Ma&rib, in 'order to group their supporters against al-Hakam. They directedthemselves towards the Upper Marches, joining forces with Abij
'1-Hajjaj. They agreed, together with Aba a a w r , to conclude an
alliance against C o r d ~ b a , ' ~ ~nd decided to seek help from the
Franks. Arabic chronicles tell us that al-Balansi went to the
Frankish country to ask their supp0rt.1~~nd requested the help of
Charlemagne against al-Hakam. He might have been accompaniedby some of his allied friends, perhaps Aba a a ~ r , I 4 ~ut we haveno contemporary evidence for such a surmise.
Al-Balansi met Charlemagne at Aix-la-Chapelle, where he was
holding his court. He received al-Balansi hospitably and accepted
his offer of help. Charlemagne sent an army under the leadership
of his son, Louis, king of Aquitaine, who captured Gerona on his
way, and arrived at the Upper Marches with some rebels.143Because some rebels had accompanied Louis, i t may indicate that
they had agreed to invite the Franks to Andalusia against
Cordoba. These actions might be similar t o those of al-A'r~bi 's
and of his friends, although on a smaller scale.
In any case al-Hakam repelled this attack, and the Frankish
army had t o turn back, fearing that the rebels would not fulfil
their agreement and there would be a repetition of the disaster of
Roncesvalles. The rebels then returned their allegiance t o Cordoba,
and Zaragoza submitted to the Andalusian central power.
Some annals say that the two brothers, 'Abd al-Malik and 'Abd
al-Karim, sons of 'Abd al-Wghid b. Mughi&, supported al-Balansi
in his revolt, but later turned in obedience to Cordoba, and al-
Hakam welcomed them?*
In 394/809 'Amras, Governor of Zaragoza, renounced hisI
allegiance to Cordoba and took possession of all the areas whichwere under the rule of Aurelo, the Frankish leader in Aragon. When
the Franks demanded these areas back from him, he replied that
he was going to submit them t o Charlemagne, who sent envoys and
troops to negotiate with him, but he refused to fulfil his promise.
Nothing resulted because the circumstances were changed, 'Amras
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5. Al-Raaid Ibn al-Zubayr. K. /-)ha&d'ir wa '1-Tubaf. ed. M. Hamid Allah.Kuwayt. 1957, 173.
6. Ibn ' I a s r i . al-Bayiin al-Mughrib. ed. Livi-Provencal. Leiden. 1951. 11: 72,
97.108.
7. Abii 'Ubayd al-Bakri. al-Masdlik wa 'I-Mamiilik. MS No. 390180 L.. JBmi'
al-Qarawiyin Library. FCs, fol . 123a.
8. Al-Mas'iidi. MurPj al -mahub. ed. C. Barbier de Meynard. Paris, 1864-77.
111: 66-75.
9. H. Mu'nis. 'AI-Ju&rBfiyyah wa '1-Jughrafiyyun fi 1'-Andalus', Revista del-
Instituto de Estudios lslamicos en Madrid (RIEIM), 1959-60. Vol. VII-VIII.
p. 260 ; Pascual d e Gayangos, memori ria sobre la auten ticidad de la cronica
denominada del Moro Rosis'. Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia.
Madrid. 1852, tom0 VIII . No. 44. p. 61 :Ahmad al-'U&ri. N i z am al-Marjiin.
ed. A. al-Ahwani. Madrid. 119: (in the ~ r e s s ) . I should like to thank Dr. co 1-Ahwani and Dr. Mu'nis, the Director of Inst ituto de Estudios Isl&micos.
Madrid. for their help and kind offer of the fasicules of Niziim al-Marjrin) ;
J. Reinaud. Muslim Colonies in France. Northern Italy and Switzerland (Eng.
trans , with commentary by H. K. Sherwani). Lahore. 1964, 85. (I am gratefulfo Professor Sherwani for supplying me with a copy of this book).
10. Ibn HayyBn. quoted by al-Maqqari. Naf h al-Tib . ed. M. M. 'Abd al-Hamid.
Cairo. 1949. I : 310. 343. W e find some other Muslim chroniclers use
al- lfranj . e.g, al-Mas'iidi, op. ci t . , IX :149 (also the index under "Francs") ;
Ahmad al-'UdJri, op. cit.. 25 and 28 ;Abii 'Ubagd al-Bakri, al-Masiilik.. MS
No. 3034. NFr 'Uchmaniyah Library. Istanbol, fol. 199b. The la tt er gives
even the name of their capital Paris as BEwayrah or Barlzah. See T. Kow al s~ i.
7/29/2019 El-Hajji (AR)_andalusian Diplomatic Relations With the Franks_umayyad Period
Ibn al-A&ir. op. c i t . . VI : 08 ; Ibn 'Id&ri, op. c i t . . I1 : 69: M. A. ' Inan.
o p . c i t . . I : 28.
M. A. 'Inen. D c ci si ve M o m e n t s i n t h e H i s t o r y o f I s la m . Cairo. 1962.73.
R. Menkndez Pidal. L a C h a n so u d e R o l a n d. Madrid. 1959. 189.
A & b ~ i r M a j m i i' a h , unknown author. ed. E. Lafuente y Alcantara, Madrid,1867.113.
S. A. Salim, o p . c i t . . 204.
Al-Maqqari. o p . c i t . . I : 11.
A u b i i r . op. c i t . . 114.
Although it is notk nown when this treaty took place, c. 780 is a possible
date.
Cf. Rosenthal, o p . c i t . . 444-45.
S. P.Scott,op. c i t . . I : 409.
Ibn -Qaldiin, op. c i t . . IVIii :276: Ibn Sa'id, a l - M u & r i b , ed, Sh. Dayf, Cairo.
1953. I:40: Cbn 'I&iii. o p . c i t . . 11 :72 places it in 1931809. Al l these
historians name Louis, son of Charlemagne. L u dh r i q or R u dh r i q . son of Qar loh .
'Inan. M oo r i s h E mp i r e , op . c i t . . I :237.
IbnQaldi in . o p . c i t . , IV/ii: 276.
J . Reinaud. op . c i t . , 107-8.
F. J . PBrez de Urbel, E s pa r ia C r i s t i a n a , (tomo VI of Hi s t o r i a de E s pai za , ed.
R. M. Pidal). Madrid, 1956, 439.
I b i d .
J. Reinaud. o p . c i t . . 110. H e calls th o ambassador "Admiral Yahy2 b.
Hakam", and says th at t he Arab historians describe him "as a spirited
person". But 1 have no t been able to find a name for him in the available
Arabic sources. Possibly th e breach of this treaty by the Muslims followed
th e Frankish attack on the Upper March. Ibn a a l d i i n ( o p . c i t . . IV/ii : 276)
says the Frankish ravages in the marches increased, and al-Yakammoved
against them in 196/811.
M. A. 'InHn. M o o r i s h E m p i r e , o p . c i t . , I :238.
J. Reinaud, o p . c i t . . I11 : .
J. Reinaud ( i b i d . . 114) says perhaps Aizon allied himself with th e Muslims
and was se nt by them to Aix-la-Chapelle in order t o report to them th e
correct st at e of affairs there.
M. A. 'Inln. M oo r i s h E m pi r e , op . c i t . . 2 6 2 .
Ibn Hayyan, a l - M u q t a b w , MS. Unnumbered, Jami' al-Qarawiyin. Fes, fol.
189a.
J. Reinaud, o p . c i t ., 119-20.
M. A. 'Inan, M o o r i s h E m p i r e , o p . c i t . , 262.
E . LBvi-Provencal, E sp ar ia M u s u l m a n a , o p . c i t . , 141 and 178, n. 24. H e placesi t in 2331847. See also : n n a l e s B e r t i n i a n i , ed. G. Wai tz . Hounorer. 1883.
Year 847. p. 34.
Ibnal-Q'iifiyyah. T a ' r i k h I f ti t ii h a l - A n d a l u s , ed. A. A. al-Tabba', Beirut.
1957.92.
E. LCvi-Provencal. E s p a l h M u s u lm a n a , o p . c i t . , 178, n. 21.
Ibn Ha~sBn, l - M u q t a b i s . op. c i t , , fol. 221b. H e calls Charles the Bald
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ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS W IT H THE FRAXKS 45
104. C. Brockelmann. History of the Is lamic Peoples . Eng. tr. J . Carmichael M.
Perlmann. London. 1959. 181 ; P. K. Hitti. H i s t o r y o f the A r a b s . London.
1961. 507 ; Dozy, op. c i t . . 204 ; mamuddin, op . c i t . . 41.
105.Ibn 'I&~ ri, op. cit. . I1
:
55;
Lkvi-Provencal. H is tor ia d e Espaf ia . op. c i t . . IV :79.
106. Ldvi-Provencal, ib id . ; 'Inan. Moorish Empire . 128.107. Dozy. ib id . . (n. 103, above): E. Saavedra. 'Abderrahrnan 1'. Revista de
Archivos .... Madrid. 1910, XIV : 83 : A. Gonzales Palencia 'El Califato
Occidental'. Revista de Archivos. 1922. XXVI : 180 ; Idem, H is tor ia de la
Espaaa Musulmana. Barcelona. 1932, 23.
108. 'Inan. Mcorish Empire. 157; bn 'I&lri, op. c i t . . 50.
109. Ibn aa ld i i n . al- 'Zbar. op. c i t . . IV/ii : 69 : bn 'I&arT, op. c i t . . 57 ; Ibn al-
A&ir, op. c i t . . VI :52.110. 'Inan, Moorish Empire. 183.
111. Ibn 'Ic&+iri. op . c i t . , 55; Ibn a a l d i i n . op. c i t . . 268 ;AM bi i r Majm iS 'ah , op. c i t . .
110 :Pidal. op . c i t . . 180: Ibn al-A&ir, op. i t . . VI :36 ; Saavedra, o p . c i t . , (n.
107. above).
112. Gvi-Provenqal. H is tor ia de Espai ia . IV : 9.
113. 'Inan. Moorish Empire , 183 : al-'U&ri ( o p . c i t . , 11) says that al-Saqlabi
arrived in Andalusia in 1631780.
114. Ibn al-A@r. op. ci t . . V1 : 43 ;A ~ b i i r a jm Z'ah . op. c i t . . 112-113.
115. LCvi-Provencal, Histor ia , op. c i t . 81 ; Reinaud. op . c i t . . 88 : F. Codera. 'LaDominaci6n arbbiga en la Frontera Superior'. Estudios cri t icos de Historia
arabe espniiola. segunda serie. Coleccidn de Estudios a rabes. tom0 VIII. Madrid.
1917. 140.
116. Pidal. op. c i t . . 187 : Inan. Moorish Empire , 172.
117. Lkvi-Provenqal. Histor ia . op. c i t . , 83-84 ;A r s l ~ n .Ta't.i& @aza wi i t . op . c i t .
120. Perhaps Baa labah . was handed over to Charlemagne in Paderborn o r
on his arrival a t Pamplona or during his campaign in Andalusia. The fi rst
appears more likely. because when Charlemagne was attacked on his return
home, al-A'rabi was rescued from him. But we do no t find any hint of
Ba al ab ah 's participation in these events. If he was surrendered to
Charlemagne on his arrival . he would have been with the hostages in the
rearguard and rescued. It is, however. well-known that he was released after
ne pt ia ti on s had been held between Charlemagne and the Andolusian
authorities after Charlemagne's return home.
It could be said th at n a ' l a b a h was with the hostages. bu t al-A'rabi's
sons did not try t o rescue him. This would confirm th e idea th at if he had
been wi th Charlemagne, al-A'riiEi's sons would have been anxious to take
him in order t o use him as a weapon against Cordoba which was very eager
to rescue him.
118. 'Inan. Moorish Empire. I : 71. See also Carless Davis, o p . c i t . . 112. The
Roncesvalles Pass is known in Arabic as Bab al -h azr2 . Al-Idrisi gives us
a valuable description of th e Pyrenees. which he cal ls 'al-Bartilt'. H e
mentions its passes including th e Roncesvalles. which he calls .'Bart
a i z r u . I t was one of th e Pyrenean Passes used by the Muslims in crossing
over t o France. See al-Idrisi, N u z h a t a l - M u d t d q , Rome, 1592, 252-53.
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