Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? Ethnicity and the emergence of the state

186 Robert Kuhn

Westendorf 1984: LA V (1984) 653 s.v. Schlangenhalspanfher (mythologisch) (W. Westendorf).

Westendorf2006: W. Westendorf, Die friihzeitlichen Prunkpaletten. Die Deutung ihrer kosmi-schen Darstellungen und das Weiterleben der Motive in geschichtlicher Zeit. In: G. Moers et al. (Hrsg.\jn.t-dr.w. FestschriftfürFriedrich Junge (Göttingen 2006) 713-727.

Westendorf 2010: W. Westendorf, Die Giraffe an der Leine. GM224, 2010, 105-110. Westenholz 2004: J.G. Westenholz, Dragons, Monsters and Fabulous Beasts (Jerusalem

2004).

Whitehouse 2002: H. Whitehouse, A Decorated Knife Handle from the "Main Deposit" at Hierakonpolis. MDAIK 58, 2002,425-446.

Wilkinson 2003: T.A.H. Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt (London/New York 2003). Williams 1988: B. Williams, Decorated Pottery and the Art ofNaqada III. MAS 45 (Miinchen/

Berlin 1988). Zdansky 1935: O. Zdansky, The occurrence of mosasaurs in Egypt and Africa in general. BIE

17, 1935, 83-94.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? Ethnicity and the emergence of the state

Tonny J. de Wit

Introduction

State formation is a highly complicated process in which various factors, such as population pressure1, warfare2 and long-distance trade3, simultaneously play a role. Many of these often practised bottom-up approaches, however, have serious short­comings4. Not only are most models unsuccessful in presenting an integrated ap­proach, they also fail to address the self-creative power of societies. Too often the state is seen as automatically arising from the interrelations of different people and their environment. Particularly in Egypt, the generative power of (the state) ideology and derivatives thereof has been of utmost importance5. Ideology is very simply de­fined "the sum total of the ideas and values shared by the [majority of] participants in a society"6. Over time these specific perceptions or even beliefs develop within a specific cultural context and as such they are central to the evolution of socio­political systems. This Weltanschauung is beneficial for the emergence of political and economic organisations, whereas at the same time the latter organisations have a profound influence on the structure of ideology itself. Ideology is therefore as a legitimising factor dependent on other processes in the development of a state, but because of its all-encompassing and corroborative character hard to overestimate7.

In the process of the commencement of statehood, kinship as a binding factor lost part of its importance. Blood ties partly gave way to transregional partnerships that were no longer based on a communal ancestry. This process, though, was rather a gradual transition than a revolutionary change. As a substitute for the disappearance of ancestral identity markers in modern nation building, various authors have drawn

1 Cf. Midant-Reynes 2000, 237. 2 Cf. Wilkinson 2000a; Andelkovic 2004. 3 Cf. Campagno 2004. 4 Kemp 1989, 7. 5 Kemp 1989, 7. 6 Dumont 1983, 273; Claessen/Oosten 1996, 10. 7 Claessen/Oosten 1996, 15-16.

188 Tonny J. de Wit

attention to the creation of imagined kinship relations8. Although the nation state and its ideological background are clearly embedded within a submodern European con­text and hard to detach from certain economic, political, geographical and temporal configurations9, the role of an "imagined community" in the creation of the Egyptian state is worth investigating. Despite the submodern background of the main concepts and theoretical reflections regarding the rise of the nation state, the underlying prin­ciples might well be valuable outside this historically and geographically constricted atmosphere. Ethnic identity has been in the forefront of archaeological research in the last decade, but until now its role in the ultimate formative stages of the Egyptian state has not been subject of a systematic study.10 In this paper an attempt will be made to integrate theoretical notions of ethnicity with the available archaeological material focussing on the so-called unification of the Egyptian state. I will focus on the later stages of the formation of the territorial Egyptian state and in particular on the acceleration of change in the Late Predynastic and Early Dynastic Period.

Identity and ethnicity

Ethnic identity or ethnicity is defined here as a form of identity "based upon a real or perceived (self-defined) shared culture, history and language"". A nation has the same characteristics as an ethnicity, but possesses a higher degree of self-conscious­ness and claims as a group the right of political autonomy in a specific territory. In a nation state, such a nation has created itself a sovereign political unit and the borders of this circumscribed entity coincide with the borders of the nation. Within the ide­ology of nationalism, the interests of a particular nation state are fundamental and determinant for political action12. Anthony D. Smith13, a well-known theorist of na­tionalism, maintains a division between postmedieval nationalism and its premodern predecessors. He draws a distinction between nationalism with its ideological over­tones and ethnic identity, which is basically a collective cultural phenomenon14. The modern overtone of terms like the nation prohibits their use in pre-modern occasions. As main distinguishing characteristics, the overt political aspect and mass participa­tion of nationalistic movements are mentioned". This element of mass participation presupposes a society with civilians who are equal and have political and legal rights and duties16. As our ancient sources can hardly answer questions regarding the de­gree of mass participation, due to the paucity of sources that highlight the position of

8 Cf. Anderson 2006. 9 Cf. Smith 1991.

10 For publications that approach this subject matter from a similar angle see Köhler 2002 and Campagno 2008.

11 Smith 2003, I . 12 Hastings 1997, 3-4. 13 Smith 1991. 14 Smith 1991, vii. 15 Smith 1991, vii. 16 Smith 1991, 14, 44-47.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 189

the illiterate masses, terms with an implicit Western connotation, such as nation and nationalism will be avoided. To circumvent teleological and antagonistic reasoning, a less politically and historically colored terminology will be adopted. This does not mean, however, that ideas and views expressed in studies after subrecent nationalism cannot be used at all for different historical periods.

Words like ethnicity and identity are commonly regarded as devoid of any tempo­ral or political association17. Not only do they form the underlying principles on the basis of which social constructions such as the nation and nationalism are created, but also in themselves they have an intrinsic value because they express a sense of commonness within a group of individuals. The self consists of different identities, which stand at the basis of the various roles a persona has within society. A. Smith mentions among others kinship, religious, gender and ethnic identity18. Although a person has multiple identities, at a particular moment only one can be actualised. The combined idiosyncratic character of each of these identities makes an individual unique, but simultaneously identity-related resemblances between individuals are in­strumental in the formation of groups." Identities are constantly changing through life, in a negotiation with the outside world.

The sense of belonging that group identity arouses can work both bonding and dividing. Within the group it creates a community and even increases self-esteem, while to the outside barriers of distinctiveness, which can even lead to discrimina­tion, are put up. Especially this capacity to generate inner-group feelings of solidarity and mutual dependence, partly by accentuating the 'otherness' of outsiders, makes the accentuation of identity a powerful instrument in deliberate group formation and reinforcement.

In the present study only the theoretical concepts behind ethnic identity or ethnic­ity are further explored.20 The theoretical notions of ethnicity have been subject of considerable debate. In sociology two different schools of thought, primordialists and instrumentalists, have extensively discussed their respective viewpoints, often without reaching a common ground.

In the primordialists' view ethnicity results from the 'givens of birth' 2 1 and is therefore involuntary. Characteristics like blood, language, culture, territory and even religion are ascribed rather than achieved and as a result of this naturalness they possess a certain coerciveness. Because it is given at birth, it is more natural and fun­damental and therefore more authoritative than other social identities22. Due to the

17 Cf. Jones 1997. 18 Smith 1991, 4. 19 For a hermeneutic approach to the dialectic of selfhood and sameness see Ricoeur 1994. 20 It needs to be noted, however, that in Egypt (and also elsewhere) religious and ethnic identities

largely coincide. An ethnos shared not only an imagined kinship bond, but also common re­ligious rituals and practices. As both result from the same collective characteristics, they can have a mutually reinforcing character.

21 Jones 1997, 65. 22 Jones 1997, 68.

190 Tonny J. de Wit

elusiveness of this ethnocentric 'insiderism'23, it has proven to be difficult to grasp at the origin and importance of these sentiments of solidarity. Also, the assumed static character of a person's ethnic identity in the primordialist view is problematic. In re­ality, ethnicity is often fluid and variable and in contrast to primordial claims neither cardinal nor involuntary24. Notwithstanding these major conceptual imperfections, this approach encapsulates, particularly through the imagined consanguinity, the psychological and emotional strength of ethnic bonds.

In the last decades the conceptualisation of ethnicity as a dynamic and situational force has gained prominence. In instrumentalism people with common material inter­ests or even individuals take advantage of ethnic affiliations in order to pursue politi­cal or economic goals and ideals25. Ethnicity was no longer seen as a passive product but as an active adaptation to changing political circumstances. Ethnic boundaries shift through time; they are neither fixed nor firm i f they exist at all. The percep­tion and manifestation of a person's or group's identity can vary due to different circumstances. In this conscious accentuation or mobilisation of particular aspects by individuals or groups, ethnic identity is reduced to a vehicle for obtaining access to social, political and material resources26. In this 'ethnic game' the manipulation of culture services particular interests, thereby reducing ethnicity to an 'empty vessel' deconnected from culture in general.

To overcome this ostensibly irreconcilable adverse opposition between irrational­ity and rationality, and between symbolism and economy27, the adoption and adapta­tion of Bourdieu's "theory of practice" is useful.28 Through the concept of the habi­tus, the dichotomy between primordialism and instrumentalism can be transcended. In Jones' words29, the habitus "is made up of durable dispositions towards certain perceptions and practices [...], which become part of an individual's sense of self at an early age. As such, the habitus involves a process of socialization whereby new experiences are structured in accordance with the structures produced by past expe­riences, and early experiences retain a particular weight". In summary, the disposi­tions of the habitus are "at once "structuring structures" and "structured structures"; they shape and are shaped by social practice"30.

The fact that these "common memories that have become unconscious"3' are often unknowingly gained at an early age complexifies its modification32. Differences in the habitus of people can lead to conflict, whereas commonalities lay the basis for feelings of togetherness and a shared destiny. Therefore, this concept offers an ob-

23 McKay 1982,398. 24 McKay 1982, 398. 25 Cf. Jones 1997. 26 McKay 1982, 399. 27 Jones 1997, 82. 28 Bourdieu 1977. 29 Jones 1997, 88-89. 30 Postone et al. 1993, 4 paraphrased in Jones 1997, 89. 31 Reik quoted in Bentley 1987, 33. 32 Bentley 1987, 29.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 191

jective basis for the subjective claim that ethnic affinities are based upon paralleling past experiences33. The kinship idiom is also not randomly chosen, i f one takes into consideration that the similarities in habitus both underlie real and imagined kinship affiliations34. As I argued elsewhere35, "ethnic identity is grounded in a shared habi­tus, [and therefore] it engenders communal sentiments, but because it is constantly shaped and reshaped, it is also open to manipulation. Echoing the instrumentalist view, these agents with specific economic, political or ideological objectives can mo­bilise feelings that are latently present and invoke the political mobilisation of an ethnos"

Bourdieu's "theory of practice" provides a new paradigm and offers an escape from the diametrically opposed conceptual conventions of primordialism and in­strumentalism. However, blatantly missing is the notion of 'otherness' in the con­struction of an ethnos. In the process of cultural interaction and constant uncon­scious negotiation with this 'other', a dialectical opposition between ingroup amity and outgroup emnity is formulated36. The consciousness of distinctiveness vis-a-vis 'others' in contrast to collective dispositions among group members is one of the central elements that discerns ethnicity from the habitus. Ethnicity is grounded in the "theory of practice", but transcends this static concept by emphasising the idea of difference. Contact is essential in the construction of ethnicity, since this evokes self-identification and the awareness of distinctness37. The conceptualisation of an external ('foreign') threat (either real or imagined) as the ultimate designator of dif­ference is an even stronger catalyst of internal bonding. The existential danger of the loss of independence and even uniqueness produces an emphasis on distinctive characteristics and a celebration of uniting idiosyncrasies.

Changing attitudes

In order to get a better understanding of the intercultural connections of the inhab­itants of the Lower Nile Valley and Delta with their immediate neighbours both textual and iconographic references to 'otherness'38 and archaeological data from the culture contact zones have been investigated. Analysis of these representations and references as well as archaeological evidence from the interaction zones reveals an interesting pattern. Whereas subjugated individuals appear already during the Early Predynastic Period, it is only at the time of the latest phase of the Predynastic and the transition to the dynastic era that 'foreigners' can be positively identified. Simultaneously with the emergence of the territorial Egyptian state, iconographic features such as pigtails and long full beards started to be used to distinguish 'others'

33 De Wit in prep. 34 Bentley 1987,33. 35 De Wit in prep. 36 Jones 1997,67, 95. 37 Smith 2003, 19. 38 As seen from an Egyptian emic perspective.

192 Tonny J. de Wit

from the now standardised representations of Egyptians. After the political unifica­tion submissive individuals without clear 'foreign' attributes even constitute an exep-tion. Defeat and submission are from now on equated with 'foreignness'. This picture does not change radically through the rest of the Early Dynastic Period, although the number of scenes displaying the theme of submission fell after the reign of Aha at the beginning of the I s ' Dynasty only to increase again during the reign of the last king of the 2n<i Dynasty Khasekhemwy.39

This remarkable innovation in iconography coincides with a fundamental refor­mulation of the attitude of the emerging Egyptian state towards the areas outside the region geographically known as Egypt. During most of the Predynastic there are ample indications of strong contacts between predominantly Upper Egyptian poli­ties and both the Southern Levant40 and Nubia4'. In the former region the presence of imported and locally produced Egyptian pottery as well as serekhs and sealings points at the existence of elaborate exchange networks42. With the beginning of the 1 s t Dynasty the intensity of these contacts diminishes rapidly and ultimately resulted in a near empty border zone43. This situation finds a remarkable parallel in Nubia, where around the same time the nature of the relationships with more northerly areas completely changes. Symbiosis gave way to a harsh border policy, which eventually seems to have led to the disappearance of the indiginuous A-Group44.

This conspicious correlation between the image of 'otherness' and the interaction in the bordering areas will be subject of analysis in the remainder of this article. 29 Out of a total of 62 analysed objects (smiting scenes, representations of captives and gift bearers, and textual references) contained iconographic and/or textual references to 'otherness'. Analysis of these 29 objects associated with 'foreignness' revealed that 28 of them are made on or simply are a portable object.45

Historicity and audience

One of the central debates in the study of Early Egypt concerns the question of the historical accuracy of sources46. Baines has correctly drawn attention to the ideologi­cal bias and overtones intrinsically present in ancient sources 4 7 Countless examples of what from a historiographical point of view is seen as straining are known from ancient Egypt. Essential fallacy in this regard is the still common attitude among

39 For a more indepth analysis of the characteristics of 'foreigners' in Egyptian iconography and the appearance and chronological development of this 'foreigner' theme see De Wit 2008, 45-75 and De Wit in prep.

40 Cf. Hartung 2001; Van den Brink/Braun 2003. 41 Cf. Takamiya 2004; Gatto 2006. 42 Van den Brink/Braun 2002. 43 Campagno 2008; Oren 1989, 400. 44 Save-Söderbergh 1972, 30. 45 For more details see De Wit 2008, 90-91 and De Wit in prep. 46 Cf. Baines 1996; Davis 1992,14-16; Dreyer 1998, 173-182; Cialowicz 2001. 47 Baines 1996.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 193

Egyptologists to interpret texts and representations at face value, whereas they are rather to be seen as "culturally and historically constructed"48. As these documents have not been composed as historical works of reference, the results of undoubtedly genuine attempts to infer historically accurate information have to be regarded with due caution.

In Baines' words, "[fjhe recording of events was largely subordinate to the exi­gencies of a role in maintaining the cosmos'*19. The literary evidence is not so much helpful for an historical interpretation as for elucidating the ideological functioning of a society. It is again Baines who points at the fruitlessness of our endeavour to adequately reconstruct history; as texts are inherently ideologically-laden, in essence we are "not to interpret a reality but to model a construction of reality"50. I f sources are not seen as "devices of political propaganda"51, the danger of becoming a prisoner of the ancient Egyptians' perception of their world is a very real one52. Instead of the quest for historical "truth" and the obsession of Egyptologists and related disciplines with chronology, more attention for the principles behind the ideological overtones is called upon. After a revaluation of these sources and a separation of Wahrheit und Dichtung, they can provide an extremely valuable insight in the perception, manipu­lation and recreation of reality.S3 As in Egyptian history factual accuracy has always been of less importance than the ideological considerations behind it, regarding these objects we must look for other aims and also at the public they were aimed at.

As MorenzS4 correctly noticed, "[e]in Objekt steht grundsatzlich und hier mod-ellhaft vereinfacht im Spannungsfeld von einerseits Auftraggeber und Produzent und andererseits Rezipient", but "Fragen danach, wie die Prunk-Keulen und die Prunkpaletten verwendet wurden, oder wer sie wann sah, sind in der Forschung tatsachlich noch kaum in Angriff genommen worden". This relative neglect of the public they were directed at is in general applicable to almost all objects from this period55. In order to get a better understanding of these artefacts and their audience, their use and find locations need to be subject of analysis. Two sites are conspicu­ously overrepresented in the corpus: the Predynastic and Early Dynastic cemeteries in Abydos (altogether 10 specimens) and the so-called 'Main Deposit' and temple at Hierakonpolis (altogether 14 specimens).

The Abydene finds were as part of the funerary equipment consigned to remote and unattainable places. The final use of these objects seems therefore directly as-

48 Baines 1996, 352. 49 Baines 1996, 340. 50 Baines 1996, 341. 51 Hoffman 1979,299. 52 Modified after Kemp 1977, 185. 53 In itself of course the rendering of ideal action cloaked as real events does not exclude the

possibility that historical incidents laid the basis for these ideological constructs. However, the historical background -whether based on facts or largely fictional- is less important than the ideological connotations and to whom they were addressed.

54 Morenz 2005, 51. 55 Cf. O'Connor 2002, 8.

194 Tbnny J. de Wit

sociated with the mortuary cult or the afterlife of the deceased in whose graves they were deposited. This, however, does not exclude the possibility that they had a use life before this post mortem function. Objects might have belonged to the palatial furnishing during the lifetime of the king or had a role in the performance of the mortuary cult at the funerary enclosures situated on the edge of the cultivation.

The nature and function of the 'Main Deposit' at Hierakonpolis are more prob­lematic. Until recently the assemblage of objects with palettes, ivories, knige handles etc. found under a later temple of Horus was commonly interpreted as a collection of votive objects that were once dedicated to this god. According to Cialowicz56 these objects were before their final deposition exhibited in a sanctuary at Hierakonpolis as "symbolefs] de la puissance royale". This area would have been the domain for the performance of the heb-sed. Central element of this festival was an act of re­juvenation in which it was the king's duty to persuade subjects of his unremitting vitality and capability to protect them against evil. This reinterpretation of the 'Main Deposit' as the reflection of events connected to the kingly instead of the divine realm has profound consequences for the status of Hierakonpolis during this early period. Only during the Old Kingdom Hierakonpolis came to be associated with the god Horus and a temple was erected for him. Initially the city was not so much the place of worship of the god associated with kingship as the locale for the celebration and veneration of the institution of divine kingship itself. In McNamara's words, "the remains at Hierakonpolis represent not an early temple, but a royal ritual precinct, perhaps a "court of royal appearance"57, or more specifically an arena for the perfor­mance of ceremonies connected with the office of kingship". I f the objects retrieved from the 'Main Deposit' are indeed to be "set in the context of royal cultic activity and its associated ideology, centred on the institution of kingship"53, this has conse­quences for the public they were aimed at.59 Perhaps the finds from the temple area at Hierakonpolis, which predate the actual Horus temple, had a similar function.

The objects found in the 'Main Deposit' and temple area at Hierakonpolis as well as those from the royal cemeteries in Abydos have probably been of importance in various rituals and ceremonies before their final deposition60. Besides the inac­cessibility of the edifices in which these objects were displayed, "the illiteracy and unfamiliarity with the stately artistic conventions cut all those outside a small elite probably consisting of priests and high officials off from the messages surreptitiously transferred by these media".61 Because of the limited dissemination of these sources,

56 Cialowicz 1999, 41. 57 McNamara 2005, 69. 58 McNamara 2005, 69. 59 In this respect it is interesting to note that in compliance with the functional reinterpretation

of the 'Main Deposit', O'Connor (1992) also draws a comparison between the Hierakonpolitan precinct and the mortuary enclosures at Abydos. Especially in ground plan this author sees ciear parallels between the two types of structures, although he does not disclaim the main­stream interpretation of the former as a temple.

60 Cf. Davis 1992, 18. 61 De Wit in prep.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 195

it may "be mistaken to search too hard for a centripetal, integrating function for these texts and for the broader persuasion they could have exerted".62 I f in addition to the gods, who should not be discounted as audience63, only the inner elite had knowledge of the themes presented and had access to the spaces of display, this arouses ques­tions concerning the reasons behind this ideologically induced display of power and imaginary sabre rattling. Was the propagandistic message of the expulsion of 'other­ness' at first implicitly or even explicitly directed at this elite? I f this is the case, why and of what had they to be persuaded?

Regionalism, consolidation and the 'almighty' state

Egyptologists have often treated Egyptian culture as uniform and devoid of region­al variation, thereby reducing "the lives and views of a whole population [...] to a singularity".64 Especially in periods of strongly centralised rule the ideologically mo­tivated stately expressions disguise every possible centrifugal propensity. Indications for the contrary come from the Intermediate Periods when in the absence of a strong stately apparatus cultural expressions are more diversified. In addition to the dialecti­cal opposition between Delta and Valley these periods display regional preferences and competing local elites. In stately controlled imagery, similar regional tendencies from the period of the Dynastic coalescence are largely obscured. However, this is not to lead to the assumption that the regional diversification of the Predynastic Period had at once disappeared after the political unification. The process of state formation was with the beginning of the 1 s t Dynasty by no means a fait accompli. Different poli­ties had merged into a territorial state with its new capital at Memphis, but the power of the old centres in Upper Egypt is unlikely to have vanished immediately. Although little is known on the internal cohesion in this crucial period, it is highly doubtful that antithetical tendencies completely disappeared with the foundation of the uni­fied state. An area of tension between centralisation and regionalism is likely to have persisted, since in general "the ruler and the elite in the centre favour centralisation and the establishment and maintenance of centralised power, while local elites favour decentralisation. In practice these efforts are frequently characterized by the pursuit of a 'balance of power' policy and competition for important offices, rather than by the dominance by the central ruler over the dignitaries of the state"65. In accordance with this view, the evidence for the persistence of cultural differentiation, political regionalism and a constant negotiation of power between regional elites and the su-perregional government is abundant.

A clear indication for the limitations in power exerted from the new capital of Memphis is the so-called ceremony of the 'Following of Horus'66. This event that

62 Baines 1996, 347. 63 Baines 1996, 351. 64 Kemp 2007, 3. 65 Claessen/Oosten 1996, 4. 66 Wilkinson 1999, 220-221.

196 Tonny J. de Wit

took place in alternate years was made up of a journey through the country undertak­en by the king and members of the elite. The function was probably to collect taxes and to administer justice but possibly also to reinforce the ties between the periphery of the state and the central court. According to Wilkinson67, it also "reinforced the psychological ties of loyalty felt by the Egyptian populace towards the king".

Although de facto Memphis had taken over the role as capital from the various Predynastic centres in Upper and perhaps also Lower Egypt, there are ample reasons to suggest that the power of these former capitals of proto-states had not completely vanished. The persistent importance of Abydos is exemplified by the continuous usage of the Umm el-Qaab Cemetery as the burial ground for the kings of the 1 s t

Dynasty. The antiquity of the site and the legitimisation that the assumed connection with their interred ancestors provided68 was even for the kings of the unified state, who ruled from their newly established capital near the division of the Nile, reason enough to erect their funerary monuments here. Mutatis mutandis even in later peri­ods the cult of Osiris, centred at Abydos and directly connected to the Early Dynastic royal cemetery, reveals its special significance as a lieu de mémoire.

Demonstrating the continued prominence of Hierakonpolis in the Early Dynastic Period demands little persuasive power. As previously touched upon, the precinct fulfilled a central role in rituals relating to the divine kingship and a large num­ber of the objects discussed in this research are directly connected to the site. The construction of Khasekhemwy's so-called "Fort of Hierakonpolis", which is closely resembled by the funerary enclosure of this king at Abydos, epitomises the special status that was attributed to this city. This enormous building was most likely erected as a monument for the commemoration of the heb-sed and a celebration of divine kingship69 and as such highlights the position of Hierakonpolis as an Early Dynastic centre.

The political and possible military struggles in the 2 n d Dynasty70 testify to the hardships of forging unity. Despite limitations in the amount of material at hand, regional contrasts seem to have been among the main reasons for the temporal break­down of central authority71. Only the last king of the 2 n d Dynasty, Khasekhemwy, demonstrated the ability to reunite the country.

Also the construction of various step pyramids in probably the Third Dynasty can be interpreted in the light of a dichotomous relationship between state-controlled in­stitutions and provincial centres of power. According to Dreyer and Kaiser six out of the altogether seven dummy pyramids, scattered throughout the country, were erect­ed as a single project under the reign of Huni.72 Although all seven monuments are not associated with burials and hence regarded as unconnected to the mortuary cult,

67 Wilkinson 1999,221. 68 Baines 1995, 137. 69 Jiménez-Serrano 2002, 32-33. 70 Cf. Wilkinson 1999, 85-94. 71 Cf. Baines 1995, 141-143. 72 Dreyer/Kaiser 1980.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 197

their function can be expected to have been linked to a cult directly associated with the king73. Edfu, Hierakonpolis, Naqada and Abydos, where four of the pyramids are situated, were all important centres of the Predynastic Period and the building at Seyla is situated in the vicinity of the contemporaneous elite cemetery of Abusir el-Meleq. Hence it is not unintelligible to assume a connection between their construc­tion and the presence of regional centres. The rationale behind such a correlation has to be sought in the ideological statements regarding the kingly domination expressed by these edifices. The persuasive power that these symbolic expressions had with respect to their control over local centres and their elites is not to be underestimated. By means of their construction the king acknowledged the importance of these early centres and simultaneously pointed at his sovereignty over the area74.

Recently Barry Kemp75 has also drawn attention to the persistence until the Middle Kingdom of what he referred to as the Preformal style, a subculture barely influ­enced by the 'Great Tradition' of pharaonic culture. This author asks whether the 1 s t

Dynasty kings threw "a cultural switch which instantly lit up the whole country"76. In his view the art history approach reduces culture to court culture, thereby disre­garding many aspects of Egyptian society77. Kemp concludes, "for about a third of its history, Pharaonic Egypt was a country of two cultures"78. The Preformal style was in essence a continuation of the uncodified and multiform Predynastic culture, which contrasted sharply with the standardised and stereotyped court culture. Whether these adverse cultural expressions had direct equivalents in the political arena is dif­ficult to assess, but the continued existence of non-state controlled cults does prove that there were spheres where the court was unable or unwilling to execute its au­thority. If, as Wilkinson suggests, "the local élite depended upon intimate associa­tion with the supernatural to maintain its authority"79, the persistence of these local shrines had not only cultural but also political implications and potentially hampered the cultural and political integration.

In contrast to the official Egyptian ideological doctrine, in which the king was omnipresent and omnipotent, in reality he was merely a player - although an impor­tant one - in a constant negotiation of power. Despite the fact that the homogeneity of Egypt and the consolidation of the unified state are often treated as givens, there are various indications for a more complicated situation in which at the beginning of the dynastic era provincial elites were still able to exercise influence over their com­munities. However, considering the diminished role of these local aristocracies in the formal bureaucracy, certain adversative tendencies from their side towards the cen­tralised rule are not surprising. Were they during the Predynastic the decision mak-

73 Seidlmayer 1996, 122. 74 Modified after Wilkinson 2000a, 393. 75 Kemp 2007, 112-135. 76 Kemp 2007, 112. 77 Kemp 2007, 112,134. 78 Kemp 2007, 135. 79 Wilkinson 1999, 324.

198 Tonny J. de Wit

ers in their respective proto-states and chiefdoms, in the new territorial state their power and also authority vanished as their territories were progressively reduced to a hinterland status80. The potential threat of regional propensities for the stability of the state is further exemplified by the fragmentation of the territorial state at the end of the Old Kingdom.

Transformation and codification

During the climactic phase of the process of state formation, the cultural diversity of the multicentred Predynastic societies was, despite local adverse tendencies, largely replaced by the creation of a uniform monumental style.81 Although a homogenisa-tion of the Egyptian material culture had already taken place in the Late Naqada I I phase, only in the transition to the 1 s t Dynasty this canonisation process resulted in a clearly defined set of iconographical symbols and expressions controlled by the emergent Egyptian state. As part of a codification in material culture directly as­sociated with a centralisation of power in the hands of a semi-devine king, prestige objects such as decorated maceheads, knife handles and palettes all ceased to be made. In the light of the legitimising character of many of these prestige objects and elements, as "symbols of an older mode of existence, imbued with the legitimising force of custom and ancestral memory"82, their vanishing is not to be taken lightly. Under the reign of Narmer and Aha, in a radical reformulation, the multicentred character of the Predynastic gave way to a rigidly organised state body in which almost all cultural expressions are dominated by the overall theme of submission to royal authority83.

Among the profound changes that characterise this period are the erection of fu­nerary enclosures from at least the reign of Aha onwards84 and an accompanying change in attitude towards death and the afterlife85. Also the relocation of the capital to Memphis at about the same time can be seen as a clear expression of the take-over of power by a strong central authority86. The choice for a new capital on near virgin territory does not appear out of thin air, since, as Joyce argues in a comparable situa­tion, "it may also have been difficult to construct a new discourse that would come to legitimize the power relations of the emerging [...] state literally on the foundations of the earlier [...] chiefdom"87. A general impoverishment of the elite burial record88 and

80 Cf. Seidlmayer 1996, 108. 81 Baines 1989,476. Interesting in this respect is also the unifying role of writing an sich, since the

adoption of a standardised language in official communication throughout the country helped to reduce the role and influence of local dialects (cf. Morenz 2004).

82 Wengrow 2006, 186. 83 Cf. Wilkinson 2000b, 32. 84 Cf. Adams/O'Connor 2008, 38-39. 85 Cf. Wengrow 2006, 219-228. 86 Campagno 2003a, 154. 87 Joyce 2000, 80. 88 Baines 1989,477.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 199

a radical rearrangement of settlements89 highlight the increased power and control of the state authorities at the expense of the elite as well.

Kingship and the maat ideology

The institution of kingship lies at the heart of the Egyptian society. The king as holder of the sacred office of kingship was the creator, maintainer and symboliser of unity and as such the nexus of society90. Without this institution the endurance of the Egyptian state for three millennia would not have been possible. Inextricably linked to the office of kingship is the maat ideology. In congruence with many other aspects of Egyptian culture the concept of maat initially developed during the period of state formation91. There are no reasons to assume that around this date, the idea of maat had a more restricted meaning92. Assmann convincingly argues that it surpasses its original meaning "what is right" to comprise virtually everything associated with terms as 'religion' and 'culture'93. Whereas maat is in essence the ethical concept of truth and the struggle between good and evil, its implications reach out far be­yond this narrow field. The concept of maat, as a "grundlegender Staatsmythus"94, incorporates both cosmic and social principles which constitute the basis and the legitimisation of the state.

As upholder of the precepts of maat and guarantor of the safety and integrity of the state the king was predestined to play a vanguard role. This function as the protector of justice and order simultaneously served as an important legitimising element of Egyptian kingship. In a reciprocal exchange for this protective function, the community offered their loyalty and respected his authority. Although in practice threats emanated from inside the state, exemplified by the political fragmentation at the end of the Old Kingdom, in theory the state and the office of kingship were infal­lible. Before the traumatic events of the First Intermediate Period the maat ideology embodied and simultaneously amplified the seemingly unparalleled confidence in the integrity of the state95.

Given this ideologically conditioned trust in the state, it does not surprise that according to this same state ideology all potential threats for its integrity were to be localised outside the perimeters of the state entity. In a continuation of the hunting theme on Predynastic palettes, whereby wild animals from the inhabitable desert symbolically represent the chaotic element that was to be defeated96, in the Early Dynastic this ideological concept with a dichotomy between order and chaos is re-

89 Cf. Hoffman et al. 1986. 90 Baines 1995, 105. 91 Assmann 1990, 54. 92 Hornung 1989, 398. 93 Cf. Assmann 1990; Quirke 1994, 219. 94 Bergman 1972, 81. 95 Cf. Assmann 1990, 55. 96 Cf. Wengrow 2006, 15.

200 Tonny J. de Wit

Fig. 1: The Narmer Palette: recto and verso (Kemp 1989, 42, with the author's permission).

produced in smiting scenes and representations of captives97. Isfet was almost by definition associated with chaotic elements outside the stately realm and against which it was the royal duty to protect the country. 'Foreigners' therefore became the natural representatives of chaos against which the king was to saveguard his subjects. The "subjugating the enemy" motive and other representations on which 'foreigners' perform were first and for all the ideological expression of the repulsion of disorder. Possible historical events only constitute the background for the message of the triumph of maat over isfet. After the establishment of the Egyptian state with an accompanying circumscribed territory, 'others' were progressively identified with these chaotic forces that remained outside the cosmic order. The close connection between representations of hunted wild animals and defeated foes is exemplified on some of the palettes from the Terminal Predynastic and beginning of the 1 s t Dynasty. Although the depiction of ethnic 'others' is a new phenomenon, the idea is firmly rooted in the Egyptian cognitive framework. Specifically the Narmer Palette (fig. 1) is in this regard the embodiment of the prehistoric past and the pharaonic future98, since both the control over wild beasts as well as the domination of 'foreign' enemies is depicted. In the choice of themes this palette bears testimony to its artistic prede-

97 Cf. Köhler 2002, 506-507; Kemp 2007, 92-99. 98 Wengrow 2006; cf. Davis 1992,28.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 201

cessors, but concurrently it symbolises the profound changes of its time, as reflected in the use of hieroglyphs, the changing configuration of the various elements on the object and most markedly by the fact that this palette was one of the last of its kind.

The invention of 'Egyptianness' and 'otherness': ethnogenesis and the maintenance of the state

The emergence of a dynastic style in art and architecture, as embodied by the Narmer Palette, is but one of the elements in the changing complexion of Egyptian culture. The central theme here is a radical reformulation in the attitude towards 'otherness' that seems to have taken place at the onset of the centralised state. In addition to far stretching changes in the political, cultural and economic realm, the appearance of a 'foreigner' theme embodies a large codification movement in which the abandon­ment of the newly defined border zones is another central element.

With all the information available, an image of a correlation between the emergence of ethnically differentiated individuals in iconography and a remarkable change in attitude towards the surrounding territories during a period of fundamental restylisa-tion arises from the mists of history. Whereas in later periods the direct interaction in the border zones of the Egyptian state is often diametrically opposed to the ideology-laden image of 'otherness' as propagated by the state, the Early Dynastic Period witnessed a remarkable integration of topos and mimesis?'' The reinterpretation of the terms of engagement with areas outside the boundaries of the territorial state, both mentally and physically, was, as will be argued, part of a deliberate attempt at the creation of a distinct Egyptian ethnos by the new state authorities.

Although Narmer is likely to have been the first ruler over the unified territorial state of Egypt, antithetical tendencies have probably persisted after the unification. Dynastic struggles, the persistent importance of Predynastic centres and the endur­ance of a preformal style all contribute to an image in which the transfer of power to a transregional level was far from simple. Refrasing the famous quotation of the his­torian Hobsbawm, Egypt had been united, the Egyptians were yet to be invented.100

Previsouly it became clear that resemblances in the habitus of individuals can engender feelings of togetherness and are therefore essential for the development of a shared ethnic identity. Communal sentiments and shared habitual preferences are necessary preconditions for the possible emergence of an ethnos. The absence of these collective unconscious memories hampers or even obstructs any attempt at the construction of an ethnic identity. An elaboration on the just mentioned catchfrase

99 After a theory initially developed by Loprieno 1988 and subsequently adapted by S.T. Smith 2003. Topos refers to the ideologically coloured and idealised worldview of the Egyptians, as represented by iconographical and textual sources. Mimesis symbolises the daily praxis with interaction on a personal level.

100 Derivative of Hobsbawm 1992, 44 account of the Italian unification, in which he cites the nineteenth century Italian nationalist d'Azeglio, stating that "fw]e have made Italy, now we have to make Italians".

202 Tonny J. de Wit

of Hobsbawm, in which he originally referred to the unification process of Italy in the late nineteenth century, illustrates this very well. After the unification of Italy, this new state undertook several attempts to include areas on the opposite shore of the Mediterranean, now known as Libya, within its territory and to italianise the population. In contrast to the easiness of unifying the inhabitants of the areas that today made up the Italian state, however, it turned out to be impossible to make Italians out of Libyans101. Taking into consideration the different historical circum­stances, the rationale behind this can be used to demonstrate that ethnic bonding is not a generatin spontanea but has to be rooted in a shared history and mindset. For Egypt, continuous inhabitation of the same area'02, characterised by the annual Nile regime and the accompanying rhythm of life, led to feelings of togetherness. These unconscious habitual similarities originating in conscious and subconscious disposi­tions caused by memories and circumstances inhabitants of valley and delta shared provided the foundation of a distinct Egyptian identity that was actualised at the apex of centralising tendencies.

In a state society, due to the incorporation of areas inhabited with people outside the own kin group, the importance of kinship relations diminishes103. These blood ties can no longer provide in their role as an identity shaping mechanism. Other means had to be called upon for the construction of identity and the amalgamation of the various regional elites under the umbrella of the new state authority. In this respect, Assmann10*1 speaks of a face-to-face community that looses in the face of the state its Anschaulichkeit. The figure of the king is because of his divine mandate the only one to surpass the internal power struggle.

The king was indispensable for the construction and maintenance of a collec­tive identity, particularly as the embodiment of maat. He was the keeper of cos­mic harmony and as the protector of Egyptianness against 'otherness' inextricably connected to the creation of an "Agyptertum, das sich als eine neue iibergeordnete politische und kulturelle Identitat und Lebensform vereinheitlichend über die ver-schiedenen regionalen Lebensformen (Dialekte, Sitten, Kulte usw.) legte"105. Within this 'imagined community' regional propensities were effectively annihilated by the unifying character of the institution of kingship and the emerging maat ideology. Or, again citing Assmann, "das Konzept Ma'at ist die ideologische Entsprechung zu [der] politisch-organisatorischen Grofitat, die einheitstiftende Idee, auf die hin die Bewohner der Gebiete vom Nildelta bis zum ersten Katarakt unter einer Herrschaft zusammengebracht werden konnten".106

The maat ideology and predominantly the opposition between maat and isfet, chaos and order, and Egypt and the outside world, seem to have been fundamental in

101 Walzer 1990/1991. 102 Cf. Kemp 2007, 74. 103 Campagno 2003b. 104 Assmann 1990, 241. 105 Assmann 1990, 52. 106 Assmann 1990, 54.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 203

the arousal of latently present feelings of togetherness. Returning to the theoretical foundation of the emergence of an image of 'otherness', we have seen that the idea of difference or the construction of a self vis-a-vis others constitutes the basis of ethnic self-definition. The ethnic idea surpasses the static notion of the habitus by the ac­centuation of the opposition between 'us' and 'them'. The creation of the ethnic other is as it "produces a self-consciousness of difference"107 paraphrasing Comaroff108 an instrument in the construction of the ethnic self'09.

This actualisation of a distinct Egyptian ethnos through the adoption of an un­compromising attitude towards 'foreignness' and the creation and exertion of xeno­phobia is one of the main features of the turn to the Dynastic Period. The Egyptian ethnogenesis as visualised in the appearance of the 'foreigner' theme can only be a consequence of a deliberate policy to unify the axiomatically diverse Egyptian soci­ety under the governance of a divine king. The dialectic of maat and isfet provided the framework for the creation of a stereotype 'foreigner' image that in turn was used for the transcendence of kinship ties and to unite quarrelling local factions in an Egyptian ethnos. Whereas the Predynastic palettes depicted wild desert animals, at the culmination of state formation, 'foreign' enemies came to be associated with the chaotic element against which the king had to protect his people. In this new conception of the world Asiatics, Nubians and Libyans were equated with untamed beasts and contrasted with the civilised Egyptians. 'Foreigners' were associated with the barren mountainous surroundings and deserts in which disorder ruled, in marked contrast to the fertile valley and delta where the king maintained maat. Depictions of these 'foreigners', therefore, fit perfectly well in the emerging topical theme of the celebration of 'Egyptianness' over 'otherness'.

A crucial role in the development and channelling of these feelings of belong­ing together was reserved for the king. As "supreme territorial claimant"110 he was responsible for the integrity of the state. He is the one who is depicted on the scenes with 'foreigners' and many of the objects appear to have been used in ceremonies pertaining to the endurance of kingship. In this respect, the 3rd Dynasty Step Pyramid complex of Netjerikhet (Djoser) is worth mentioning. It renders a monumental repre­sentation of buildings housing the locale of the eternal celebration of the heb-sed11'. An important element in this arena was a set of horseshoe-shaped markers or 'cairns' that was used in a ceremony called "encompassing the field""2. Symbolising the bor­ders of Egypt, they delimit the territorial claims of the king. By crossing the field between the two markers the king reaffirmed his power over Egypt. In the light of the appraisal of Netjerikhet in his role as the claimant and protector of Egypt, the fact that the complex hosted the well-known statue base of the king subjugating the

107 Smith 2003, 6. 108 Comaroff/Comaroff 1992. 109 Cf. Kootz 2006, 160. 110 Kemp 2007,.107. 111 Kemp 2007, 105-110. 112 Wilkinson 1999, 213-214.

204 Tonny J. de Wit

Nine Bows and a series of heads of 'foreign' captives comes as no surprise"3. As maintainer of maat he is to protect the physical integrity of the state by the contain­ment of regional propensities simultaneous with and by means of the extinction of any potential - real or imagined - 'foreign' threat. Although conceived in a different way, both the depictions of'otherness' and the complex of Netjerikhet are created as a legitimisation of kingly rule and empowerments of the Egyptian ethnos"*.

This Kulturpolitik was not limited to iconography and architecture but also re­sulted in a reformulation of the reciprocal relations between the emerging state and neighbouring entities. In the field of politics and economics most contacts with ad­jacent regions were abolished, negating all existing symbiotic relationships. The de­liberate creation of an empty border zone and a limes aegyptiaca between what from now on were 'foreign' territories and the newly constructed homeland seem to be the reflection of a self-chosen isolationism and an emerging feeling of territorialism.

The beginning of history and the first man

Regarding the Early Dynastic codification process, Kemp states that "Pharaonic cul­ture was not a naturally evolved tradition. It was invented, but so successfully that it left the Egyptians (and to some extent ourselves) feeling that it was all somehow roo­ted in the country and in the psychology of the people in a most fundamental way.""5

Elements in this 'invention of tradition' are the emergence of ethnic difference in iconography and the concomitant changes in political practice.

Embedded in the situational character of ethnicity is a manipulative aspect. Commonalities in the habitus can be employed by agents for their personal advan­tage. Concerning the process of state formation, Adams warns against oversimplifi­cation and the belief in the self-creative power of ideology"6. Since ideology cannot emerge autogenetically, it always takes in one way or another an "agent that mani­pulates ideology to encourage new social forms"117. This important observation and the apparent absence of structural causes for the more than coincidental concurrence of the emergent 'foreigner' theme and the definition of sharp territorial boundaries gives reason to consider a deliberate intervention by 'agents'. On the threshold to the territorial state in an attempt to counterbalance centifugal propensities a dormant feeling of togetherness was called upon by the proponents of unity. As 'agents of change' Narmer, Aha and perhaps a small circle of confidants developed in a pro­cess of transformation and configuration a deliberate policy in which the theme of the containment of disorder was revised. In their search to find a balance between tradition and innovation, they became, probably largely unforeseen, the architects of Egyptian unity. Simultaneously, because of the political and economic centralisation,

113 Friedman 1996, 338. 114 Cf. Wengrow 2006, 231. 115 Kemp 2007, 160. 116 Adams 1992, 220; Flannery 1999, 17. 117 Flannery 1999, 19.

Egypt as an 'invention of tradition'? 205

Narmer and Aha were able to implement a 'foreign' policy in which a retreat from neighbouring regions and a clear territorialism was the practical reflection of this new conception of the self and the other. Ultimately the codification of Narmer and Aha led to a profoundly changing attitude in the perception of 'otherness', as reflec­ted in the development of both mental and physical boundaries between on the one hand what from now on were 'foreigners' and 'foreign' territories and on the other hand the newly constructed homeland inhabited by 'Egyptians'.

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