Edward C. Banfield, Politics, Planning, and the Public Interest

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Martin Meyerson and Edward C. Banfield PoliticsPlanning, and the Public Interest: The Case of PublicHousing in Chicago (New York: Free Press , 1955)

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POLITICS, PLANNINGAND THEPUBLIC INTEREST

The Case ofPublic Housing in Chicago

By MARTIN MEYERSONAND EDWARD C. BANFIELD

THE FREE PRESS New YorkCOLLIER-MACMILLAN LIMITED London


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CO NTENTSPREFACE

1. BACKGROUND TO THE CASE STUDY2. THE ORGANIZATION AND ITS TASKS3. THE POLITICIANS4. THE CLIMATE OF NEIGHBORHOOD OPINION5. THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLICY 1216. THE STRUGGLE BEGINS 153

Copyright 1955 by The Free Press , a CorporationPrinted in the United States of AmericaAll rights reserved. No part of this book may be repro-duced or transmitted in any form or by any meanselectronic or mechanical, including photocopying, re-cording, or by any information storage and retrievalsystem, without permission in writing from the Publisher.

7. CLIMAX 1898. SETTLEMENT 2259. POLITICS 253

10. PLANNING 26911. THE PUBLIC INTEREST 285

SUPPLEMENT: NOTE ON CONCEPTUAL SCHEME 303Collier-Macmillan Canada, Ltd. , Toronto, Ontario MAP APPENDIX 331

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS AND REFERENCE NOTES 338Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 55-7335FIRST FREE PRESS PAPERBACK EDITION 1964 INDEX TO PARTICULAR CONCEPTS 346Third printing February 1969 GENERAL INDEX 348

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PREFACEHousing is. in fact, one of the great universal tests in thisdifficult and dangerous postwar world: a test of ideals,ideas, skills , resources; of our democratic capacity for changeand growth; of the effectiveness of both private enterpriseand government and their ability to cooperate; of the intelli-gence of consumer and voter as well as producer and ad-ministrator. If we in America with all our resources cannoteven solve our own housing problem, what hope is there?National Public Housing Conference

February 1948.

THIS IS A STUDY of how some important decisions were reachedin a large American city. The city is Chicago and the decisionshad to do mainly with the location of ublic housin ro ' ects.Through the ana YSIS 0 this particular case we endeavor to bringempirical and theoretical materials together in a way which willfurther the development of the theory of decision-making andimpart wider significance to the concrete data.Chica o is the second lar est ci in the United States and thesixth largest in the world (there are 35 independent nations withsmaller populations). From a practical standpoint, therefore, theworkings of its government would be worth study even if -therewere no other municipal governments at all comparable. In factof course, many other governments resemble that of Chicago insome important respects. *The question of how much and what kind of public housing

* Indeed, Chicago combinf;s many of what are usually considered the worstfeatures of American municipal administration: it is only one of several auton-omous taxing units having the same geographic base , its legal boundaries do notcoincide even approximately with the metropolitan area, it is dominated by thestate legislature, it has a weak mayor government, a long ballot, a great manysmall wards, a large number of virtually independent city departments and agen-cies, a planning commission with little power, and a political machine withmuch power.


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Left High and Dry

CHAPTER ONE

BACKG RO UNDTO THE CASE STUDY17~7 ~tR

OUR PURPOSE in the following several chapters is to describe indetail how decisions were reached regarding sites for low-rentpublic housing in Chicago after passage of the general HousinAct of 1O4\). To put the Chicago events in the perspect ve ofnational trends in public housing policy, a brief note on thedevelopment of public housing in the United States ma~ behelpful. /'1/1 ,s'JJThe Federal government first provided public housing in hw~~when two agencies (the United States Shipping Board and theUnited States Housing Corporation in the Department of Labor) fA bbuilt 1 000 clwelling units for war-workers. After the war, this WItT'housing was disposed of to private owners, but with the nextd.t.emergency-the De~ssion-more Federal public housing cameinto existence. The mergency Relief and Construction Act of193~) a work of the Hoover Administra1i , authorized Federalloans to limited dividend corporations for the building of hous-ing, and the following year the National Industrial Recovery Actprovided for slum clearance and low-cost housing. The PublicWorks Administration of the Department of the Interior, aftera brief effort to gain its ends by subsidizing private builders,built about 50 projects amounting to well over 000 units in30 cities. PW policies were sharply criticized by people whobelieved that, although it ought to be subsidized by the Federalgovernment, public housing should be controlled locally. Even-tually most of the PW A housing projects were deeded to localhousing agencies.1

In 7 the National Housin Act was pas d. This encour-

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CHAPTER TWO

'WheEe Do You Want It?' THE ORGANIZATIONAND ITS TASKSt:~r-0~C-:'::'

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ON THE DAY that Congress passed the general Housing Act-July 8 , 1949-the Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) put beforeMayor Martin H. Kennelly a proposal to build 40 000 units oflow-rent public housing over a six-year period under the termsof the Act. The new housing might cost as much as $500 000 000(the difference between the operating costs of this amount ofhousing and what tenants would pay in rent was to come fromthe Federal government); there was to be enough of it to sheltera population about the size of New Haven, and if decisions weremade promptly, the first of the new dwellings might be occupiedwithin a year.

Housing had been considered a problem in Chicago for morethan half a century. For most of this period , many influentialpeqple favo~~ +"h

IcfJri""tion of slums; slums they argued were

a iause of C'.rim overty. d ~isea se. Later the housing prob-lem was seen to involve more than slum clearance-among otherthings, the replanning and rebuilding of the central residentialareas of the city was needed , and some way had to be found toenable low-income people, especially the Negroes who were com-ing to Chicago in steadily increasing numbers, to get decent dwell-ings. By the end of the second World War the housing problem-the usual word for it now was "crisis --came to have a newdimension, shortage; in 1949 , CHA estimated that there were178 000 families* requiring housing in Chicago but only 906 000

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* The population of Chicago in 1950 consisted of 3 620,962 persons, an in-crease of 6.6 per cent over 1940 (the white population decreased slightly in this


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CHAPTER THREE

THE POLITICIANS~9fJH~~THERE WAS much reason to expect Mayor Kennelly to press for

rly acceptance of the Authoritv s nrop()~::tl It would be hardfor any politician not to accept so large a gift to his city, especiallyto a city so much in need of housing as Chicago. Moreoverperience . di ublic housin mio-hack in 1915 Mayor William Hale Thompson had dem-onstrate formula for winning electiol1s which had proved itselftime and again; it called for (among other things) assiduous cul-tivation of the Negro vote and an energeti~ appeal to the boosterspirit which gloried in vast public works:! Politicians of bothparties had not forgotten this time-tested formul~ and p,ublichousin se . I fitte - sincl it was pre-sumed to a eal both to Ne roes and to boosters. Boss lly,Kennelly s predecessor, had ma e hImself the great friend andprotector of public housing and it was expected that Kennellywould do the same. In his camtJaign he had in fact stressed thousin hort::t~f'. a nd the voter~ h::td given him the bi est totalvote and the bi est mar in of victor in the cit" Thevo e in the Negro wards gave the new Mayor less endorsementhowever: Kelly, who had established himself as the Negrofriend, had received 61.1 per cent of the vote in these wards in1943; Kennelly, who had yet to prove himself, received only 56.per cent.Kennelly s stand on issues other than housing, especially thatof political interference with the schools , was no doubt chieflyresponsible for his success at the polls. But apparently he feltthat emphasis on the housing problem had brought him votes. Athis first press conference after the election , he called housing Chi-


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POLITICS PLANNING AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST


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William J, Lancaster, chairman of the Rules Committee andthe Housing Committee of the City Council, but he was shiftingto the South Side bloc, Two years before, when the Kelly-Arveyfaction was still dominant had been an effective sup-porter of the Authority,44 Now he had cooled, "I am not ess.~n-tially a public houser," he remarked in the summe~hentlle Au ority put sproposal before the Council, "I believe thatany family which through no fault of its own cannot live in decenthousing has the right to live there, It is our duty to give themdecent housing, but public housing should stop there, "45Lancaster s coolness was a sign of the new distribution of powerwithin the party and the Council , and it was a portent of whatwas to come.

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CHAPTER FOUR


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OdT6ROWN l-r AL~EADY

THE CLIMATE

NEIGHBORHOOD OPINION

IF ONE LOOKED at figures on housing supply and demand, therewas good reason to suppose that a big public housing programwould be popular, According to one official definition, 144 000Chicago families-about a half million peoDle-lived in "slums,There were besides; everyone knew, many thousands more whowere uncomfortably crowded in housing that was not classifiedas slum, One might think that here was a fundamental politicalfact-that, however reluctant they might be, the politicians wouldhave to do something about housing or else face the voters ' wrath,As an indicator of the demand for public housing, howeverthis estimate was somewhat misleading, It was based upon ahousing market analysis (the pre-war decennial Census was, ofcourse, useless and it would be four years before all of the tab-ulations on housing in the 1950 Census became available) whichhad been made in collaboration with some of the best-known realestate research consultants and had cost about $30 000; never-theless it was of necessity a hurried job, (It had been made largely intwo months prior to the passage of the Act and was rushed to com-pletion so that the Authority would have figures to back up its pro-posals to the Council and the Public Housing Administration,Moreover, the market analysis was easily subject to misinter-pretation, "Housing need in Chicago " it began arises from thefact that there are 1 178 000 families requiring housing and' only906 000 standard units available to satisfy this demand,"2 Theequating here of "need" with "demand" was confusing, for itmight be that people who by the Authority s standard (and per-


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118 POLITICS PLANNING AND THE PUBLIC INTERESTlie enterprise into the area of real estate, and for some periodthey could get Federal funds for this purpose," If the su


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funds from Washin ton could 'hI': d1l1t off , J3or1fi.~h 'bdi~pc1 , pllhlic 'sing would soon become a lost use At the local level publichousing would not amount to anything, They had paid staffs andsome starts, but no local support. Cities by themselves (i,e" with-out Federal aid) would not have public housing programs,

But although ublic housing rograms would soon end witout Federal funds it would be useless Bodfish thou t to try0 stop them . locally as long the subsidies were flowin romWashington, "I thought any city council would take anythingfromtiieCentral government that it could get for nothing," heremarked afterward,There was one possible advantage in using the lobby s resourceson the local scene, Bodfish said, Local anti- ublic housin cam-paigns would be "a way to et an increased understandinthin (public intervention in housing) and of its im licatioBut even in this regard there were certain disadvantages in oper-ating in the context of a local controversy, Local people tendedto see the issue in concrete rather th n in ideolo ical-s mbolicthe wanted to discuss what to do about slums in Chicwhereas the main issue for Bodfish was not slums in Chica o but

e,:xtenslOn of public ente rise into the real estate fielc1 :mc1 tnl': ~~ven lar er uestion of whether eve one was enti to a goodliving at the hands of the Welfare State whether he worked for itor not, .l:S was unwilling to spend much of his time discussingthe pro s and con s of public housing in Chicago because the set-ting of the discussion would enable the public housers to takeadvantage of the undeniable-but to him irrelevant-fact of slums,I wouldn t get out and debate with Elizabeth Wood and my goodfriend Robert Taylor " he said afterward, "Hell, I knew therewere slums in Chicago," Though Bodfish' s own osition waslargely ideological he nevertheless pointed to the supporterspublic housin as "left-wingers" whose rime concern was the.i9OOlogy of extending governmenta of prope~ty,27 '7

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CHAPTER FIVE l1f Iii r;/

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THE DEVELOPMENTOF POLICY

B~ ;'~:;::2~, ~~1GO. SC/N-';hM=sLOO.l::: I r'S 097TN/tVG VP ON

IN ALMOST ALL of the opinion concerning public housing-theopinion of the State Street merchant, the industrialist, the neigh-borhood banker, the real estate man , the politician, the labor offi-cial, and others-there seemed to be one question in common:Where would the CHA program move:Negroes

s question had a history, In 193 7 CHA had inherited threeprojects from the Federal government's Public Works Administra-tion. The transfer was hardly complete when nine Negro familiesapplied for apartments in one of them and the alderman, whoseward had hitherto been all-white , expressed alarm, The managerof the project received the applications from Negroes on the samebasis as those from whites; however , he limited the Negro families

one building or sectio Soon afterward the commissio ersissued a policy declaratio : EBesolved, that colored families beaccepted for occupancy in the Jane Addams Houses in the sproportion as they are at present represented in the neighborhoo~The Board had acquired this policy, along with the projectsfrom the Department of the Interior. The "neighborhood com-position rule " as it was called throughout the country, had beenformulated by Interior Secretary Harold Ickes and his advisersand was apparently accepted by Negro leaders and active advo-cates of public housing, It meant that a housing project wouldnot be permitted to altt:r the racial character of an area, Howprecise the correspondence should be between a project's racialcomposition and that of the slum area it replaced, and whetherthe "neighborhood" should be defined as the general area of a

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150 POLITICS , PLANNING AND THE PUBLIC INTERESThim and to the promise of more to come and whose position ofleadership probably depended at least as much upon whites likeMarshall Field as it did upon Negroes , reluctantly agreed tofollow the Public Housing Association-Sun-Times strategy,


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I didn t feel I could alienate the Sun- Times and so forthTaylor later said in explanation of his decision to make the siteselection fight in public, "They were already suspicious of me,They said they could help me get a better deal than I got beforeand I couldn't prove they were wrong,While he was considering what his approach should be , Taylorconsulted the Mayor.Are you really going to help us in this fight?" , Taylor asked,Yes, I am," the Mayor replied , as Taylor later recalled, "Youcan count on me,

Then we ll give you a list of the sites we want and you nego-tiate for them, When you come to an agreement with the alder-men , we ll propose publicly the sites you have agreed upon," the Mayor said, as Taylor recalled, "Do your ownnegotiating, But I'll stand behind you,After his visit with the Mayor , Taylor told the Public HousingAssociation leaders All right, we are going to fight it out in

public, Let's make our recommendation on an ideal situation-an ideal program-to start with, "4OOn the one hand , the Sun- Times encouraged Taylor to refuseto negotiate privately with the leading aldennen and, insteadto agitate the issue in public; on the other hand , it piously calledfor collaboration between the Authority and the City Council.The first step toward a better relationship is mutual understand-ing and respect " it editorialized, "It is time for the Authority totake the Council into its confidence , and for the Council to quitsabotaging public housing by undermining the Authority, , , , TheAuthority should be prepared to work with the aldermen in choos-ing sites, The aldennen , for their part, have a duty to approachthe site problem from the point of view of Chicago s generalwelfare, Too many aldermen, including some who profess tosupport public housing, are too adamant in the attitude that theirmain job is to prevent projects from being located in their wards. "41


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-What Can Be Sweeter. Boys-It.s InNOBODY.S Ward"

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CHAPTER SEVEN

CLIMAX


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AFTER APPROVING the two slum sites and, in effect, though notformally, rejecting the rest of the package , the housing committeeof the Council delegated the site selection problem to a sub-committee of nine, all but one of whom were opposed to publichousing, Alderman Emil V, Pacini , who had vigorously opposeda site in his ward, was chairman of the subcommittee, the taskof which was to suggest sites to the housing committee and , through, to the Authority, In the second week of March , the subcom-mittee chartered a bus and , with Meyerson and a staff memberfrom the Plan Commission as technical consultants and with someinterested aldermen and newspapermen as observers, made severaltrips to inspect some 40 sites which through various avenues hadcome to the attention of the Mayor and other Council leaders orwere known to the subcommittee members,The aldermen were in a carefree mood on these excursions,They pointed out a notorious brothel , told . of famous pranks thathad been played by certain salty characters, and remaI;ked face-tiously on the opportunities they saw for enterprising aldermento increase their bank accounts in particular wards, The "boysas they called themselves , were frank to say that they were out toget" the Authority and the seven aldermen who had voted forthe package, The way to get a fellow alderman was to locate asite in his ward , and the way to get the Authority was to findsites CHA would regard as so unsuitable that the public houserswould be forced into the awkward position of having to opposepublic housing, Under the circumstances the aldermen were notmuch concerned with the usual criteria of site selection--e,presence or absence of schools, parks , and transportation facili-

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222 POLITICS, PLANNING AND THE PUBLIC INTERESTapprovals we are requesting here vary from the program we orig-inally advocated and though we still believe that greater emphasisshould be placed upon building on vacant land in the beginningstages of this six-year federal program, nevertheless we believethe program we are submitting will be of benefit to the city whenachieved, "32


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CHAPTER EIGHT

SETTLEMENT


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II AW, THEY WON'r BUILD -l..E'r's IJ()t.I$E"

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THE STRUGGLE was not over, however. The compromise had stillto be approved by the housing committee and by the full Counciland there were some who believed that the Mayor and Duffycould not-or would not-muster the necessary 26 votes,

Indeed there seemed to be more opposition to the compromisethan there had been ,to the Authority s first proposal. The prop-erty owners, the realtors, and the local 'merchants-and so ofcourse the aldermen responsive to thelO1-were as much opposedas ever, perhaps even more, The size of the projects on vacantsites had been cut very drastically, but the property owners ob-jected to these smaller scale projects as much as they had to thelarger ones, They would, it was plain, try to defeat the housingprogram altogether or at least to eliminate all of the vacant sites,

To the votes of the irreconcilable anti-public housers were nowadded those of several middle-of-the-roaders who had been ex-pected to support the program, The long delay in reaching thecompromise had made it more difficult for some friendly. alder-men to withstand the pressures put upon them, And L.1.en atlast the most ardent supporters of public housing-'--Becker , Mer-riam, and Carey-declared they would vote against the compro-mise, As Ralph J, Finitzo, the building contractor who was oneof the leaders of the opposition, afterwards remarked, nobodyliked the compromise. "The Mayor told the Housing Authoritythey could have a bone and be happy," Finitzo said and thenthey told me that at least they had cut the size of the project inmy neighborhood down to 300 units and that was my bone, Sono one was happy,Becker was perhaps the least happy of all, When the compro-

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CHAPTER NINE

PO LITI CS

THE STRUGGLE over site selection was not altogether a struggle


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among opposing interests or groups; in part it was a struggleamong conflicting tendencies within the same interest, Therewas a conflict of ends between the leadership of the City Counciland heads of the Authority to be sure, But there was also aconflict within the end-system of the Council leadership itself,On the one hand, the leaders of the ,Council wanted somepublic housing, On the other hand, they did not want to doanything which would encourage spread of Negroes into theoutlying white neighborhoods, These two ends were clearlysomewhat at odds (how seriously they conflicted was not gen-erally realized at the time) and so it was up to the Councilleaders to find the terms on which they could be harmonized orcompromised, By trial and error these leaders hoped to find apackage of sites which would not entail a painful sacrifice ofeither end , i.e" which would provide a housing program of reas-onable scope without seriously disturbing the status quo of thewhite neighborhoods, Not until it had made many trials anderrors-a process which might not have occurred except for theinteraction with the Authority-did the Council leadership con-clude that there was no " saddle-point" to be found: that anycompromise it might make would entail painful sacrifices of oneor both ends.

From one logical standpoint, the Authority could have beenan innocent bystander while the policy-making Council leader-ship struggled to compromise its conflicting ends, Only when theCouncil had reached a settlement of this conflict within its ownend-system (as it finally did after a fashion) would it have then

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Make No Little Plan~

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CHAPTER TEN

PLANNING

THE PROCESS by which a housing program for Chicago was for-mulated resembled somewhat the parlor game inwhich each


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player adds a word to a sentence which is passed around thecircle of players: the player acts as if the words that are handedto him express some intention (i, e" as if the sentence that comesto him were planned) and he does his part to sustain the illusion,In playing this game the staff of the ' Authority was bound bythe previous moves. The sentence was already largely formedwhen it was handed to it; Congress had written the first words.the Public Housing Administration had written the next severaland then the Illinois Legislature, the State Housing Board, theMayor and City Council , and the CHA Board of Commissionershad each in turn written a few, It was up to the staff to finish thesentence in a way that would seem to be rational , but this mayhave been an impossibility,The comparison is a little far-fetched, of course, but it cannotbe doubted that the many prior decisions of these other bodies~ecisions which for the most part had to be taken as unalterableconditions by the staff-were made with reference to no com-mon intention or to none more meaningful than the generality,to improve the housing of low-income people," Indeed, al-though all of the decision-making bodies presumably sharedthis general purpose, each of them made some decisions on thehasis of other ends which were not shared, The Public HousingAdministration s regulation, which in the name of economytended to prevent the Authority from building projects whichwould be attractive in the eyes of many of the people of thecommunity, was based on such an unshared end, So was the

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Out of the Cocoon

_ CHAPTER ELEVEN 0

,i,THE PUBLIC INTEREST

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AT THE HEIGHT of the site selection struggle, the editors of the

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Sun-Times pointed to it as evidence that the city government wasin need of drastic reorganization,Chicago needs a city government which can govern " theeditorial began, "ChiCago needs a city government which willprovide a just and workable balance between the local interestsof its many neighborhoods and the general interests of the city

as a whole, Chicago needs a city government which can planlegislate, and administer public services for the common goodof all of its two million citizens, rather than for the special inter-\ ests of special groups,\ With a city council consisting of 50 delegates from 50 locali-ties , each elected by a small constituency, each owing nothing tothe city at large , and with only the mayor elected by the citizensat large, it was inevitable, the editorial said, that local interestsnarrow interests, sectional interests, factional interests shouldoften prevail over the interest of the city as a whole, Chicagoshould have a council of 15 or 20 members, In order that localinterests have fair representation, half of the council, perhapsshould be elected by districts. The rest of the members , togetherwith the mayor, should be elected by and represent the city atlarge, "Such a city government " the editorial concluded wouldnot always act wisely, But at least it could come to some decisionon the vital problems of a vital metropolis, And when it actedunwisely, its members could be held responsible at the polls,This view was widely accepted among students of municipalgovernment in Chicago and elsewhere, Indeed , not many impor-

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APPENDIX MAP No, 1Condition of ResidentialAreas in Chicago

c:::J Non,ResidentialConservationBlighted & Near BlightedOtIter, IncludinG Stobie & Vocant

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Residential BulldlnllTypes in ChicagoForeign Born and NegroAreas In Chicago

APPENDIX MAP No, 3APPENDIX MAP No, 2

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Native White AreasMajor Non-Residential Uses

Foreign Barn AreasToll Apartments-Five Stories & UpSingle Family & Two Family Structures Negro Areas

Industrial AreasWalk-up & Mlx.,j Structures

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APPENDIX MAP No, 4Chicago Housing AuthorityLow Rent & Relocation ProjectsInitial Site Proposals 49-Council Site Approvals SO-

. Low Rent Projects (1937.1949)Relocation Housing ProjectsSites For low Rent Proiects1949,19S0)Sites For low Rent Projects (1950-1951)

fittWMW(;)I Vacant land Areas

APPENDIX MAP No, 5Federation. of PropertyOwner Associationsin Chicago

Northwe.t Federation 01 Improvement Associations

Southwest Neighborhood CauncH

Southtown Planning Association

aeverly Area Planning Association

TOJIpaye.. Action Committee

Map AppendixAnticipated and Pinal Aldermanic Site VotesAnticipated FinalVote on Vote onCHA Siles CHA SitestYes YesNo YesYes YesYes YesYes YesDoubtful YesYesoubtfulNooo YesNo YesNoo YesNo YesNooooubtful Yes

Ward Alderman1. J, Budinger2, W, H. Harvey3, A. J, Carey, Jr.4, A. H, Cohen5, R, E, Merriam6, F, J, Hogan7, N, J, Bohling8, R, E, Olin9, R, DuBois10, E, V, Pacini11. J. F, Wall12, E. J, Kucharski13, J, E, Egan14, C. p, Wagner15. E. F, Vyzral16, p, M, Sheridan17, W, T, Murphy18, T, J, Corcoran19, J, J, Duffy

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APPENDIX MAP No, 6

WARD MAPCITY OF CHICAGO

Yes YesYes YesYes YesNoes YesDoubtful YesYes No VoteYes YesYes YesYes YesDoubtful YesDoubtful YesNo YesNo YesYes YesNo YesNo YesDoubtful YesYes YesYes YesYes YesDoubtfulYes No VoteYes YesDoubtful YesDoubtful YesDoubtful YesDoubtfulYes YesYes No VoteDoubtful

20, A. Pistilli21. J, F, Ropa22, 0, F, Janousek23, G, J, Tourek24, L. London25, J, B, Bowler26, M. W, Bieszczat27, H, L. Sain28, G, D, Kells29, J, S, Gillespie30, E, J, Hughes31. T, E, Keane32, J, p, Rostenkowski33, J, B. Brandt34, H. F, Geisler35, W, J, Orlikoski36, F, R. Ringa37, W, J, Lancaster38, p, J, Cullerton39. H. L. Brody40, B. M, Becker41. J, p, Immel42. D. R, Crowe43. M, Bauler44, J, C, Burmeister, Jr,45, T, W, Merryman46, J, F, Young47, J, J, Hoellen48, A, A. Freeman49, F, Keenan50, A. Weber

* As projected by Public Housing Association at beginning of site controversy,January 1950.t Aug 4, 1950,


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Political Science

POLITICS, PLANNING. AND .THE PUBLIC INTERESTMartin Meyerson and Edward C. Banfield


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If the city planner s admonitions and proposals are not turned aside by anapathetic public, he is just as likely to see them smashed or distorted by,powerful vested interests eager to assure their own profit or security- .despite any public interest, In this study of the decision-making processin planning public housing to be developed in Chicago, the authors"analyze decisions concerning the amount of housing :and site locations, :Site selection began what was at the time the most important local issuein Chicago; for it set off conflicts over unresolved -racial questions, Wasthere, for example, to be a relocated Negro ghetto-or not? Here is acandid description of the problems , machinations , and maneuvers of in-terest groups-and the final decisions made at various government levels,Because the Chicago experience in public housing parallels that of other:major American cities , and location decisions are the usual route by whichcity planning comes into political focl1~, this is a volume dealing withissues vital to city planners and politicians as well as to housing specialists,An enlightening study to interest the administrator, citizen, and political'scientist who would like to discover how major planning controversies:are settled in large American cities. '

THE FREE PRESSDIVISION OF THE MACMILLAN COMPANY III'IIIIIIIIIII"866 Third Avenue, New York 10022 243073

Cover design Rupert Finegold'asa.an,,olitics plannin,or tin mavarson$5.

Edward C. Banfield, Politics, Planning, and the Public Interest

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