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1 Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese Edith Aldridge, University of Washington DRAFT: September 22, 2011 1. Introduction This paper examines headless object relative clauses in late Archaic Chinese of the 5 th to 3 rd centuries BCE 1 and proposes that they are reduced relative clauses with genitive subjects. Accordingly, they should be analyzed as mixed projections in the sense of Abney (1987), Borsley and Kornfilt (2000), Baker (2005, 2011), Grohmann and Panagiotidis (2009), and others. I argue specifically that they are structurally composed of a vP dominated by a nominal layer, similar to approaches put forth by Krause (2001), Miyagawa (2008, 2011), Aygen (2011), and others. Late Archaic Chinese employed different strategies for relativizing on subject position, as opposed to VP-internal positions. In the former type, the functional morpheme zhe appears following the clause, as in (1a). When the gap is VP-internal, the functional morpheme suo appears to the left of the VP. 1 I follow Wang (2004) and Zhou (1963) in identifying the Warring States period of the 5 th – 3 rd centuries BCE as a distinct period in the history of Chinese, which they term Late Archaic Chinese. I also agree with them that the language of the few hundred years following this period exhibits its own characteristics. They label this period Pre-Medieval Chinese. I refer to this period, roughly corresponding to the Han period (2 nd century BCE – 2 nd century CE), as Early Middle Chinese.
59

Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

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Page 1: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

1

Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese

Edith Aldridge University of Washington

DRAFT September 22 2011

1 Introduction

This paper examines headless object relative clauses in late Archaic Chinese of the 5th to

3rd centuries BCE1 and proposes that they are reduced relative clauses with genitive

subjects Accordingly they should be analyzed as mixed projections in the sense of

Abney (1987) Borsley and Kornfilt (2000) Baker (2005 2011) Grohmann and

Panagiotidis (2009) and others I argue specifically that they are structurally composed

of a vP dominated by a nominal layer similar to approaches put forth by Krause (2001)

Miyagawa (2008 2011) Aygen (2011) and others

Late Archaic Chinese employed different strategies for relativizing on subject

position as opposed to VP-internal positions In the former type the functional

morpheme zhe appears following the clause as in (1a) When the gap is VP-internal the

functional morpheme suo appears to the left of the VP

1 I follow Wang (2004) and Zhou (1963) in identifying the Warring States period of the 5th ndash 3rd centuries

BCE as a distinct period in the history of Chinese which they term Late Archaic Chinese I also agree with

them that the language of the few hundred years following this period exhibits its own characteristics They

label this period Pre-Medieval Chinese I refer to this period roughly corresponding to the Han period (2nd

century BCE ndash 2nd century CE) as Early Middle Chinese

2

(1) a 欲 戰 者 (Zuozhuan Cheng 6)

yu zhan zhe

desire fight ZHE

lsquo(those) who desire to fightrsquo

b 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE is a determiner based in part on the fact that ZHE

could also select an NP complement as in (2) Additionally the fact that the ZHE

constituent in (2) occurs with a demonstrative suggests that ZHE is probably not the head

of DP but a lower functional head

(2) a 夫 三 子 者 之 言 何 如

[Fu [san zi zhe]] zhi yan he ru

DEM 3 gentlman ZHE GEN word what like

lsquoHow what those three gentlemen saidrsquo (Analects Xianjin)

3

b 夫 二 人 者 魯國 社稷 之 臣 也

[Fu [er ren zhe]] Luguo sheji zhi chen ye

DEM two person ZHE Lu nation GEN minister COP

lsquoThese two men (will become) ministers of Lu at the national levelrsquo

(Zuozhuan Cheng 16)

(3) clearly shows that ZHE occupies a position below D since the constituent

projected by ZHE can be possessed

(3) 庾公之斯 衛子 之 善 射 者 也 (Mencius 8)

Yugongzhisi [Weizi zhi [shan she zhe]] ye

Yugongzhisi Weizi GEN well shoot ZHE COP

lsquoYugongzhisi is a skilled archer of Weirsquo

Aldridge proposes that ZHE is n a determiner on the DP spine but structurally lower

than the D position itself She follows Williamson (1987) Kayne (1994) and others in

assuming that a determiner can take a relative clause2 as its complement She further

assumes with Basilico (1996) that the determiner can serve as the binder for the gap to

form the relative clause The head position in the relative clause is limited to VP-external

2 Aldridge (2009241 fn 2) assumes that the relative clause is a TP and not a CP This is primarily because

Archaic Chinese lacked finite embedded clauses these all show evidence of nominalization On this

analysis then the phase head for the embedded clause is D rather than C

4

positions by the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2004) since the VP is no

longer accessible to the computational system by the time ZHE is merged

(4) DP D nP

TP ZHEi proi hellip

In this paper I propose that SUO forms relative clauses on VP-internal positions by

acting as the binder for an operator in the edge of vP This restricts SUO relativization to

VP-internal positions since the subject is licensed outside of vP and is not c-commanded

by SUO This leads to the question of why the operator resides in the edge of vP rather

than CP I propose that this is because there is no CP layer in these relative clauses The

TP headed by SUO and dominating vP is nominalized The subject moves to the specifier

of this nominalized T However since this T is not finite and therefore unable to license

nominative case the subject must value genitive case with D SUO relatives are thus

reduced relative clauses with genitive subjects in the sense of Krause (2001) Miyagawa

(2008 2011) Aygen (2011) and others

5

(5) DP D[Gen] TP

DP[Gen] Trsquo TNom vP SUOi OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

In this paper I argue in turn for each component of the analysis in (5) I begin by

showing that SUO occupies a clause-medial position and is not associated with the CP

layer I next offer indirect evidence for movement of the operator to [Spec vP] and

confirm that SUO is not this operator but rather must be analyzed as occupying a position

external to vP Finally I argue for the reduced nature of the clause by showing that the

subject receives genitive case However this case is valued under Agree with D the

subject remains in the specifier of the nominalized T and does not move to [Spec DP]

2 Position of SUO

This section argues that SUO occupies a clause-medial position between the genitive

subject and vP Crucially SUO is not associated with the CP layer or other TP-external

position

6

21 Below subject

To begin SUO is able to relativize on any VP-internal position The gap is the direct

object in (6a) a locative constituent in (6b) and the object of a preposition in (6c)

(6) a 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

b 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

c 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

However SUO never relativizes on subject position Even if the VP following SUO is

unaccusative the gap in the relative clause will never be the subject In (7) the

relativized position is a locative adjunct

7

(7) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 風 之 所 漂 (Guanzi 64)

[Feng zhi suo [VP piao e ]]

wind GEN SUO blow

lsquowhere the wind blowsrsquo

Aldridge (2010) shows that the EPP was active on T in late Archaic Chinese and

subjects were required to move out of vP to [Spec TP] Given that subjects always

precede SUO in linear order (including in unaccusatives) I assume that the EPP was

active for nominalized T as well We have seen above that SUO could not bind a gap in

subject position We can thus conclude that [Spec TP] is not in the c-command domain

of SUO Therefore SUO cannot occupy a position external to TP eg in the CP layer If

it did then it would c-command [Spec TP] and be able to relativize on subject position

conter to fact

One final piece of evidence for the TP-internal position of SUO comes from that fact

that SUO follows temporal adverbs On the assumption that temporal adverbs are

adjoined to TP or Trsquo then SUO clearly occurs within the TP projection Note that (8a)

contains the determiner ZHE in addition to SUO ZHE does not function as a relativizer

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 2: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

2

(1) a 欲 戰 者 (Zuozhuan Cheng 6)

yu zhan zhe

desire fight ZHE

lsquo(those) who desire to fightrsquo

b 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE is a determiner based in part on the fact that ZHE

could also select an NP complement as in (2) Additionally the fact that the ZHE

constituent in (2) occurs with a demonstrative suggests that ZHE is probably not the head

of DP but a lower functional head

(2) a 夫 三 子 者 之 言 何 如

[Fu [san zi zhe]] zhi yan he ru

DEM 3 gentlman ZHE GEN word what like

lsquoHow what those three gentlemen saidrsquo (Analects Xianjin)

3

b 夫 二 人 者 魯國 社稷 之 臣 也

[Fu [er ren zhe]] Luguo sheji zhi chen ye

DEM two person ZHE Lu nation GEN minister COP

lsquoThese two men (will become) ministers of Lu at the national levelrsquo

(Zuozhuan Cheng 16)

(3) clearly shows that ZHE occupies a position below D since the constituent

projected by ZHE can be possessed

(3) 庾公之斯 衛子 之 善 射 者 也 (Mencius 8)

Yugongzhisi [Weizi zhi [shan she zhe]] ye

Yugongzhisi Weizi GEN well shoot ZHE COP

lsquoYugongzhisi is a skilled archer of Weirsquo

Aldridge proposes that ZHE is n a determiner on the DP spine but structurally lower

than the D position itself She follows Williamson (1987) Kayne (1994) and others in

assuming that a determiner can take a relative clause2 as its complement She further

assumes with Basilico (1996) that the determiner can serve as the binder for the gap to

form the relative clause The head position in the relative clause is limited to VP-external

2 Aldridge (2009241 fn 2) assumes that the relative clause is a TP and not a CP This is primarily because

Archaic Chinese lacked finite embedded clauses these all show evidence of nominalization On this

analysis then the phase head for the embedded clause is D rather than C

4

positions by the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2004) since the VP is no

longer accessible to the computational system by the time ZHE is merged

(4) DP D nP

TP ZHEi proi hellip

In this paper I propose that SUO forms relative clauses on VP-internal positions by

acting as the binder for an operator in the edge of vP This restricts SUO relativization to

VP-internal positions since the subject is licensed outside of vP and is not c-commanded

by SUO This leads to the question of why the operator resides in the edge of vP rather

than CP I propose that this is because there is no CP layer in these relative clauses The

TP headed by SUO and dominating vP is nominalized The subject moves to the specifier

of this nominalized T However since this T is not finite and therefore unable to license

nominative case the subject must value genitive case with D SUO relatives are thus

reduced relative clauses with genitive subjects in the sense of Krause (2001) Miyagawa

(2008 2011) Aygen (2011) and others

5

(5) DP D[Gen] TP

DP[Gen] Trsquo TNom vP SUOi OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

In this paper I argue in turn for each component of the analysis in (5) I begin by

showing that SUO occupies a clause-medial position and is not associated with the CP

layer I next offer indirect evidence for movement of the operator to [Spec vP] and

confirm that SUO is not this operator but rather must be analyzed as occupying a position

external to vP Finally I argue for the reduced nature of the clause by showing that the

subject receives genitive case However this case is valued under Agree with D the

subject remains in the specifier of the nominalized T and does not move to [Spec DP]

2 Position of SUO

This section argues that SUO occupies a clause-medial position between the genitive

subject and vP Crucially SUO is not associated with the CP layer or other TP-external

position

6

21 Below subject

To begin SUO is able to relativize on any VP-internal position The gap is the direct

object in (6a) a locative constituent in (6b) and the object of a preposition in (6c)

(6) a 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

b 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

c 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

However SUO never relativizes on subject position Even if the VP following SUO is

unaccusative the gap in the relative clause will never be the subject In (7) the

relativized position is a locative adjunct

7

(7) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 風 之 所 漂 (Guanzi 64)

[Feng zhi suo [VP piao e ]]

wind GEN SUO blow

lsquowhere the wind blowsrsquo

Aldridge (2010) shows that the EPP was active on T in late Archaic Chinese and

subjects were required to move out of vP to [Spec TP] Given that subjects always

precede SUO in linear order (including in unaccusatives) I assume that the EPP was

active for nominalized T as well We have seen above that SUO could not bind a gap in

subject position We can thus conclude that [Spec TP] is not in the c-command domain

of SUO Therefore SUO cannot occupy a position external to TP eg in the CP layer If

it did then it would c-command [Spec TP] and be able to relativize on subject position

conter to fact

One final piece of evidence for the TP-internal position of SUO comes from that fact

that SUO follows temporal adverbs On the assumption that temporal adverbs are

adjoined to TP or Trsquo then SUO clearly occurs within the TP projection Note that (8a)

contains the determiner ZHE in addition to SUO ZHE does not function as a relativizer

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 3: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

3

b 夫 二 人 者 魯國 社稷 之 臣 也

[Fu [er ren zhe]] Luguo sheji zhi chen ye

DEM two person ZHE Lu nation GEN minister COP

lsquoThese two men (will become) ministers of Lu at the national levelrsquo

(Zuozhuan Cheng 16)

(3) clearly shows that ZHE occupies a position below D since the constituent

projected by ZHE can be possessed

(3) 庾公之斯 衛子 之 善 射 者 也 (Mencius 8)

Yugongzhisi [Weizi zhi [shan she zhe]] ye

Yugongzhisi Weizi GEN well shoot ZHE COP

lsquoYugongzhisi is a skilled archer of Weirsquo

Aldridge proposes that ZHE is n a determiner on the DP spine but structurally lower

than the D position itself She follows Williamson (1987) Kayne (1994) and others in

assuming that a determiner can take a relative clause2 as its complement She further

assumes with Basilico (1996) that the determiner can serve as the binder for the gap to

form the relative clause The head position in the relative clause is limited to VP-external

2 Aldridge (2009241 fn 2) assumes that the relative clause is a TP and not a CP This is primarily because

Archaic Chinese lacked finite embedded clauses these all show evidence of nominalization On this

analysis then the phase head for the embedded clause is D rather than C

4

positions by the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2004) since the VP is no

longer accessible to the computational system by the time ZHE is merged

(4) DP D nP

TP ZHEi proi hellip

In this paper I propose that SUO forms relative clauses on VP-internal positions by

acting as the binder for an operator in the edge of vP This restricts SUO relativization to

VP-internal positions since the subject is licensed outside of vP and is not c-commanded

by SUO This leads to the question of why the operator resides in the edge of vP rather

than CP I propose that this is because there is no CP layer in these relative clauses The

TP headed by SUO and dominating vP is nominalized The subject moves to the specifier

of this nominalized T However since this T is not finite and therefore unable to license

nominative case the subject must value genitive case with D SUO relatives are thus

reduced relative clauses with genitive subjects in the sense of Krause (2001) Miyagawa

(2008 2011) Aygen (2011) and others

5

(5) DP D[Gen] TP

DP[Gen] Trsquo TNom vP SUOi OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

In this paper I argue in turn for each component of the analysis in (5) I begin by

showing that SUO occupies a clause-medial position and is not associated with the CP

layer I next offer indirect evidence for movement of the operator to [Spec vP] and

confirm that SUO is not this operator but rather must be analyzed as occupying a position

external to vP Finally I argue for the reduced nature of the clause by showing that the

subject receives genitive case However this case is valued under Agree with D the

subject remains in the specifier of the nominalized T and does not move to [Spec DP]

2 Position of SUO

This section argues that SUO occupies a clause-medial position between the genitive

subject and vP Crucially SUO is not associated with the CP layer or other TP-external

position

6

21 Below subject

To begin SUO is able to relativize on any VP-internal position The gap is the direct

object in (6a) a locative constituent in (6b) and the object of a preposition in (6c)

(6) a 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

b 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

c 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

However SUO never relativizes on subject position Even if the VP following SUO is

unaccusative the gap in the relative clause will never be the subject In (7) the

relativized position is a locative adjunct

7

(7) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 風 之 所 漂 (Guanzi 64)

[Feng zhi suo [VP piao e ]]

wind GEN SUO blow

lsquowhere the wind blowsrsquo

Aldridge (2010) shows that the EPP was active on T in late Archaic Chinese and

subjects were required to move out of vP to [Spec TP] Given that subjects always

precede SUO in linear order (including in unaccusatives) I assume that the EPP was

active for nominalized T as well We have seen above that SUO could not bind a gap in

subject position We can thus conclude that [Spec TP] is not in the c-command domain

of SUO Therefore SUO cannot occupy a position external to TP eg in the CP layer If

it did then it would c-command [Spec TP] and be able to relativize on subject position

conter to fact

One final piece of evidence for the TP-internal position of SUO comes from that fact

that SUO follows temporal adverbs On the assumption that temporal adverbs are

adjoined to TP or Trsquo then SUO clearly occurs within the TP projection Note that (8a)

contains the determiner ZHE in addition to SUO ZHE does not function as a relativizer

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 4: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

4

positions by the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2004) since the VP is no

longer accessible to the computational system by the time ZHE is merged

(4) DP D nP

TP ZHEi proi hellip

In this paper I propose that SUO forms relative clauses on VP-internal positions by

acting as the binder for an operator in the edge of vP This restricts SUO relativization to

VP-internal positions since the subject is licensed outside of vP and is not c-commanded

by SUO This leads to the question of why the operator resides in the edge of vP rather

than CP I propose that this is because there is no CP layer in these relative clauses The

TP headed by SUO and dominating vP is nominalized The subject moves to the specifier

of this nominalized T However since this T is not finite and therefore unable to license

nominative case the subject must value genitive case with D SUO relatives are thus

reduced relative clauses with genitive subjects in the sense of Krause (2001) Miyagawa

(2008 2011) Aygen (2011) and others

5

(5) DP D[Gen] TP

DP[Gen] Trsquo TNom vP SUOi OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

In this paper I argue in turn for each component of the analysis in (5) I begin by

showing that SUO occupies a clause-medial position and is not associated with the CP

layer I next offer indirect evidence for movement of the operator to [Spec vP] and

confirm that SUO is not this operator but rather must be analyzed as occupying a position

external to vP Finally I argue for the reduced nature of the clause by showing that the

subject receives genitive case However this case is valued under Agree with D the

subject remains in the specifier of the nominalized T and does not move to [Spec DP]

2 Position of SUO

This section argues that SUO occupies a clause-medial position between the genitive

subject and vP Crucially SUO is not associated with the CP layer or other TP-external

position

6

21 Below subject

To begin SUO is able to relativize on any VP-internal position The gap is the direct

object in (6a) a locative constituent in (6b) and the object of a preposition in (6c)

(6) a 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

b 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

c 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

However SUO never relativizes on subject position Even if the VP following SUO is

unaccusative the gap in the relative clause will never be the subject In (7) the

relativized position is a locative adjunct

7

(7) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 風 之 所 漂 (Guanzi 64)

[Feng zhi suo [VP piao e ]]

wind GEN SUO blow

lsquowhere the wind blowsrsquo

Aldridge (2010) shows that the EPP was active on T in late Archaic Chinese and

subjects were required to move out of vP to [Spec TP] Given that subjects always

precede SUO in linear order (including in unaccusatives) I assume that the EPP was

active for nominalized T as well We have seen above that SUO could not bind a gap in

subject position We can thus conclude that [Spec TP] is not in the c-command domain

of SUO Therefore SUO cannot occupy a position external to TP eg in the CP layer If

it did then it would c-command [Spec TP] and be able to relativize on subject position

conter to fact

One final piece of evidence for the TP-internal position of SUO comes from that fact

that SUO follows temporal adverbs On the assumption that temporal adverbs are

adjoined to TP or Trsquo then SUO clearly occurs within the TP projection Note that (8a)

contains the determiner ZHE in addition to SUO ZHE does not function as a relativizer

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

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Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 5: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

5

(5) DP D[Gen] TP

DP[Gen] Trsquo TNom vP SUOi OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

In this paper I argue in turn for each component of the analysis in (5) I begin by

showing that SUO occupies a clause-medial position and is not associated with the CP

layer I next offer indirect evidence for movement of the operator to [Spec vP] and

confirm that SUO is not this operator but rather must be analyzed as occupying a position

external to vP Finally I argue for the reduced nature of the clause by showing that the

subject receives genitive case However this case is valued under Agree with D the

subject remains in the specifier of the nominalized T and does not move to [Spec DP]

2 Position of SUO

This section argues that SUO occupies a clause-medial position between the genitive

subject and vP Crucially SUO is not associated with the CP layer or other TP-external

position

6

21 Below subject

To begin SUO is able to relativize on any VP-internal position The gap is the direct

object in (6a) a locative constituent in (6b) and the object of a preposition in (6c)

(6) a 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

b 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

c 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

However SUO never relativizes on subject position Even if the VP following SUO is

unaccusative the gap in the relative clause will never be the subject In (7) the

relativized position is a locative adjunct

7

(7) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 風 之 所 漂 (Guanzi 64)

[Feng zhi suo [VP piao e ]]

wind GEN SUO blow

lsquowhere the wind blowsrsquo

Aldridge (2010) shows that the EPP was active on T in late Archaic Chinese and

subjects were required to move out of vP to [Spec TP] Given that subjects always

precede SUO in linear order (including in unaccusatives) I assume that the EPP was

active for nominalized T as well We have seen above that SUO could not bind a gap in

subject position We can thus conclude that [Spec TP] is not in the c-command domain

of SUO Therefore SUO cannot occupy a position external to TP eg in the CP layer If

it did then it would c-command [Spec TP] and be able to relativize on subject position

conter to fact

One final piece of evidence for the TP-internal position of SUO comes from that fact

that SUO follows temporal adverbs On the assumption that temporal adverbs are

adjoined to TP or Trsquo then SUO clearly occurs within the TP projection Note that (8a)

contains the determiner ZHE in addition to SUO ZHE does not function as a relativizer

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

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Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

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Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

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Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

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54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

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Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

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Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

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Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

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55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

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Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

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Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

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Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

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Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

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Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

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56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

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for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

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59

Primary Sources

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httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 6: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

6

21 Below subject

To begin SUO is able to relativize on any VP-internal position The gap is the direct

object in (6a) a locative constituent in (6b) and the object of a preposition in (6c)

(6) a 人 之 所 畏 (Laozi 20)

ren zhi suo wei

person GEN SUO fear

lsquowhat people fearrsquo

b 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

c 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

However SUO never relativizes on subject position Even if the VP following SUO is

unaccusative the gap in the relative clause will never be the subject In (7) the

relativized position is a locative adjunct

7

(7) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 風 之 所 漂 (Guanzi 64)

[Feng zhi suo [VP piao e ]]

wind GEN SUO blow

lsquowhere the wind blowsrsquo

Aldridge (2010) shows that the EPP was active on T in late Archaic Chinese and

subjects were required to move out of vP to [Spec TP] Given that subjects always

precede SUO in linear order (including in unaccusatives) I assume that the EPP was

active for nominalized T as well We have seen above that SUO could not bind a gap in

subject position We can thus conclude that [Spec TP] is not in the c-command domain

of SUO Therefore SUO cannot occupy a position external to TP eg in the CP layer If

it did then it would c-command [Spec TP] and be able to relativize on subject position

conter to fact

One final piece of evidence for the TP-internal position of SUO comes from that fact

that SUO follows temporal adverbs On the assumption that temporal adverbs are

adjoined to TP or Trsquo then SUO clearly occurs within the TP projection Note that (8a)

contains the determiner ZHE in addition to SUO ZHE does not function as a relativizer

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 7: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

7

(7) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 風 之 所 漂 (Guanzi 64)

[Feng zhi suo [VP piao e ]]

wind GEN SUO blow

lsquowhere the wind blowsrsquo

Aldridge (2010) shows that the EPP was active on T in late Archaic Chinese and

subjects were required to move out of vP to [Spec TP] Given that subjects always

precede SUO in linear order (including in unaccusatives) I assume that the EPP was

active for nominalized T as well We have seen above that SUO could not bind a gap in

subject position We can thus conclude that [Spec TP] is not in the c-command domain

of SUO Therefore SUO cannot occupy a position external to TP eg in the CP layer If

it did then it would c-command [Spec TP] and be able to relativize on subject position

conter to fact

One final piece of evidence for the TP-internal position of SUO comes from that fact

that SUO follows temporal adverbs On the assumption that temporal adverbs are

adjoined to TP or Trsquo then SUO clearly occurs within the TP projection Note that (8a)

contains the determiner ZHE in addition to SUO ZHE does not function as a relativizer

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

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Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

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Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

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Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

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Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

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54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

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Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

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Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

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Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

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Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

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Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

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Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

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Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

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Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

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Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

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Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

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Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

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Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

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Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

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56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

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Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

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Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

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57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

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Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

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Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 8: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

8

when it co-occurs with SUO but rather contributes definiteness or specificity I will have

more to say about ZHE in this function in section 42

(8) a 今 之 所 爭 者 (Zhuangzi 36)

[Jin zhi suo [VP zheng e ] zhe]

now GEN SUO fight ZHE

lsquowhat you are fighting over nowrsquo

b 始時 所 是 (Zhuangzi 35)

[Shishi suo [VP shi e ]]

beginning SUO agree

lsquothat with which (he) agreed in the beginningrsquo

22 Above vP

The preceding subsection showed that SUO is located below the position for the subject

This subsection argues that SUO is located outside of vP First SUO precedes everything

in the relative clause except the subject and temporallocative adverbials (9) shows that

SUO precedes both the clausal negator bu and the aspectual negator wei

(9) a 無 為 其 所 不 為 (Mencius 13)

Wu wei [qi suo bu wei]

NEGIMP do 3GEN SUO not do

lsquoDo not do what he does not dorsquo

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

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54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

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Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

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Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

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Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

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Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

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Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

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Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

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Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

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Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

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Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

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57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

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Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

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Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

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Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 9: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

9

b 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞 (Hanfeizi 38)

Jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

all lord GEN SUO notyet previously hear

lsquoAll of these are things which his lordship has never heard ofrsquo

I assume with Ernst (1995) and Hsieh (2001) that the clausal negator bu lsquonotrsquo is an

adjunct adjoined to VP However in contrast to bu Hsieh has argued that aspectual

negators in Chinese are functional heads projecting a NegP Supporting evidence for

positing wei lsquonot yetrsquo as a functional head can be found in examples of VP-ellipsis VP-

ellipsis in English is licensed only by negation when it is functional head not an adjunct

(Baltin 1993 Lobeck 1995 Potsdam 1997) Potsdam (1997) uses evidence like (10) to

argue that lsquonotrsquo in English is a functional head and not an adjunct

(10) Q Should I attend the meetings

A I suggest that you not ___ (Potsdam 1997538)

VP ellipsis can be licensed by wei lsquonot yetrsquo in Archaic Chinese

(11) Q 有 諸

You zhu

exist 3OBJ+Q

lsquoDid such a thing happenrsquo

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 10: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

10

A 未 也 (Mencius 4)

Wei __ ye

notyet COP

lsquoNot yetrsquo

In contrast the constituent negator bu does not license VP-ellipsis A different

negator fou lsquonot bersquo was required rather than bu Fou was a pronominal form replacing

a VP

(12) Q 自 織 之 與

Zi zhi zhi yu

self weave 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid weave it yourselfrsquo

A 否 以 粟 易 之 (Mencius 5)

Fou __ yi su yi zhi

notbe APPL grain trade it

lsquoNo I traded grain for itrsquo

From the above discussion it is clear that SUO precedes at least one type of

functional category the aspectual negator wei and is therefore located above the lexical

VP projection In section 5 I return to the status of wei as a functional cateory and show

how this fact provides evidence against an alternative analysis of SUO relative clauses

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

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Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

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Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

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Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

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Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

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Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

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Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

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Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

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implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

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Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

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59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 11: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

11

(13) provides additional evidence that SUO was located outside VP since it precedes

other functional categories which are likewise located outside the lexical verbal

projection SUO precedes the perfective auxiliary in (13a) and a modal in (13b)

(13) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi [suo yi cang] hai suo jiang shou

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use [what you already have] to harm what you will receiversquo

b 非 人 之 所 能 為 也 (Mencius 9)

Fei [ren zhi suo neng [VP wei e ]] ye

notbe human GEN SUO can do COP

lsquo(That) is not something which a human being can dorsquo

Clinching evidence for the positioning of SUO outside the extended verbal projection

vP comes from the fact that it precedes the subject-oriented quantifier jie

(14) 此 天下 百姓 之 所 皆 難 也 (Mozi 15)

Ci [tianxia baixing zhi suo jie nan ] ye

this world commoner GEN SUO all suffer COP

lsquoThis is something which commoners the world over all agonize overrsquo

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 12: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

12

Like modern Mandarin dou jie quantifies only to its left (Luuml 1991 Li and Thompson

1981 Lee 1986 Chiu 1993 Cheng 1991 1995 and others)

(15) a Ta-men dou hen xihuan wo

3-PL all very like 1SG

lsquoThey all like mersquo

b Ta dou hen xihuan wo-men

3SG all very like 1-PL

lsquoHe likes all of usrsquo (Cheng 1995198)

Unlike dou jie quantifies only over subjects However these are not limited to

semantic subjects in [Spec vP] but include derived subjects as in the passive example in

(16) The exact analysis of how quantification takes place is not at issue in this paper The

reader is referred to Lee (1986) Cheng (1991 1995) Chiu (1993) Tsai (1994) among

many others for analyses of modern Mandarin dou What is at issue here is the relative

positions of the Archaic Chinese quantifier jie and SUO The fact that jie can quantify

over a derived subject in a passive suggests that jie is not a stranded quantifier in [Spec

vP] It also cannot be located inside VP since it never occurs in postverbal position and

never quantifies over a VP-internal constituent It is most natural then to assume that jie

is located outside vP Note further that the quantifier precedes the passive auxiliary ke

Assuming that a passive auxiliary is located no lower than Voice or v then the quanitifier

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 13: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

13

is clearly located outside of this projection Crucially given that SUO also precedes the

quantifier we can safely conclude that SUO is located outside of vP

(16) 皆 可 謂 能 禮 士 矣

Jie ke wei neng li shi yi

all PASS say can respect gentleman PERF

lsquo(They) all can be said to be able to respect a man of classrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 135)

3 Evidence for movement

Having shown that the position occupied by SUO is located between the subject and the

vP I turn now to evidence for null operator movement to the edge of vP I first offer

indirect evidence for the possibility of such operator movement from wh-fronting I then

provide supporting evidence for operator movement on the basis of island sensitivity in

SUO relatives

31 Parallel with wh-movement

Late Archaic Chinese VP-internal constituents generally underwent fronting to preverbal

position when they were wh-phrases Interestingly this operation is parallel to SUO

relatives in targeting any and only VP-internal constituents (17a) shows movement of a

direct object Note in the second clause of (17a) that basic word order in the language is

VO with the object following the verb when it was not a wh-constituent (17b) shows

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 14: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

14

movement of a locative or dative element And (17c) shows movement of the object of a

preposition

(17) a 吾 誰 欺 欺 天 乎 (Analects 9)

Wu shei [VP qi tshei ] Qi tian hu

1 who deceive deceive Heaven Q

lsquoWho do I deceive Do I deceive Heavenrsquo

b 其 子 焉 往 (Mencius 7)

qi zi yan [VP wang tyan ]

3GEN son where go

lsquoWhere will their sons gorsquo

c 吾 又 誰 與 爭 (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

Wu you shei [VP [PP yu tshei ] zheng]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo

Raised wh-phrases precede the modal neng as well as negation which is also parallel

to SUO

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

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Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

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Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

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Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

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Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

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Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

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Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 15: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

15

(18) a 是 何 能 害 (Luumlshi Chunqiu 161)

Shi he neng hai the

this what can harm

lsquoWhat can this harmrsquo

b 然則 我 何 為 乎 何 不 為 乎

Ranze wo he wei hu He bu wei hu

then I what do Q what not do Q

lsquoThen what should I do What should I not dorsquo (Zhuangzi 210)

It is somewhat challenging to demonstrate that the landing site for wh-movement is

below the CP layer since subjects could also be questioned and appeared in preverbal

position Simply showing that the object wh-word follows a referential subject in surface

order does not suffice because subjects could easily be topicalized in Archaic Chinese

This leads to two possible analyses of Archaic Chinese wh-movement Either the wh-

word moves to [Spec CP] as in (19a) or it targets a position in the lower phase edge as

in (16b) On the former analysis the referential subject is analyzed as a topic also located

in the CP layer

(19) a [TopP Wo jiang [FocP he [TP two qiu the ]]]] (Wh-position in CP edge)

I will what askfor

b [TP Wo jiang [vP he [vrsquo two [vrsquo qiu the ]]]]] (Wh-position in vP edge)

I will what askfor

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

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Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

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Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

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Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

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Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

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Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

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Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

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57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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59

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httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

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Page 16: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

16

The choice between the two alternatives depends on indirect evidence specifically

the relative positions of subject and object wh-words with respect to other elements in the

clause (19a) predicts that both subjects and objects move to the same position since both

subjects and objects would be in the c-command domain of a probe on C triggering wh-

movement (20) shows that this prediction is not borne out As first observed by Wei

(1999) subject wh-words precede the modal jiang as in (20a) while object wh-words

follow jiang as in (20b) This clearly shows that object wh-movement targets a position

lower than subject wh-words Furthermore this position cannot be in the CP layer but

rather in a position which does not c-command the subject in [Spec TP]

(20) a 誰 將 治 之 (Yanzi Chunqui Nei 113)

Shei jiang zhi zhi

who will govern them

lsquoWho will govern themrsquo

b 我 將 何 求 (Zuozhuan Xi 28)

Wo jiang he qiu

I will what askfor

lsquoWhat will I ask forrsquo

Adopting proposals for the existence of Arsquo positions for topic and focus in the vP

layer in Italian (Belletti 2004) and modern Mandarin (Paul 2005) Aldridge (2010)

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 17: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

17

proposes that object wh-movement targets a focus position in the vP phase edge Subject

wh-words are assumed to remain in situ in [Spec TP] The interrogative interpretation is

obtained via unselective binding by an operator merged in [Spec CP] as per Tsairsquos (1994)

analysis of modern Mandarin wh-in-situ

(21) CP OP Crsquo C TP

DPSubj Trsquo T vP XP[Foc Wh] vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v[Foc] VP hellip tXP hellip

Support for the unselective binding analysis comes from evidence that late Archaic

Chinese wh-words are indefinites and not quantificational operators As shown in (22)

wh-words could be used in this period with non-interrogative interpretations

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 18: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

18

(22) a 不 知 我 者 謂 我 何 求 (Shijing Shuli)

Bu zhi wo zhe wei [wo he [qiu the ]]

not know 1 DET say 1 what seek

lsquoThose who do not know me say that I am looking for somethingrsquo

b 誰 之 不 如 可以 求 之 (Guoyu Jin 6)

[Shei zhi bu [ru tshei ]] keyi qiu zhi

who GEN not compare can follow 3OBJ

lsquoIf you donrsquot measure up to someone you can follow himrsquo

What the above proposal suggests for SUO relative clauses is that there was a

position in the edge of vP to host operator movement The following example further

shows that SUO itself is not this operator since SUO clearly precedes the modal jiang

Recall from (20b) that object wh-words follow this modal

(23) a 不 以 所 已 藏 害 所 將 受 (Xunzi 21)

bu yi suo yi cang hai [suo jiang shou]

not use SUO PERF store harm SUO will receive

lsquoto not use what you already have to harm what you will receiversquo

b 其 所 將 為 (Zhuangzi 33)

[qi suo jiang wei]

3GEN SUO will do

lsquowhat he will dorsquo

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

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Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

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Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

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Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

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Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

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54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

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Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

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Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

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MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

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Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

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Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

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Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

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Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

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56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

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57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

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Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

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Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

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Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

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httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

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Page 19: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

19

32 Movement in SUO relatives

Having seen in the preceding subsection that late Archaic Chinese had wh-movement to

the edge of vP this subsection presents evidence that SUO relatives are likewise derived

through movement First there is no evidence that operator movement in a SUO relative

can cross an island barrier Specifically I have found no examples of SUO relativization

out of an island This indirectly suggests that operator movement in SUO relatives was

sensitive to locality constraints on movement More concrete evidence is provided by the

modern Mandarin reflex of SUO relative clauses Both subject and object relatives are

typically formed with the linking element DE in modern Mandarin as in (24a b)

However it is also possible to add SUO in object relatives as in (24c)

(24) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 20: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

20

Interestingly Chiu (1995) shows that while gaps in DE relatives are permitted in

some types of islands gaps are not permitted to occur inside islands in relatives involving

SUO In (25) the gaps are contained within sentential subjects within the relative clauses

(25a) without SUO is grammatical while the relative with SUO in (25b) is

ungrammatical I discuss approaches to modern Mandarin SUO in section 5

(25) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

At this point a word is in order regarding SUO relativization on the object of a

preposition as seen in (6c) and repeated below Assuming that adjunct PPs are islands to

extraction then movement of the operator from the gap position to the edge of vP would

be a counterexample to the generalization made above that SUO relativization is sensitive

to island barriers

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 21: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

21

(26) 亂 之 所 自 起 (Mozi 14)

luan zhi suo [vP [PP OP [Prsquo zi tOP ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP qi ]]]

unrest GEN SUO from arise

lsquofrom whence unrest arisesrsquo

There is an alternative analysis which does not entail movement from the PP Aissen

(1996) proposes that wh-movement of the object of a preposition in Tzotzil involves

fronting of the wh-phrase to the left edge of the PP and then pied-piping of the entire PP

to the scope position (27a) shows that PPs are head-initial in Tzotzil However when a

PP contains a wh-word the wh-word must precede the preposition

(27) a I-kom [PP ta s-na] (Tzotzil Aissen 1996468)

CP-remain P A3-house

lsquoHe remained in his housersquo

b [CP [PP Buchrsquou [Prsquo ta [DP s-na twh ]]] [Crsquo C[+WH] [IP ch-a-bat tPP ]]]

who P A3-house ICP-B2-go

lsquoTo whose house did you gorsquo (Tzotzil Aissen 1996470-1)

There is indirect evidence for the pied-piping analysis in the case of Archaic Chinese

Certain types of PP could appear postverbally if they did not contain a wh-word or the

gap in a SUO relative clause as in (28) Note that the preposition is the same as the one

seen in (26)

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 22: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

22

(28) 秋 公 至 自 晉 (Zuozhuan Cheng 4)

Qiu gong zhi zi Qi

Autumn lord arrive from Qi

lsquoIn the Autumn the lord arrived from Qirsquo

However I know of no examples of wh-questions or SUO relative clauses in which a

preposition is stranded in postverbal position In other words the a preposition hosting a

gap must appear in preverbal position This suggests at least indirectly that the PP has

been moved to preverbal position I assume that this position is the operator position in

the edge of vP as shown by the bracketing in (28)

Interestingly wh-movement in Archaic Chinese mirrors SUO relativization A wh-

word which is the object of a preposition appears to the left of the preposition and the PP

surfaces in preverbal position Again this can analyzed as pied-piping of the PP

containing the wh-word to the [Spec vP] focus position

(29) 吾 又 誰 與 爭

Wu you [vP [PP shei [Prsquo yu tshei ]] [vrsquo tSubj [VP zheng]]]

I then who with compete

lsquoThen who would we compete withrsquo (Zuozhuan Zhao 4)

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

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Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

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Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

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Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

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Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

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Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

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Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

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Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

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Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

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Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 23: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

23

This section has presented evidence that SUO relativization is derived through

operator movement that is sensitive to locality constraints The next section addresses the

final component of the analysis proposed in (5) by showing that the structure above vP is

a nominalization and consequently that SUO relative clauses are a type of mixed

projection

4 SUO clauses as nominalizations

To recap the discussion so far SUO heads a functional projection above vP where it

binds an operator which has moved to the edge of vP to form a relative clause The

question which must be asked at this point is why the relative operator remains in [Spec

vP] and does not move further to [Spec CP] I propose that the reason is because there is

no CP layer in this type of relative clause What I show in this section is that a SUO

relative clause is a nominalized TP It is therefore nonfinite and is not dominated by a CP

layer Rather the nominalized TP is selected by D which supplies genitive case to the

subject

41 Genitive subjects

First note that SUO relatives very frequently have genitive subjects3 More examples are

shown below

3 Genitive case does not always appear overtly on the subject of a SUO relative The constraints governing

the morphological realization of genitive case in this configuration are complex and include prosodic as

well as pragmatic considerations For the purposes of this paper I assume that these subjects uniformly

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 24: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

24

(30) a 以 丘 之 所 聞 羊 也 (Guoyu Lu 2)

Yi [Qiu zhi suo wen] yang ye

by Qiu GEN SUO hear sheep COP

lsquoAccording to what I (Qiu) have heard (it) is a sheeprsquo

b 聖人 之 所 不 能 勝 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[shengren zhi suo bu neng sheng] ye

saint GEN SUO not able overcome COP

lsquo(These) are things which (even) saints cannot overcomersquo

The zhi genitive case marker also appears with possessors in a DP

(31) a 先 王 之 道 (Analects 1)

Xian wang zhi dao

former king GEN way

lsquoways of the former kingsrsquo

value genitive case in the syntax The choice of phonetic form is determined post-syntactically in the

Morphological Component

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

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Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

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Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

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Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

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Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

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Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 25: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

25

b 寡人 之 身 (Mencius 1)

guaren zhi shen

1 GEN body

lsquomy bodyrsquo

Subjects of nominalized clauses also take this case marker (32a) is an example of a

sentential subject (32b) shows a complement clause Both types of embedded clauses

were obligatorily nominalized in late Archaic Chinese

(32) a 臣 之 事 君 義 也 (Zhuangzi 14)

[chen zhi shi jun] yi ye

minister GEN serve jun duty COP

lsquoA minister serving his lord is dutyrsquo

b 臣 固 知 王 之 不 忍 也 (Mencius 1)

Chen gu zhi [wang zhi bu ren] ye

I already know king GEN not bare COP

lsquoI already knew you would not be able to bare itrsquo

Given that complements of perception verbs were nominalized as in (32b) it is not

surprising that a SUO relative clause can appear in complement position In fact SUO

relativization was the only way to express an embedded object wh-question

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

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Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

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Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

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Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 26: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

26

(33) a 有司 未 知 所 之 (Mencius 2)

Yousi wei zhi [OP suo zhi]

servant not know SUO go

lsquoI do not know [where you are going]rsquo

b 不 知 亂 之 所 自 起

Bu zhi [luan zhi suo [VP [PP zi e ] [VP qi ]]]

not know unrest GEN SUO from arise

則 不 能 治 (Mozi 14)

ze bu neng zhi

CONJ not can govern

lsquoIf (one) does not know [from whence unrest arises] then (one) cannot

governrsquo

42 Low subject position

The final part of the analysis to be demonstrated is the proposal that the subject in SUO

relatives remains within the nominalized TP headed by SUO and values genitive case

under Agree with D rather than moving to [Spec DP] The first indication that this is the

case comes from the fact that genitive subjects follow demonstratives like bi in (34)

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 27: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

27

(34) a 彼 其 所 與 至 者 必 其 民 也

[Bi [qi suo yu zhi] zhe] bi qi min ye

DEM 3GEN SUO P arrive DET will 3GEN people COP

lsquoThat with which he will arrive will certainly be his peopersquo (Xunzi 15)

b 彼 其 所 殉 仁 義 也

[Bi [qi suo xun]] ren yi ye

DEM 3GEN SUO selfsacrifice benevolence righeousness COND

則 俗 謂 之 君子 (Zhuangzi 21)

ze su wei zhi junzi

then common call 3OBJ gentleman

lsquoIf that for which he sacrifices himself are the ideals of benevolence and

righteousness then commoners will call him a gentlemanrsquo

Even more convincing is the fact that a temporal adverb can precede the genitive

subject Miyagawa (2008) uses similar evidence to argue that genitive subjects in

Japanese relative clauses likewise do not raise to [Spec DP]

(35) a 此 昔 吾 先 王 之 所 以 霸

Ci [xi [wu xian wang] zhi suo yi ba]

this past 1GEN former king GEN SUO APPL conquer

lsquoThis is why our former king was victorious in the pastrsquo

(Luumlshi Chunqiu 145)

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 28: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

28

b 凡 古 今 天下 之 所 謂 善 者

[fan [gu jin [tianxia zhi suo wei shan]] zhe]

generally old now world GEN SUO call good DET

lsquogenerally what the world refers to as ldquogoodrdquo both now and in the pastrsquo

(Xunzi 23)

As can be seen in many of the SUO relatives given above SUO can also occur with

the determiner ZHE In these cases ZHE is not functioning as a relativizer since the

operator in vP is bound by SUO Rather ZHE adds definiteness or specificity to the DP

as a whole This is clearly shown in (36a) where the context indicating that speakers

have things to say is established in the first clause The referent in (36b) is indefinite

since it is unknown However it is clearly specific since the wife assumes that her

husband has been eating and drinking with someone

(36) a 言 者 有 言

Yan zhe you yan

speak ZHE have speech

其 所 言 者 特 未 定 (Zhuangzi 12)

[qi suo yan zhe] te wei ding

3GEN SUO say ZHE but not uniform

lsquoOnes who speak have things to say but what they have to say is not

uniformrsquo

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

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Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

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Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

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54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

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Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

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Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

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Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

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Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

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56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

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57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

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Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 29: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

29

b 其 良人 出 則 必 饜 酒 肉 而 返

Qi liangren chu ze bi yan jiu rou er fan

3GEN husband leave CONJ always fill liquor meat CONJ return

其 妻 問 所 與 飲 食 者

Qi qi wen [suo yu yin shi zhe]

3GEN wife ask SUO with drink eat ZHE

則 盡 富 貴 也 (Mencius 8)

ze jin fu gui ye

CONJ all rich powerful COP

lsquoWhenever the husband went out he would come back well fed and liquored

His wife asked who he ate and drank with and (the answer was) all rich and

powerful peoplersquo

As discussed in section 1 Aldridge (2009) argues that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower that D With this in mind now observe the following examples in

which two SUO relatives with genitive subjects are coordinated under ZHE

(37) a 言 之 所 不 能 論

[[Yan zhi suo bu neng lun]

word GEN SUO not can debate

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

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Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 30: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

30

意 之 所 不 能 致 者

[yi zhi suo bu neng zhi] zhe]

intention GEN SUO not can bring DET

不 期 精 粗 焉 (Zhuangzi 210)

bu qi jing cu yan

not limit fine coarse there

lsquoThat which words cannot debate and intentions cannot summon is not limited

to what is coarse or what is finersquo

b 此 商 君 之 所 以 車裂 于 秦 而

Ci Shang Jun zhi suo yi che-lie yu Qin er

this Shang lord GEN SUO APPL cart-rip in Qin CONJ

吳 起 之 所 以 枝解 于 楚 者 也

Wu Qi zhi suo yi zhi-jie yu Chu zhe ye

Wu Qi GEN SUO APPL limb-remove in Chu DET COP

lsquoThis is the reason why Lord Shang was executed (by being torn apart by

moving carts) in Qin and Wu Qi was executed in Chu (by having his limbs

removed)rsquo (Hanfeizi 14)

Each of the conjuncts contains a genitive subject indicating that these subjects must

be located in a structurally lower position than ZHE Given that ZHE occupies a position

structurally lower than D it is clear that the genitive subjects in (37) do not occupy [Spec

DP]

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 31: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

31

(38) DP D[Gen] nP SuoP ZHE DP[Gen] Suorsquo

Suoi vP

OPi vrsquo

tSubj vrsquo v VP hellip tOP hellip

5 Loss of SUO Relativization

The analysis presented in the previous section of SUO relatives as nominalizations also

helps understand changes which took place in this construction in Middle Chinese

Beginning in early Middle Chinese in the 1st century CE SUO was no longer obligatory

for forming object relative clauses In this section I argue that the loss of SUO

relativization was due to the loss of the nominal layer dominating the vP The

morphological trigger for this loss was the loss of the Archaic Chinese morphological

case distinctions including the genitive case which appeared on subjects of embedded

clauses Without this morphological evidence for the nominalization I propose that

language learners acquired the default (in the sense of Roberts 1997 and Roberts and

Roussou 2003) structure for relative clauses involving a finite CP The addition of the CP

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 32: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

32

layer above the TP was acquired due to the necessity of transfer of the features from C to

finite T according to the C-T transfer hypothesis of Chomsky (2005 2008) and others

First observe that SUO is no longer obligatory in forming object relative clauses in

early Middle Chinese Both of the relative clauses in (39) are formed on the Archaic

Chinese subject relativizer ZHE

(39) a 寡人 好 者 音 也 (1st C CE Lunheng 64)

[Guaren hao zhe] yin ye

1 like DET music NMLZ

lsquoWhat I like is musicrsquo

b 我 請 君 塞 兩 耳

Wo qing jun sai liang er

1 ask lord close two ear

無 聽 談 者 (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Zhao 1)

wu ting [tan zhe]

donot listen discuss DET

lsquoI asked my lord to close his ears and not listen to what was being discussedrsquo

What has happened is that the subject relativization strategy has been extended to

object relatives As I pointed out in section 32 a single strategy is employed to form

both subject and object relative clauses in modern Mandarin The linking element DE

appears following the clause in both cases Interestingly DE traces its history as a

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 33: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

33

relativizer to Archaic Chinese ZHE Specifically DE (的) ndash DI (底) in late Middle

Chinese ndash was a lexical replacement for ZHE (者) (Luuml 1943 Ohta 1958 Cao 1986 Feng

1991 and others) Therefore it is clear that the subject relativization strategy was

extended to object relatives

(40) a [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [mai shu de] ren

buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

The questions to be addressed at this point are why SUO relatives were lost (ie

became non-obligatory) and why the subject relativization strategy was generalized to

object relativize clauses I propose here that what took place was the loss of the nominal

layer dominating the SUO TP and the reanalysis of SUO clauses as finite CPs With the

addition of a CP layer operator movement could access this phase edge which

effectively eliminated the formal distinction between subject and object relative clauses4

4 In this paper I have assumed with Aldridge (2009) that non-control embedded clauses in Late Archaic

Chinese were all nominalized Consequently the complement of the determiner ZHE in subject relative

clauses was a (nominalized) TP and not a CP I therefore further assume that ZHE relatives underwent a

reanalysis similar to SUO relatives in which the nominalized TP was reanalyzed as a finite CP

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 34: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

34

The subject relativization strategy which involved embedding of a full clausal structure

could then be employed in formation of both subject and object relative clauses

Evidence for the denominalization of SUO relative clauses in Middle Chinese comes

from two sources First is the loss of morphological genitive case on the subject I further

suggest that this was the trigger which led to the reanalysis Without this mophological

trigger learners of the language acquired relative clauses as embedded CPs rather than

DPs I discuss this phenomenon first Then I provide supporting evidence for the addition

of the CP layer in SUO relatives by showing that these could involve long distance

dependencies

First it is clear that genitive case has been lost by the 5th century CE from texts like

the following In the Baiyujing genitive case on subjects of SUO relatives is entirely

dictated by prosodic factors In Middle Chinese translations of Buddhist texts there was a

tendency to create four-syllable phrases Genitive case was frequently added or omitted

in order to ensure this pattern No genitive case appears on the subject of a SUO relative

if the clause or phrase already consists of four syllables as in (41a) But genitive case can

be added if this would result in a phrase four syllables long as in (41b)

(41) a 是 我 所 作 (5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

[Shi wo suo zuo]

this I SUO make

lsquoThis is something I madersquo

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 35: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

35

b 我 之 所 記 終 無 違失

[Wo zhi suo ji] zhong wu weishi

I Gen SUO record finally notexist exception

lsquoIn the end there were no exceptions to what I recordedrsquo

(5th C CE Baiyujing 41)

It can also be demonstrated that genitive case in general was lost by early Middle

Chinese A number of morphological case distinctions can be observed in late Archaic

Chinese Zhi was used for third person accusative pronouns Note that the same graph is

used to write the accusative pronoun and genitive case on subject and possessor DPs

This does not mean however that the two cases were morphologically nondistinct I

show below that genitive pronouns took a different form (42) shows that ZHI was used

for the theme in a dative construction the goal in a double object construction ZHI also

was used for an exceptionally case-marked embedded subject

(42) a 臣 之 子 亦 不 能 受 之 於 臣

Chen zhi zi yi bu neng [shou zhi yu chen]

1 GEN son also not can receive 3OBJ P 1

lsquoMy son also cannot receive it from mersquo (Zhuangzi 13)

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 36: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

36

b 卒 授 之 國 (Zhuangzi 5)

Zu [shou zhi guo]

finally bestow 3OBJ nation

lsquoIn the end I gave him (responsibility for) the nationrsquo

c 上 賢 使 之 為 三公 (Xunzi 12)

Shang xian shi [zhi wei sangong]

most able make 3OBJ be sangong

lsquoThe most capable make them into sangong (the highest official rank)rsquo

On the other hand subjects of nominalized embedded clauses were marked with

genitive case When this subject was a third person pronoun the form was qi Thus ZHI

is also clearly distinguished in this period from the genitive pronoun 其 qi lsquo3GENrsquo

(43) a 周 公 知 其 將 畔 而 使 之 與

Zhou gong zhi [qi jiang pan] er shi zhi yu

Zhou duke know 3GEN will rebel CONJ send 3OBJ Q

lsquoDid the duke of Zhou send him knowing [that he would rebel]rsquo

(Mencius 4)

b 莫 知 求 其 所 已 知 者 (Zhuangzi 23)

Mo zhi qiu [qi suo yi zhi zhe]

noone think seek 3GEN SUO PERF know DET

lsquoNoone thinks to seek [what he already knows]rsquo

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 37: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

37

From early Middle Chinese however QI came to be used for ECM embedded

subjects

(44) a 全 趙 令 其 止

Quan Zhao ling [TP qi zhi ]

protect Zhao make 3GEN stop

lsquo(You) protect Zhao and make them stoprsquo (1st C BCE Zhanguoce Xi Zhou)

b 欲 使 其 生 於 階庭 耳

Yu shi [qi sheng yu jieting] er

want make 3GEN grow in courtyard PART

lsquo(You) want to make them grow in a courtyardrsquo

(5th C CE Shishuo Xinyu Yanyu)

Later in Middle Chinese QI could be found as the goal in a double object

construction

(45) a 唯 願 世尊 與 其 長壽

Wei yuan Shizun yu qi changshou

only wish Buddha give 3GEN longevity

lsquo(I) only ask the Buddha to give him long lifersquo

(5th C CE Zabao Zangjing 47)

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

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dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 38: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

38

b 吾 與 其 眼 (5th C CE Xianyu Jing 6)

Wu yu qi yan

1 give 3GEN eye

lsquoI give him eyesrsquo

In Middle Chinese then we can conclude that the morphological form of the third

person pronoun no longer directly reflects the case licensed in the syntax One possible

explanation for the appearance of genitive pronouns in the environments just given may

be that the genitive form was used for accusative pronouns appearing in specifier

positions The fact that an accusative pronoun in complement position is never replaced

with a genitive offers indirect evidence for this suggestion

(46) a 王 乃 召 相 令 之 曰 (Zhanguoce Qin 5)

Wang nai zhao xiang ling zhi yue

king then call minister order 3OBJ say

lsquoThe king then summoned his prime minister and issued him an order

sayingrsquo

b 大 王 可 試 使 之 (Zhanguoce Zhao 4)

Da wang ke shi shi zhi

great king can try send 3OBJ

lsquoYour majesty could try to send himrsquo

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 39: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

39

Further support for the proposal that genitive case was lost in early Middle Chinese

comes from the fact that embedded subjects in general were no longer required to appear

with the genitive marking (47a) shows an Archaic period sentential subject with genitive

marking (47b) shows a similar sentence in a Han period historical chronical The Han

example does not use genitive case for the embedded subject

(47) a 天下 之 無 道 也 久 矣

[Tianxia zhi wu dao ye] jiu yi

world GEN nothave way NMLZ long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

(5th C BCE Analects 3)

b 天下 無 道 久 矣 (1st C CE Shiji 47)

[Tianxia wu dao ] jiu yi

world nothave way long PERF

lsquoIt is a long time since the world has been without the proper wayrsquo

I take examples like (47b) to be direct evidence for the emergence of embedded

(finite) CPs in the language The way that this came about was that the loss of genitive

case removed the morphological trigger for learners to acquire the more marked

nominalization structure for embedded clauses The learners then acquired the default

clausal structure involving a TP with a CP layer

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 40: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

40

I next turn to evidence for a finite CP structure in SUO relative clauses (48) shows

that a SUO relative could be formed on a long distance dependency The existence of a

clause boundary intervening between SUO and the gap suggests that there must be a CP

layer present to allow the operator to escape from the most deeply embedded clause and

thereby avoid violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition of Chomsky (2000 2001

2004 2005 2008) (48) is an example from a very late Archaic Chinese text I have

found no examples of this sort in early texts suggesting that this possibility emerged very

late in Archaic Chinese at the very cusp of the Middle Chinese period

(48) 是 所 使 夫 百吏 官人 為 也

Shi [suo shi [[fu baili guanren] [vP wei e ]]] ye

DEM SUO make DEM clerk official do NMLZ

lsquoThis is something which one makes those clerks and officials dorsquo

(Xunzi 11)

If we accept that SUO clauses have been reanalyzed as CPs in Middle Chinese it is

also not surprising that SUO comes to be employed in the formation of long passives in

early Middle Chinese This type of passive involves embedding a SUO clause under the

copula wei The matrix subject precedes the copula and is semantically construed as the

gap in the SUO clause

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 41: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

41

(49) a 微 趙君 幾 為 丞相 所 賣

Wei Zhao Jun ji wei [chengxiang suo mai]

notbe Zhao Jun almost COP primeminister SUO betray

lsquoWere it not for you Zhao Jun (I) would have been betrayed by the prime

ministerrsquo (1st C BCE Shiji Lisi)

b 高祖 擊 黥布 為 流 矢 所 中

Gaozu ji Qing Bu wei [liu shi suo zhong]

Gaozu attack Qing Bu COP stray arrow SUO hit

lsquoGaozu attacked Qing Bu was hit by a stray arrow and became very illrsquo

(1st C CE Lunheng Minglu)

I assume the following analysis (based on analysis of Mandarin long passives by Chiu

1993 1995 Huang 1999 Huang et al 2009) in which SUO heads TP in an embedded

CP Operator movement takes place to the edge of this CP where the operator can be

coindexed with the matrix subject The CP layer must be assumed in this case given that

the operator needs to be able to access a phase edge where it will be accessible to the

matrix subject If the SUO clause were a DP there would be no [Spec CP] for the

operator to move to and the operator would be left in the edge of the embedded vP This

would separate the operator and the matrix subject by the DP phase layer and prevent

construal of the two without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 42: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

42

(50) TP proi T vP ltprogt wei CP OPi TP chengxiang SUO vP ltOPgt ltchengxianggt mai ltOPgt

It is not controversial that SUO passives are historically related to modern Mandarin

long passives The copula wei was replaced by the modern Mandarin passive marker bei

in Middle Chinese in approximately the 6th century (Wang 1958 Ohta 1958 Bennett

1981 Tang 1987 Wei 1994 Sun 1996) At a later date SUO was lost (51) shows a

modern Mandarin long passive

(51) Zhangsan bei Lisi da-le

Zhangsan BEI Lisi hit-ASP

lsquoZhangsan was hit by Lisirsquo

What is important for the discussion at hand is that modern Mandarin long passives

can be built on long distance dependencies providing some of the evidence for the null

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 43: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

43

operator movement analysis of Chui (1993 1995) Ting (1998) and Huang et al (2009)

Thus we have further indirect evidence for the CP analysis of SUO clauses in Middle

Chinese

(52) Zhangsani bei [CP OPi [Lisi pai jingcha [CP ltOPgt [zhuazuo-le ltOPgt]]]]

Zhangsan Pass Lisi send police arrest-Perf

lsquoZhangsan suffered Lisi sending police to arrest himrsquo (Huang et al 2009125)

In this section I proposed that SUO relativization came into disuse as an obligatory

strategy for object relative clause formation in Middle Chinese Specifically the

nominalized TP projected by SUO was reanalyzed as a finite CP The trigger for this

reanalysis was the loss of genitive case Without this morphological cue learners of the

language acquired the less marked strategy for clausal constituents consequently

acquiring embedded clauses including relative clauses as finite CPs rather than

nominalizations

6 Comparing with Other Analyses

Before concluding this paper I consider proposals which have been made for the modern

Mandarin reflex of SUO and show that these approaches cannot be applied to SUO of the

late Archaic Chinese period As mentioned in section 32 SUO can optionally appear in a

relative clause formed on a VP-internal position in modern Mandarin (53a b) show that

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 44: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

44

object relatives can be formed with SUO and the linker DE or just with DE in modern

Mandarin (53c) shows that subject relatives must be formed with just the linker

(53) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b [Lisi mai de] shu

Lisi buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

c [(suo) mai shu de] ren

SUO buy book DE person

lsquoperson who bought athe bookrsquo

In order to account for the fact that SUO occurs only in relatives formed on VP-

internal positions Chiu (1993 1995) proposes that SUO heads the accusative case-

checking projection The argument moving to the specifier of this projection is assigned

accusative case so SUO relativization is restricted to accusative objects The overt

appearance of SUO is triggered by operator movement to the specifier of SuoP

accounting for the restriction of SUO to relative clauses SuoP is located above TP due

to the fact that SUO precedes TP-internal elements like aspectual markers negation and

subject-oriented quantifiers the last of which Chiu locates in T

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 45: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

45

(54) a [Lisi suo mai de] shu

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

b CP OP C NomP Lisi Nom SuoP ltOPgt suo TP T VP ltLisigt mai ltOPgt

This analysis is able to account for the lack of subject relativization with SUO and

also for the fact that SUO relativization is sensitive to island barriers as discussed in

section 3

(55) a [[Lisi kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 46: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

46

b [[Lisi suo kan ei ] zui heshi de] shui

Lisi SUO read most appropriate DE book

lsquothe book that it is most appropriate for Lisi to readrsquo

Nevertheless this analysis cannot be adopted for late Archaic Chinese Most

damaging is the fact that late Archaic Chinese SUO does not always relativize on

accusative object position (56) repeats an example (6b) involving a locative gap The

locative here cannot be analyzed as the accusative marked argument because there is a

direct object inside the SUO relative which must value accusative case

(56) 文 王 之 所 避 風 雨 (Zuozhuan Xi 32)

[Wen Wang zhi suo [VP bi feng yu e ]]

Wen king GEN SUO escape wind rain

lsquowhere the (Zhou) king Wen escaped the stormrsquo

Furthermore SUO can relativize on unaccusative (including passive) VPs as seen in

section 21 The gaps in (57) are locative adjuncts The internal argument subject in (57a)

surfaces to the left of SUO and values genitive case The subject is topicalized in (57b)

and is null within the relative clause itself What is important for the argument at hand is

that given Burziorsquos (1986) generalization that accusative case is not available in

unaccusatives examples like the following cannot be accounted for on an approach

which requires SUO to head an accusative case projection

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 47: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

47

(57) a 榖食 之 所 生 (Zhuangzi 210)

[gushi zhi suo [VP sheng e ]]

grain GEN SUO grow

lsquowhere grain growsrsquo

b 是 不材 之 木 也

Shi bucai zhi mu ye

DEM worthless GEN tree TOP

無 所 可 用 (Zhuangzi 14)

wu [pro suo ke yong]

notexist SUO PASS use

lsquoThere is no place for this worthless tree to be usedrsquo

Ting (2003 2010) shows that even in modern Mandarin SUO relatives are not

limited to accusative object gaps (58) shows a SUO relative formed on a locative

constituent Consequently Chiursquos (1993 1995) proposal suffers from inadequacies even

in accounting for modern Mandarin

(58) Lisi suo gongzuo de difang (Ting 2003125)

Lisi SUO work DE place

lsquothe place where Lisi worksrsquo

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 48: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

48

Another problem for the accusative case approach is that SUO in modern Mandarin

can be separated from the gap by a clause boundary as in (59b) Assuming that structural

case on the operator forming the relative clause is valued locally by embedded v (as per

Chomsky 2004) the function of SUO in the higher clause cannot be case-checking or

valuing Even if accusative case is assumed to originate from a higher functional head

accusative case valuing on the operator cannot be attributed to SUO in (59b) since the

accusative case in the matrix clause is required by the matrix object

(59) a [wo rang Zhangsan [PRO suo goumai e ]] de shu

1SG make Zhangsan SUO buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo

b [wo suo rang Zhangsan [PRO goumai e ]] de shu

1SG SUO make Zhangsan buy DE book

lsquothe book that I made Zhangsan buyrsquo (Ting 2003127)

Ting (2003 2010) proposes an alternative analysis of modern Mandarin SUO as an

Arsquo-bound pronominal clitic SUO heads the NP which occurs in the gap position in the

relative clause and undergoes head movement out of NP and VP and adjoins to Infl It is

coindexed with and bound by a null operator in [Spec CP] of the relative clause

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 49: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

49

(60) [NP [CP OPi [IP Lisi [Irsquo suoi+I [VP mai [NP [Nrsquo tsuo ]]]]] de ] shui ]

Lisi SUO buy DE book

lsquobook which Lisi boughtrsquo

This analysis accounts for the position of SUO between the subject and VP It also

accounts for the fact that only VP-internal positions can be relativized with SUO since

the SUO projection is located below the position for the subject in [Spec IP] It also

avoids the problem of associating SUO with a case position Head-movement will be

allowed from any NP in the complement position of the verb

However there are several other problems inherent in this proposal Given that verbs

in modern Chinese move no higher than v or the head of the highest VP shell in the

clause (Tang 1990 Huang 1991 1993 1994 Gu 1995 Tang 2001 and others) then the

movement shown in (60) violates Travisrsquo (1984) Head Movement Constraint since SUO

must move over the verb to reach Infl

To address this challenge Ting (2003 2010) appeals to the possibility of long head

movement (in the sense of Roberts 1994) via excorporation However it bears

mentioning that Roberts (1994) restricts excorporation to L-related heads specifically

verbal and inflectional categories but not other heads like Neg or C An immediate

problem concerns how to treat cases like (59b) in which SUO is separated from its base

position by a clause boundary Ting (2010) argues that the embedded clause is a TP and

not a CP thereby circumventing the problem of excorporation from a non-L-related C

head

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 50: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

50

A more damging concern is that SUO precedes negators in the relative clause Note in

particular the negator wei lsquonot yetrsquo I argued in section 22 that wei lsquonot yetrsquo in late

Archaic Chinese was a functional head projecting a NegP along the lines of Hsiehrsquos

(2001) proposal for aspectual negators in modern Mandarin Given that wei projects

NegP and is therefore not an L-related head for the purposes of Robertsrsquo (1994)

excorporation then head movement of SUO should not be able to traverse through wei on

on its way to Infl

(61) a 君 之 所 未 嘗 食 唯 人 肉 耳

[Jun zhi suo wei chang shi] wei ren rou er

lord GEN SUO notyet ever eat only human meat FOC

lsquoWhat the lord had not yet tasted was only human fleshrsquo (Hanfeizi 10)

b 其 過 三 皆 君 之 所 未 嘗 聞

Qi guo san jie [jun zhi suo wei chang wen]

3GEN error 3 all lord GEN SUO notyet ever hear

lsquoHe made three mistakes All are things which his lordship has never heard

ofrsquo (Hanfeizi 38)

Another problem is the fact that SUO must be stipulated to act as a resumptive

pronoun only in relative clauses SUO does not surface in other extraction contexts like

topicalization A resumptive pronoun did appear in Archaic Chinese when an object was

topicalized But SUO was not employed in this way

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 51: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

51

(62) a 諸侯 之 禮 吾 未 之 學 也

[Zhuhou zhi li] wu wei zhi xue ye

feudallord GEN rite 1 notyet 3OBJ study COP

lsquoThe rites of the feudal lords I have not yet studiedrsquo (Mencius 6)

b 子路 人 告 之 以 有 過

Zilu ren gao zhi yi you guo

Zilu person tell 3OBJ that have error

lsquoZilu someone told him he made a mistakersquo (Mencius 3)

This is surprising given that other languages eg Hebrew (Sharvit 1999) and Greek

(Alexopoulou 2006) which allow resumption in relative clauses do not employ a special

set of pronouns specifically for resumption in relative clauses Rather one set of

pronouns appears in resumptive and non-resumptive contexts alike

Finally Tingrsquos approach has no account of the fact that Archaic Chinese SUO

relatives are nominalizations This is particularly problematic for her (2005) analysis of

late Archaic Chinese She claims that the crucial difference between modern and

Classical Chinese is that SUO was obligatory for object relativization in the latter and not

in the former In order to account for the obligatory nature of SUO relativization in late

Archaic Chinese she claims that Archaic SUO is itself an operator and as such must

undergo further head movement to C at LF By assuming a CP layer in the SUO relative

she leaves open the question of how genitive case is licensed on the subject

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 52: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

52

6 Conclusion

This paper has proposed that the late Archaic Chinese morpheme SUO forms relativize

clauses on VP-internal positions by binding an operator in edge of vP The operator in

SUO relatives does not move to [Spec CP] because the vP is dominated by a

nominalized TP and DP layer No CP is projected SUO relatives are mixed projections

specifically a type of what Kause (2001) terms reduced relatives with genitive subjects

References

Abney Steven Paul 1987 The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Aissen Judith 1996 Pied-piping abstract agreement and functional projections in

Tzotzil Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 143447-491

Aldridge Edith 2009 Old Chinese determiner Zhe In Historical Syntax and Linguistic

Theory ed Paola Crisma and Giuseppe Longobardi 233-248 Oxford Oxford

University Press

Aldridge Edith 2010 Clause-internal wh-movement in Archaic Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 19(1)1-36

Alexopoulou Theodora 2006 Resumption in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 2457-111

Aygen N Gulsat 2011 Reduced relatives and the location of agreement California

Linguistic Notes 36(1)1-30

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 53: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

53

Baker Mark C 2005 On gerunds and the theory of categories Ms Rutgers University

Baker Mark C 2011 Degrees of nominalization Clause-like constituents in Sakha

Lingua 1211164-1193

Baltin Mark 1993 Negation and clause structure Ms NYU

Basilico David 1996 Head position and enternally headed relative clauses Language

73(3) 498-532

Belletti Adriana 2004 Aspects of the low IP area In The Structure of CP and IP ed

Luigi Rizzi 16-51 Oxford Oxford University Press

Bennett Paul 1981 The evolution of passive and disposal sentences Journal of Chinese

Linguistics 961-90

Borsley Robert and Jaklin Kornfilt 2000 Mixed extended projections In Syntax and

semantics vol 32 The nature and function of syntactic categories ed Robert

Borsley 101-131 New York Academic Press

Burzio Luigi 1986 Italian syntax A Government-Binding approach Dordrecht Reidel

Cao Guang Shun 1986 Zutangji zhong de lsquodirsquo(lsquodirsquo) lsquoquersquo (lsquoliaorsquo) lsquozhursquo [ lsquodirsquo lsquoquersquo

lsquozhursquo in the Zutangji Zhongguo Yuwen 3

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1991 On the typology of wh-questions Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Cheng Lisa Lai-Shen 1995 On dou-quantification Journal of East Asian Linguistics

4197ndash234

Chiu Bonnie 1993 The inflectional structure of Mandarin Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 54: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

54

Chiu Bonnie 1995 An object projection in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East Asian

Linguistics 477-117

Chomsky N 2000 Minimalist inquiries In Martin R Michaels D Uriagereka J

(Eds) Step by Step Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik MIT

Press Cambridge MA pp 89-155

Chomsky N 2001 Derivation by phase In Kenstowicz M (Ed) Ken Hale A Life in

Language MIT Press Cambridge MA pp 1-52

Chomsky N 2004 Beyond explanatory adequacy In Belletti A (Ed) Structures and

Beyond The Cartography of Syntactic Structures Volume 3 Oxford University Press

pp 104-191

Chomsky Noam 2005 Three factors in language design Linguistic Inquiry 36 1-22

Chomsky Noam 2008 On Phases In Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory Essays

in Honor of J-R Vergnaud Cambridge MA MIT Press

Ernst Thomas 1995 Negation in Mandarin Chinese Natural Language and Linguistic

Theory 13665-707

Feng Chun Tian 1991 Jindai Hanyu Yufa Wenti Yanjiu [Research on Early Modern

Chinese Grammar] Shandong Jiaoyu [Shandong Education] Publishers

Grohmann Kleanthes and E Phoevos Panagiotidis 2009 Mixed projections Categorial

switches and prolific domains Linguistic Analysis 35141-161

Gu Yang 1995 Aspect licensing verb movement and feature checking Cahiers de

Linguistique Asie Orientale 24(1)49-83

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 55: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

55

Hsieh Miao-Ling 2001 Form and meaning Negation and question in Chinese Doctoral

dissertation University of Southern California

Huang C-T James 1991 Remarks on the status of the null object In Principles and

parameters in comparative grammar ed Robert Freidin 56-76 Cambridge MA

MIT Press

Huang C-T James 1993 Reconstruction and the structure of VP Some theoretical

consequences Linguistic Inquiry 24103-138

Huang C-T James 1994 Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in

Chinese Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2587-613

Huang C-T James 1999 Chinese Passives in Comparative Perspective Tsing Hua

Journal of Chinese Studies 29423-509

Huang C-T James Y-H Audrey Li Yafei Li 2009 The Syntax of Chinese Cambridge

University Press

Kayne Richard 1994 The Antisymmetry of Syntax Cambridge MA MIT Press

Krause Cornelia 2001 On Reduced Relatives with Genitive Subjects Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lee Thomas H 1986 Studies on quantification in Chinese Doctoral dissertation

University of California Los Angeles

Li Charles and Sandra Thompson 1981 Mandarin Chinese A functional reference

grammar Taipei Wenhe

Lobeck Anne 1995 Ellipsis Functional heads licensing and identification Oxford

Oxford University Press

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 56: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

56

Luuml Shuxiang 1943 Lun di3 di4 zhi bian ji di3-zi de youlai [On the differences between

di3 and di4 and the origin of d3] In S-X Lu Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji 51-58 Beijing

Kexue Chubanshe

Luuml Shuxiang 1991 Xiandai Hanyu babai ci [Eight hundred words in Modern Chinese]

Beijing Commercial Press [1980]

Miyagawa Shigeru 2008 Genitive subjects in Altaic In Proceedings of the 4th

Workshop on Formal Altaic Linguistics (WAFL-4) ed Cedric Boeckx and Suleyman

Ulutas 181-198 Cambridge MA MIT Working Papers in Linguistics

Miyagawa Shigeru 2011 Genitive subjects in Altaic and specification of phase Lingua

1211265-1282

Ohta Tatsuo 1958 Chugokogo Rekishi Bunpo [Chinese Historical Grammar] translated

by S-Y Jiang amp C-H Xu Beijing Univesity Press 1987

Paul Waltraud 2005 Low IP and left periphery in Mandarin Chinese Recherches

Linguistiques de Vincennes 33111-134

Postsdam Eric 1997 NegP and subjunctive complements in English Linguistic Inquiry

28(3) 533-541

Roberts Ian 1994 Two types of head movement in Romance In Verb Movement ed

David Lightfood and Norbert Hornstein 207-242 Cambridge Cambridge University

Press

Roberts Ian 1997 Directionality and word order change in the history of English In Ans

van Kemenade amp Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of morphosyntactic change 397-

426 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 57: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

57

Roberts Ian amp Anna Roussou 2003 Syntactic change A Minimalist approach to

grammaticalization Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Sharvit Yael 1999 Resumptive pronouns in relative clauses Natural Language and

Linguistic Theory 17587-612

Sun Chaofen 1996 Word-order change and grammaticalization in the history of Chinese

Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Tang C-C Jane 1990 Chinese Phrase Structure and the Extended Xrsquo-Theory Doctoral

dissertation Cornell University

Tang Sze-Wing 2001 The (non-)existence of gapping in Chinese and its implications

for the theory of gapping Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10201ndash224

Tang Yuming 1987 Han Wei Liuchao beidongshi luumlelun [Brief discussion on passive

constructions in the Han Wei and Six dynasties periods] Zhongguo Yuwen

198216-222

Ting Jen 1998 Deriving the bei Construction in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 7 319-354

Ting Jen 2003 The nature of the particle SUO in Mandarin Chinese Journal of East

Asian Linguistics 12121-139

Ting Jen 2005 On the syntax of the suo construction in Classical Chinese Journal of

Chinese Linguistics 33233-267

Ting Jen 2010 On the climbing of the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese and its

implications for the theory of clitic placement The Linguistic Review 27(4)449-483

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 58: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

58

Travis Lisa 1984 Parameters and effects of word order variation Doctoral dissertation

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tsai W-T Dylan 1994 On economizing the theory of A-bar dependencies Doctoral

dissertation Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Wang Li 2004 Hanyu shigao [Lectures on Chinese] Beijing Zhonghua Shuju [1958]

Wei Pei-chuan 1994 Guhanyu beidongshi de fazhan yu yanbian jizhi [On the

development and mechanism of change of the passive construction in Classical

Chinese] Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2293-319

Wei Peichuan 1999 Lun xian-Qin Hanyu yunfu de weizhi [On the position of operators

in Pre-Qin Chinese] In Linguistic essays in honor of Mei Tsu-lin Studies in Chinese

historical syntax ed Alain Peyaube and Chaofen Sun 259-297 Paris Center de

Recherches Linguistiques sur l Asie Orientale

Williamson Janis 1987 An indefiniteness restriction for relative clauses in Lakhota In

The Representation of (In)definites ed Eric Reuland and AGB ter Meulen 198-190

Cambridge MA MIT Press

Zhou Fagao 1963 Stages in the development of the Chinese Language Zhongguo

Yuwen Luncong [Collected papers on Chinese Language] 432-438 Taipei

Zhengzhong Shuju

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan

Page 59: Edith Aldridge Object Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese 2011

59

Primary Sources

Hanji Dianzi Wenxian [Electronic Corpus of Chinese Texts]

httphanjisinicaedutwindexhtml

Institute of Linguistics Academia Sinica Taipei Taiwan