1 The European Cluster Observatory EU Cluster Mapping and Strengthening Clusters in Europe Center for Strategy and Competitiveness, CSC Örjan Sölvell Christian Ketels Göran Lindqvist
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The European Cluster Observatory
EU Cluster Mapping and Strengthening Clusters
in Europe
Center for Strategy and Competitiveness, CSC
Örjan Sölvell
Christian Ketels
Göran Lindqvist
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Background
The concept of clusters originates with Professor Michael Porter, who also has been the
driving force behind cluster mapping methodology. Current cluster mapping efforts in
Europe build on his initial work in the US. Here is an overview of how cluster mapp ing
has evolved and how it led to the current European Cluster Observatory.
In the mid-1980s Professor Michael Porter at the Harvard Business School was
contemplating why some firms – based in particular nations, regions or business
environments – were building globally leading positions while firms in other
environments developed less sophisticated and innovative strategies. It was strikingthat firms in different regions succeeded in different industries and market segments,
even if the regions had simila r levels of prosperity. If firms differed in their ability to
innovate and upgrade, the differences between regions were as striking. As Professor
Porter and other scholars particularly within the field of Economic Geography had
noted earlier, clustering, industrial concentration and regional specialisation were
striking phenomena in all economies. A lso, clusters could be identified in many types of
industries: in high-tech fields and in traditional industries, in handicraft industries and
in manufacturing as well as in services, in small and large firm -dominated industries,
and so on. On a case basis , clusters with a global reach were easily identifiablethroughout a range of industries, including financial services in inner London, film in
Hollywood and Bollywood, watches in Switzerland, flowers in The Netherlands and
Colombia, medical instruments in Massachusetts, and so on. But Professor Porter
decided to develop a general framework for cluster mapping across the U.S. economy,
which led to the U.S. cluster mapping project. This data was then used by several
institutions including the National Governors’ Association and the Council on
Competitiveness in a large number of regional cluster and competitiveness efforts.
In 2000, Professor Porter had worked out his model which could statistically define anddescribe clusters across the U.S. economy. 1 The mapping consisted of two fundamenta l
parts:
• the development of cluster codes which can identify and measure industrial
agglomeration within regions;
1 Clusters of Innovation: Regional Foundations of U.S. Competitiveness . 2001. Washington, DC: Council
of Competitiveness.
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• the development of performance measures which can measure the
competitiveness and dynamism of clusters.
For the first task, co-location patterns of industries across the U.S. were calculated. Such
industry agglomerations would reflect “revealed patterns of externalities. If two or
more industries tend to co-locate it is a signal that these industries have common
interests or linkages, such as th e sharing of labour skills, technological co -operation and
the like. A set of 41 so -called “traded cluster codes were decided on, accounting for
roughly one third of the total U.S. employment. Cluster performance was measured by
collecting both statistical materials (growth over time, wage data, etc.) and survey data
based on managers’ views. The U.S. model was later adopted by a research team in
Canada.
The establishment of the European Cluster Observatory
ver. 2
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
US SW E ECO ver. 1EU-10
Porter:
• US cluster codes
• Mapping of the US
Lindqvist, Malmberg &Sölvell:
• Translation of US
codes to EU codes
• Mapping of Sweden,
first application in
Europe
Ketels, Sölvell, Lindqvist(IVO):
• Mapping of EU-10
• Star measurement
system developed
Sölvell, Ketels, Lindqvist& Protsiv (CSC):
• Mapping of EU-27+4
• Launch of the
European Cluster
Observatory
Lindqvist, Protsiv ,Sölvell & Ketels (CSC):
• Revision of cluster
codes based on
European data
• Introduction of
prioritised sectors
(e.g. creativeindustries)
In 2003, the U.S. model was brought to Europe by Professor Örjan Sölvell, Dr. Christian
Ketels, and Dr. Göran Lindqvist in Stockholm. A first mapping exercise was done for
Sweden2 and a statistical concordance table was developed in order allow the use U.S.codes on European data .
In 2004, Ivory Tower, a cluster consultancy firm based in Stockholm, was asked as a
subcontractor (Europe INNOVA, EUC -EST, under FP6) to map all clusters of the EU -10
2 Lindqvist, G., Malmberg, A., Sölvell, Ö. 2008. Swedish Cluster Maps: A Statistical Inventory of Clusters
in Sweden. 2002. Stockholm: Center for Strategy and Competitiveness at Stockholm School of Economics.
(Swedish edition from 2003).
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countries. The project was led by a Panel Group of Experts, under leadership of Mr.
Antoni Subira of Spain. The EU-10 cluster mapping data were published in the first
Europe INNOVA paper. 3 The EU-10 project added a new innovation to clustermapping: the measurement of concentration and specialisation by the use of three
distinct indexes – cluster size, specialisation and regional labour market focus. A few
clusters scored on all three measures and those clusters were designated as “three star ”
clusters. The star methodology was a sound way of describing degree of cluster
agglomeration, and was easily understood by non -experts in the field of clusters, cluster
initiatives and cluster policy.
3 Innovation Clusters in the 10 New Member States of the European Union . 2006. Europe INNOVA paper
No. 1. European Commission Directorate General Enterpri se and Industry.
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Overview of the European Cluster Mapping Project
Based on the experience with the previous cluster mapping efforts, DG Enterprise and
Industry awarded the contract for the European Clust er Mapping Project to a
consortium coordinated by Professor Sölvell at the Center for Strategy and
Competitiveness (CSC) at the Stockholm School of Economics. It covered all of EU -27
plus Iceland, Israel, Norway, Switzerland, and Turkey. The cluster mappin g part of the
project was later renamed “The European Cluster Observatory (ECO), and the web site
was launched in July 2007. Apart from the cluster mapping effort (driven by CSC), the
project also included a mapping of cluster policies across Europe (cond ucted by a group
of research institutions coordinated by Oxford Research), a number of cluster cases
studies (conducted by the Competitiveness Group in Barcelona), and the coordination
of a high-level advisory group chaired by Senator Pierre Lafitte with s enior
representation from EU member countries (supported by Fondation Sophia Antipolis).
All results of the project and methodology are available at the website of the European
Cluster Observatory, www.clusterobservatory.eu.
The European Cluster Observatory provides unique data on clusters in Europe, e.g.
allowing the user to choose a region (EU/nation/one of 250 regions) and a sector (all orone of 38 categories) and display the corresponding cluster data di rectly on maps of
Europe. In total the European Cluster Observatory lists some 150 three star clusters, 500
two star clusters and just over 1,300 one star clusters (out of a potential of just under
10,000 regional clusters).
The user can also choose to dis play cluster organisations on the map (see figure below).
Already, more than 150 cluster organisations have provided data about themselves to
the Observatory, bringing the current number of cluster organisations represented on
the Observatory to over 1,100 . A Directory of cluster organisations in Europe waslaunched in August 2009.
Many users contact the Observatory to receive more information. Others have added
cluster cases and reports which are continuously uploaded in the Library section.
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Cluster Mapping
Cluster Organisations
Cluster Policies
Cluster Library
The Observatory’s combination of advanced cluster mapping capabilities with
information about cluster organisations has attracted significant interest. Since its
launch, ECO has tripled its number of users to reach about 4,0 00 unique visitors per
month (June 2009). Over time, a large number of sites around the world dealing with
clusters have posted links to the European Cluster Observatory, leading to more traffic.
The Observatory has also become an important source of information for policy makers.
The European Cluster Memorandum (the text is found in the Appendix) , signed by a
large number of cluster organisations across Europe and presented to the European
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Commission at a high-level conference in Stockholm in early 2008, was to a large degree
informed by the findings of the Cluster Mapping project. CSC staff has played a central
role in drafting the Memorandum and supporting the discussions of the high -leveladvisory group that presented the Memorandum. Cluster mapping data was supplied
to other EU-sponsored projects, including the BSR InnoNet. CSC has also supported the
Commission staff in the preparation of the Communication 4 on clusters and the Staff
Working Paper5 on clusters and cluster policies presented in late 2008.
In the final month of the project, the CSC team has furthermore launched a new series
of specialised cluster mapping reports, starting with an analysis of knowledge -intensive
business services (KIBS). These reports are intended to present data in ways that are in
line with the organisation of government policies to support decision making in these
areas. CSC has also exploited more granular employment data to test whether the
cluster definitions ultimately created based on agglomeration patterns in the US need to
be further refined given the realities in Europe. While economics play out similarly
across continents, there are areas of economic activity in which Europe has a deeper or
different level of economic organisation that might drive patterns of economic
geography diverging from those observed in the U.S.
Project findings: Understanding the nature and role of clusters
The rich data on clusters generated in this project provides the foundation for
improving the general knowledge about the nature and role of clusters.
Clusters are a part of the microeconomic business environment of a region. Clusters are
shaped by certain almost deterministic forces (blue arrow in figure below) related to the
overall history and culture of a region, the geographical circumstances (access to
waterways, how affluent neighbours are etc.), general institutions and regulations, and
the overall macroeconomic environment. All clusters within a nation are affected bythings such as the exchange rate, colour of the government, and historical and
geographical circumstances of the nation or region.
4 Towards world -class clusters in the European Union. European Commission. Oct 2008.
5 The concept of clusters and cluster policies and their role for competitiveness and innovation: main
statistical results and lessons learned. Commission Staff Workin g Document SEC (2008) 2637.
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The Funnel Model – The General Business Envi ronment in a Nation
If we take the analysis of the funnel one step further, one must distinguish between
different clusters within a nation or region. Thus, within the same national or regional
context we have a scale of clusters ranging from highly dynamic and competitive onesto more static and uncompetitive ones. In line with this we expect to see more
competitive firms on the right hand side and less competitive firms on the left -hand
side of the scale in the figure below.
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The Funnel Model: A Range of More or Less Competitive Clusters
Clusters are also shaped bottom -up, from entrepreneurial action and firms
implementing new strategies and business models. Such activities ar e not coordinated
but part of the normal market mechanism – the invisible hand is at work. However, as aresult of these actions, the larger cluster environment will either develop or decline.
Decisions to invest improve and innovate helps to build the clu ster, whereas decisions
to leave the region will push the cluster towards decline, and resources will slowly
merge with other areas of the economy or become idle.
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The Funnel Model: Entrepreneurship and New Strategies
The evolution of clusters thus emanates from both deterministic (legacy, culture,history) forces and voluntaristic forces. In addition to this we have the constructive,
more conscious forces which will impact the development and competitiveness of the
cluster. One type of constructive force emanates from policy implementing conscious
efforts to improve the microeconomic business environment of a region. Other
constructive forces emanate from initiatives from actors within the cluster, including
civic leaders from private firms, organisations and academia. Local leaders behind
cluster initiatives take on a constructive role to improve the workings of the cluster or
the larger regional environment. Typical objectives of such initiatives includeupgrading of human resources, expansion of the cluster stimulating new firm formation
and attracting new firms to the cluster, business development, and commercial
collaboration such as joint export initiatives or coordinated purchasing to increase
purchasing power. Ot her objectives include upgrading of technology and improving
the overall business environment, including initiating dialogue on new regulations and
upgrading the infrastructure.
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The Funnel Model: Constructive Forces Shaping the Cluster
Combining the two sets of forces, both evolutionary and constructive, we can gain a
better understanding of how clusters develop , whether they will increase in dynamism
and size, or if they will go into decline.
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Clusters – Where Evolut ionary and Constructive Forces Meet
We know from our research that cluster dynamics is a highly complex process, and is
best understood as a combination of evolutionary and constructive forces. However,constructors must be aware that the evolutionary forces are strong, and political vision
can easily remain as visions. A large portion of humbleness is in place as constructors
roll up their sleeves.
Clusters and Economic Benefits
The fact that economic activity tends to agglomerate or cluster in particular locations is
driven by efficiency advantages (lowered costs, including transaction costs), flexibility
advantages (high mobility of labour and other resources) and innovation advantages
(knowledge spill-overs and cooperation). The role of clusters in explaining economic
performance of regions has been confirmed in several studies 6. From our own European
data we can show that economic prosperity among the regions of Europe is related to
degree of cluster strength (share of employees in clusters with a location quotient larger
than 2), see figure.
6 Porter, M. E. (2003). The economic performance of regions . Regional Studies, 37(6,7), 549.
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Regions of Europe: Level of Clustering and Prosperity
y = 83342x 2 - 16467x + 22886
R2 = 0,3941
10 000 €
20 000 €
30 000 €
40 000 €
50 000 €
60 000 €
70 000 €
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%
Source: European Cluster Observatory. ISC/CSC cluster codes 1.0, dataset 20070510
Cluster Strength and Prosperity in Europe
Today, there is plenty of evidence to suggest that innovation and economic growth is
heavily geographically concentrated. Clusters provide an environment conducive to
innovation and knowledge creation. Regions with strong cluster portfolios are
innovative leaders, while regions with no clusters or isolated research facilities fall
behind. Globalisation has increased the benefits of strong clusters and raised the costs
for regions which fail to develop a clear speciali sation profile. Strong clusters emerge i n
open markets where intense rivalry and cooperation within and between clusters
coexist. Clusters emerge, where competition across regions enables companies,
entrepreneurs and financial actors to choose the location of their activities based on theattractiveness of regions, not in response to artificial barriers for cross -border trade and
investment. Globalisation has increased the need to combine strong internal dynamics
within the cluster, with solid linkages to clusters and markets located elsewhere.
Regional specialisation also brings risks, making regions more vulnerable to cluster -
specific demand shocks or fundamental technological shifts. The emerging evidence
suggests, however, that a cluster -based regional economy still generates better
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outcomes. First, the economic costs of lower productivity due to a lack of speciali sation
have dramatically increased with globally integrated markets. Second, dynamic clusters
that are open to outside trends are better at dealing with external shocks, for exampleby transferring existing skills into new market areas. And third, our research indicates
that the most successful regions tend to have a portfolio of clusters related through
linkages and overlaps that ease the trade -offs between specialisation and diversification.
In Europe, the share of employment in strong clusters tends to be lower than in the
United States. This is particularly visible in medium sized regions. In the US, such
regions tend to be highly specialised with strong presence of employment in a small
number of clusters. In Europe, regions of similar size instead tend to have employment
across a wider range of clusters, with lower levels of true speciali sation in any one ofthem.
Most likely, this is a reflection of past and still remaining barri ers to competition across
regions in Europe. While in the US companies have for a long time been able to choose
their location based on where the production conditions, including the presence of
related and supporting industries, were most beneficial, in E urope the access to the end
market was much more important as a driver of locational decisions. While the
common market programme has made significant progress in reducing these barriers in
Europe, there is clear evidence from companies that markets across Europe remainfragmented, forcing locational decisions to be driven more by market access than
production efficiency considerations (Ketels, 2007) 7.
Clusters and Innovation
Innovation performance tends to be highly skewed across regions, both within nations
and across nations. A large number of empirical studies on regions and innovative
performance have been published in t he last decade (see Crescenzi, Rodríguez -Pose, &Storper, 2007,8 for an excellent overview). The data from the European Cluster
Observatory reveals an important relationship between regional specialisation (degree
of clustering) and innovative performance (measured as patenting levels). Regions in
7 Ketels, Christian (2007). State of the Region Report The Baltic Sea Region as a Place to Do Business, Baltic
Development Forum.
8 Crescenzi, R., Rodríguez -Pose, A., & Storper, M. (2007). The territorial dynamics of innovation: aEurope-United States comparative analysis. Journal of Economic Geography , 7, 673-709.
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Europe without clusters (i .e. with employment evenly spread out across sectors) are all
performing badly (dots to the left in the figure below). On the other hand, all regions in
Europe with many ranked clusters are all top performers (to the right in figure below).In the group of regions with a few ranked clusters, some are performing well and other
less well. Again, this underlines that economic performance of a region is not only
explained by the degree of speciali sation, but also involves other aspects of the broader
microeconomic business environment, such as labour quality, research and education,
and access to venture capital and advanced infrastructure.
Cluster Strength and Patenting Levels in European Regions
R2
= 0.357
3
4
5
6
7
8
0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4
Region's cluster strength
Region's
patenting
level
Source: European Cluster Observatory. ISC/CSC cluster codes 1.0, dataset 20070613
Regions with clusters do also perform better in terms of innovation performance. A
competing, but more often complementary, explanation to regional success is the
degree of urbanisation, where metropolises offer diverse and creative environments,
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and also proximity to academic institutions. Our Research on European data shows that
both urbanisation and regional specialisation, i.e. clustering, bring economic prosperity
to regions, but in different ways. Urbanisation has a direct effect on regionalperformance, whereas clusters work through the process of being more innovative
environments, which in turn leads to economic prosperity 9.
9 Lindqvist, Göran, Sergiy Protsiv, Sölvell, Örjan. Regions, Innovation and Economic Prosperity: Evidence from
Europe, mimeo. Stockholm School of Economics, Stockholm: 2008.
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Project findings: Clusters as a tool for policyThe project has also made a significant contribution to the understanding of the cur rent
state and the logic of using clusters as an instrument of economic policy.
Economists consider policy interventions as justified when specific conditions exist that
reduce the ability of the normal market process to lead to optimal outcomes from an
overall welfare perspective. Such ”market failures” provide the traditional motivation
for economic policy. The local externalities that give rise to clusters create a number of
such market failures:
• Coordination failures exist, because individual companies consider in their
decisions, be it whether to locate in a cluster or what investments to undertake
being there, only the impact on themselves, not on others.
• Information asymmetries exist, because even if the incentive problems of taking
account of the impact of own actions on others could be managed, the knowledge
necessary to make the right ”social” decision is dispersed among the many
participants of the cluster.
• Path dependency exists, because decisions not only influence the present, but also
the possible evolutionary path of the cluster in the future. Both coordination
failures and information asymmetries thus have a dynamic dimension as well.
And social and private discount rates might differ, creating an additional source of
market failure.
Where cluster policy addresses market failures, it does not reduce global welfare. Under
some assumptions, the free competition between rational governments in supporting
clusters even leads to the best possible outcome, not a race to the bottom. 10 While thesearguments do not prescribe specific policy interventions, they give some guidance on
the direction that cluster policy should take. The best approach is always to target the
market failure at the source. Policy can subsidi se activities that are underprovided
because of coordination failures or differences in discount factors. And policy can
10 Norman, Victor, Anthony Venables, Industrial Clusters: Equilibrium, Welfare and Policy, Economica,
Vol. 71 (2004), 543 – 558
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facilitate platforms for collective action to overcome coordination failures and
informational asymmetries. In practice, efforts to address market failure are never
perfect.11 They suffer from government failure in implementation (lack of knowledge totarget the intervention, inability to provide incentive -neutral financing, political
pressure by interest groups for beneficial treatment, etc.) and might have unintended
side-effects, creating collateral costs that outweigh the benefits.
Economic policies can be compared on both the impact that they generate, i.e.
addressing the problem or market failure, and the costs they might create, i.e.
distortions or government failure. Policies that target individual companies are highly
effective but also very distortionary. Policies that target the entire economy have little if
any distortionary effect but are often also not very effective. Policies targeted atindividual industries c ome somewhere in the middle on both accounts. Cluster policy,
however, offers a superior mix of benefits and costs. It is organi sed around a group of
industries that by definition have strong linkages. Targeting policy at them will thus not
only be effective but even trigger additional benefits from positive spill -overs that are
induced. And while the policy is neutral within the cluster where competition for
factors of production is the strongest, it is distortionary only relative to activities outside
the cluster where by definition other skills and assets are needed. While some distortion
remains, the approach promises a potentially better balance of effects.
Two opposing approaches to cluster policy
In the academic debate, the strongest criticism of cluster policy does not come from
researchers that claim that locational factors are irrelevant, but from economic
geographers and others that fully support the view that locational fact ors are important.
Some criticise the “fuzzy” way the cluster framework is translated from an academic
idea into a practical policy concept. 12 But while the issues raised in these discussions
reflect important operational challenges of implementing cluster policy, they also tendto reveal a limited sense of the needs of policy practitioners . Cluster policy is a complex
process and requires a framework that enables context -dependent on-the-ground
11 Rodrik, Dani, Normalizing Industrial Policy , Working Paper No. 3, Commission on Growth and
Development, Washington, D.C.: 200 8.
12 Martin, R, Peter Sunley, Deconstructing clusters: chaotic concept or policy panacea? Journal of Economic
Geography, Vol.3 (2003), No. 1, 5 -35.
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choices, but this does not provide a conceptual argument against its use. Others provide
a more fundamental criticism of the motivation for cluster policy 13 that turns out to be
highly revealing for how the lack of a generally acce pted definition of cluster policycontinues to hamper the debate.
To understand the different views on cluster policy, it is useful to go back to a simple
diagram that relates agglomeration to competitiveness. The evidence discussed in
chapter 2 points towards a positive relationship between the two, a fact that is generally
accepted by critics as well as supporters of cluster policy (as discussed previously there
are differences in the view on how strong this relationship is relative to other factors).
But how should cluster policy intervene to move a location from a place at the bottom
left to the top right? This is where the fundamental difference sets in.
One approach sees agglomeration as the central policy lever; as agglomeration rises,
competitiveness will naturally follow as cluster effects set in. With agglomeration the
ultimate goal, efforts to attract companies through incentives from tax rebates to free
infrastructure naturally come to the forefront of the policy debate. Economic
geography-based approaches, too, look at the effects of traditional tax, trade, and
regional policies on agglomeration patterns. 14 Dynamic ”new economic geography”
models provide guidance on when and how these instruments should be used to have a
maximum impact:15 the process of agglomeration in these models is characteri sed by
important break-points at which economic geography patterns are determined. For
economic policy, this implies that intervention has to be early, i.e. at a time when the
locational patterns of where a dominant cluster will be located has not been determined
yet. And it has to be massive, i.e. it has to give such a meaningful boost that the location
gains sufficient critical mass to be far ahead of all potential rivals. And it im plies a
critical role for identifying a small number of clusters on which economic development
then hinges.
13 Duranton, Gilles, Henry Overman, Exploring the Detailed Locational Patterns of UK ManufacturingIndustries using Microgeographic Data, Journal of Regional Science , Vol. 48 (2008), No. 1, 213 – 243
14 Baldwin, Richard, Rikard Forslid, Philippe Martin, Gianmarco Ottaviano, Frederic Robert -Nicoud,Economic Geography and Public Policy , Princeton University Press, Princeton: 2003
15 Brenner, Thomas, Cluster Dynamics and Policy Implications, Zeitschrift für Wirtsc haftsgeographie, Vol.
52 (2008), 146-162. And Brenner, Thomas, Policy Measures to Create Localised Industrial Clusters, in T.
Brenner und D. Fornahl (Hrsg.): Cooperation, Networks, and Institutions on Regional Innovation
Systems, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2003, 325-349.
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If large-scale targeted subsidies in the early phase of cluster emergence are the policies
under discussion, should they be used? Not only critics of cluster policy come to a
negative answer: such policies are likely to fail because they require an abundance ofinformation and ability in the hands of the policy maker. And they are not even
necessary: current economic geography is already in line with the fundamentals
including local externalities, so any policies to change the location of companies would
lead away from an existing optimum. 16
Two Perspectives on Cluster
Development
MORE(Agglomeration)
BETTER(Competitiveness)
FINISH
Another approach sees competitiveness as the central policy lever; as competitiveness
rises, agglomeration will naturally increase as the cluste r becomes more attractive for
new entrants.17 With competitiveness as the ultimate goal, clusters become a process
tool to design and implement policies more effectively, not an ultimate objective. The
instruments then targeted at existing clusters are well known from innovation policy,
regional policy, and enterprise policy. They are supplemented by actions that
specifically support collaboration in their use and that create platforms for collaborationwithin an agglomeration. The competitiveness literature, including the insights on
cluster evolution provide guidance on when and how to use these instruments that is
16 Martin, Philippe, Thierry Mayer, Florian Mayneris, Natural clusters: Why policies promoting agglomeration
are unnecessary, VOX: 4 July 2008
17 Roriguez-Clare, Andres, Coordination failures, clusters and microeconomic interventions , IADB Working
Paper 544, Washington: December 2005a
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radically different from the model cluster policy critics have in mind . The focus should
be largely on agglomerations that have already passed the test of the early stages of
development.18 This indicates that the fundamental conditions for economic success arepresent and active collaboration can b ecome a ”turbo” for the use of strengths already
in place. The focus of policy interventions should be on enabling collaboration and
channelling existing resources in a different way, using moderate amounts of new
funding. Large new funds are not necessary and could be harmful by increasing the
potential for distorting incentives. And while a selection of clusters is necessary to be
able to deploy sufficient resources and attention on any one initiative, economic
development is the result of many clusters i n all regions flourishing, not just a few per
country.
If these are the policies under discussion, should they be used? Even the critics of
cluster policy have a slightly favourable view . Improvements in the fundamentals of
competitiveness are a sensible goal and the suggested approach limits the downside.
But they remain skeptical about whether cluster efforts can have a sufficiently strong
impact on improving underlying competitiveness. The quantitative evidence is still
limited but points to moderate po sitive effects.19 Proponents of cluster policy see
enough case-evidence that such efforts can in fact lead to a much more meaningful
improvement in the way policies for higher competitiveness are being conducted. 20
18 Roriguez-Clare, Andres, Clusters and Comparative Advantage: Implications for industrial policy ,
Pennsylvania State University, mimeo. , University Park: September 2005b
19 Engel, Dirk, Oliver Heneric, Stimuliert der BioRegio-Wettbewerb die Bildung von Biotechnoligieclustern in
Deutschland?, ZEW Discussion Paper 05 -54, Mannheim: 2004.
Dohse, Dirk, Cluster -based Technology Policy: The German Experience, Industry and Innovation , Vol. 14,
No. 1 (2007), pp. 69 – 94.
Dohse, Dirk, Tanja Staehler, BioRegio, BioProfile and the Rise of the German Biotech Industry , Kiel InstituteWorking Paper, No. 1456, Kiel: October 2008.
Falck, Oliver, Stephan Heblich, Stefan Kipar, The Extension of Clusters: Differences -in-Difference Evidence
from the Bavarian State-Wide Cluster Policy , Jena Economic Research Papers, 2008 -073, Jena: 2008.
Fromholt-Eisebith, Martina, Günter Eisebith, Looking Behind Facades: Evaluating Effects o f (Automotive)
Cluster Promotion, Regional Studies , 2008.
20 Waits, May Jo, The Added Value of the Industry Cluster Approach to Economic Analysis, StrategyDevelopment, and Service Delivery, Economic Development Quarterly , Vol. 14 (2000), 35-50.
Cortright, Joseph, Making Sense of Clusters: Regional Competitiveness and Economic Development , Brookings
Institute, Washington, D.C.: March 2006.
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There remains a fair amount of disagreement in the debate about cluster policies. At
least part of this disagreement is related to a lack of effective communication between
theoretical research and policy practice. This communication failure leads to afundamental disconnect on what cluster policy is and how it is related to
competitiveness upgrading. For many researchers, improving competitiveness is
fundamentally an automatic process, driven by the self -interest of all parties involv ed.
For most practitioners, improving competitiveness is a complex challenge of identifying
action priorities and mobilising allies to implement them. Cluster policy, as understood
by its proponents, is an answer to these real challenges that practitioners face,
challenges that the critics assume will being taken care of automatically over time.
Implementing cluster policy to improve competitiveness
The discussion so far has established a solid conceptual argument for cluster policy as a
tool to leverage cluster agglomerations as a tool to achieve higher impact on upgrading
underlying competitiveness. Whether these possible benefits of such policies m aterialise
in a meaningful fashion, is a question of how and where they are implemented, not just
of their conceptual approach. Three issues are of particular important. First, does cluster
policy open the door to distortive interventions that have little to do with the original
objective but easily follow once cluster program mes are launched? Second, are theeffects of cluster policy strong enough to warrant more fundamental policy interest?
Third, which locations should use cluster policy?
Cluster policy uses industry-specific policy instruments and activities. As such, it can
become a politically convenient cover for what then in reality is nothing else but
traditional distortive industrial policy. The political economy argument that some
critics then make is the following. Even if cluster policy has its merits, it opens the
political process for all kinds of sector -specific interventions that undo its theoretical
benefits. 21 On balance, they argue, it is then better to forgo a useful instrument likecluster policy if it leads to opening the Pandora box of ”vertical” policies.22 This is an
Mills, Karen, Elizabeth Reynolds, Andrew Reamer, Clusters and Competitiveness: A New Federal Role for
Stimulating Regional Economies , Metropolitan Policy Programme , Brookings, Washington, D.C.: 2008.
21 Rodrik, Dani, Normalizing Industrial Policy , Working Paper No. 3, Commission on Growth and
Development, Washington, D.C.: 2008.
22 EBRD, Transition Report 2008: Growth in Transition , European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, London: November 2008.
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important consideration. But it has to be balanced against another political economy
dynamic. Many governments are under intense political pressure to ”do more” rather
than upgrading the general business environment. In such situations, the alternative tocluster policies is often not the absence of targeted policy action, but the use of exactly
the type of old style industrial policy tools that should be avoided. And spe cific steps
and conditions can reduce the likelihood of cluster policies being high -jacked by narrow
interest groups: High exposure to external competition and robust competition policies
domestically reduces the danger that collaboration leads to lower ra ther than more
sophisticated rivalry. Competition models with the involvement of external jurors can
de-politicise the selection process and induce a clear orientation to excellence. And the
threat of losing funding in case cluster dynamics remain low avoi ds subsidising many
weak clusters rather than allowing stronger clusters to gain position. Overall, especially
the role of government needs to be carefully designed. While there is no systematic
evidence that a government role per se is negative for Cluster Initiativ es,23 government
cannot create clusters 24 and can easily impose conditions that hurt competitiveness.
Cluster policy has in the past often been applied at the level of individual clusters. But
simple arithmetic suggests that working with one cluster in a region, even if it is a large
one, is unlikely to generate economic outcomes that are meaningful for an overall
regional economy. The average regional cluster accounts for about 1% of totalemployment in a region (European Cluster Observatory, 2008); larger cluster categ ories
like financial services or transportation can in individual cases reach much higher levels
but are for most regions not above 5% of total regional employment. High -tech clusters
like biotech range at a fraction of such numbers. Purely growing one suc h cluster by
improving its competitiveness can thus have high impact on a few individuals and
companies but will tend to have only a moderate impact on the regional economy at
large. A number of recent analyses have identified how cluster policy can be des igned
to affect the wider regional economy and thus become a quantitatively important tool
for economic development efforts. 25 Locations should take a portfolio perspective on
23
Sölvell, Örjan , Göran Lindqvist, Christian Ketels, The Cluster Initiative Greenbook , Ivory Tower,
Stockholm: 2003.
24 Porter, Michael E., quoted in “Politiker kan inte skapa kluster, hävdar klustrens egen pappa, Svenska
Dagbladet , 28/1/2008.
25 Pietrobelli, Carlo, Roberta Rabelotti, Upgrading in Clusters and Value Chains in Latin America: The Role of
Policies, Inter-American Development Bank, Washington, D.C.: January 2004.
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their cluster efforts, addressing the different needs of clusters at different s tages of
development and leveraging the linkages across clusters. Effective cluster policy
mobilises all clusters, not just one that is supposed to drive future economic growth.Locations should leverage the experience of the cluster efforts for economy -wide
improvements. At least part of the business environment weaknesses that create
problems for specific clusters usually also affect companies more generally. And
locations should integrate their cluster efforts into a broader economic strategy that
identifies the specific value that the location provides relative to its peers. Clusters can
effectively communicate the unique advantages locations offer, much better than
general attributes like “open for business” or “ entrepreneurial”.
High Level Advisory Group on Clusters, The European Cluster Memorandum , Stockholm: January 2008.
Ketels, Christian, Örjan Sölvell, Innovation Clusters in the 10 New Memb er States of the European Union ,
Europe INNOVA Paper No. 1, European Commission - DG Enterprise and Industry, Brussels, 2006.
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Implications for future efforts and policyBased on the project findings, a number of conclusions can be drawn for both the next
stage of cluster mapping and the further development of cluster policy.
Cluster mapping
The European cluster mapping data has for the first time off ered a consistent view of
the economic geography of clusters in Europe. This has been an important step forward
for cluster research and cluster policy. However, the discussions with users haveindicated data quality, especially granularity and available i ndicators, are below the
level desired by practitioners and policy makers. A number of issues stand out:
• Practitioners need more data on their clusters and better fit of definitions to their
individual clusters.
• Policy makers get general support for the n otion that clusters matter, but not
enough data on the impact of cluster policy
• Policy makers need more data that can be translated into action recommendationson what to do and what areas to focus on
Some of these issues can be addressed by further data collection in the context of the
Cluster Observatory. But there are also clear limitations that can only be addressed
through the slow process of improving the way statistical data is collected or an entirely
different approach to data collection. Overall, cluster mapping has to be transformed
from a tool that is useful to researchers and high -level policy advice to an instrument
with direct applicability to cluster practitioners and cluster -programme implementing
agencies.
Cluster initiatives
While the cluster mapping project has focused largely on the collection of statistical
data on the agglomeration of economic activities in related fields, the overall effort as
also created additional insights into the needs of cluster initiatives. Among the issues
that came up are the following:
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• There is clear need for professionali sing the management of cluster initiatives ,
from spreading of general best practices in the field to the use of cluster data by
cluster initiatives. In recent years there has b een an explosion in the demand andsupply of training courses and educational programmes in this area.
Consolidation and standard setting are the usual processes that tend to set in as
professional fields reach some level of maturity. Professional organi sations like
TCI play an important role in such a process, but organi sations like the EU and
other government bodies financing cluster efforts are clearly important as well.
• Impact measurement is a theme that is high on the agenda for many cluster
initiatives as well as for public bodies that manage cluster policy program mes.
Some project evaluations have already been done (for a discussion see Sölvell2009; Chapter 6), but while these efforts have created useful advice on how to
improve cluster programmes, there has been limited if any success in quantifying
the economic impact and return of cluster policies. While cluster mapping might
play some role in this respect in the future, the discussion of cluster policy as a tool
to improve competitiveness rather t han as a direct way to change agglomeration
patterns casts some doubts on relying on this instrument alone. There have been
efforts in the past like the Foundation Clusters and Competitiveness but they have
not reached momentum. Other bottom -up efforts are underway in TCI and as an
initiative of individual regions like Värmland in Sweden. But there is a clear need
for top-down structures as well to allow these initiatives to reach their full
potential.
• One area that has been pushed much higher on the agenda of cluster initiatives in
the last few years is cluster internationalisation . While companies were heavily
engaged in globalising their efforts, cluster initiatives were mainly seen as a tool to
strengthen the local networks and capabilities. But cluster initiatives can also
collaborate internationally, providing the platform for easier internationali sationof companies with other regions that have similar economic profiles. And the
interaction of clusters, facilitated by cluster initiatives, can play an i mportant role
in the creation of global value chains of clusters. To date, several initiatives have
had the aim of building such collaboration networks, but each of them has had a
limited scope. For example, the INTERREG IIIC Project CLOE (Clusters Linked
Over Europe) managed to link only some dozens of cluster organisations,
irrespective of their sectoral affiliation. In the INTERREG IIIC project INNOFIRE,
a web-based co-operation platform was developed for companies, but only in the
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medical technology sector. In the Europe INNOVA TCAS project there was
another single-sector database for companies developed focusing on the
automotive sector. Under INTERREG IVC one project (Clusters and Cities,CLUSNET) is engaged in trans -national cluster collaboration. The re are also many
publically available databases on cluster organisations. For example, the
association TCI and Europa InterCluster lists several cluster organisations. On the
internet platform XING there is a “cluster -group with persons interested in clus ter
issues. Such fragmented attempts are numerous, but Europe still lacks a full -
fledged, efficient and low-cost information system incorporating data on all
sectors and regions that enables a huge visibility of the cluster organisations – and
their members, especially innovative SMEs. The EU again has a clear role in
removing barriers, for example in the funding rules, and encouraging the
collaboration of cluster initiatives.
Cluster policy
The project has also generated a number of important insights into cluster policy.
Among the key observations are the following:
• Cluster-policies versus framework policies ; the conceptual work on cluster
emergence has pointed out the dual role of creating and emerging forces as drivers
of cluster evolution. The look at t he interplay of existing cluster policies and
existing framework conditions have highlighted their different and
complimentary roles. In the US, cluster policy has been relatively weak but the
strengths of the fundamental framework conditions, especially t he open
competition across the integrated US market, enabled the emergence of specialised
regions with strong cluster structures. Private -sector-led cluster efforts then
compensated somewhat for the lack of coordinated government policy in
mobilising these clusters. But the framework conditions are key to understand ingwhy the US has a stronger cluster structure than Europe. In Europe, cluster policy
has recently become much stronger and has significant potential to mobilise the
inherent capabilities of many European clusters. But the experience in the US
indicates that it is very important not to view these cluster policies as a substitute
for further market integration. In fact, cluster policies will have much more
potential if the framework conditions in Europe will also support the emergence of
a stronger cluster landscape. For the EU this implies that the common market
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remains a critical element of any cluster -oriented policy. Clusters emerge not as a
consequence of intervention or the financing of clust er initiatives; they emerge in
reaction to fundamentals. This is one of the key lessons that is starting to emergefrom the analysis of the evidence on clusters and cluster policies. The EU plays a
crucial role in establishing this link and designing its p olicies accordingly.
• Financing cluster initiatives versus organi sing policies around clusters . Most of
the current cluster efforts have instinctively focused on supporting cluster
initiatives, i.e. the networks of actors with an agglomeration of related ec onomic
activities. While this is an important way to address the market failures at the
heart of clusters, it is not the only one. There is an important opportunity to
organise existing government policies around clusters, in areas like innovation,workforce development, FDI attraction, SME development, and others. This could
improve the effectiveness of these policies and create the impact governments
wish to reach, while avoiding the market distortions that interventions on behalf
of individual companies or industries tend to create. This way clusters would
become an organising principle to integrate different economic policies from the
perspective of the user, overcoming the policy silos that currently often
characterise economic policy. Cluster policy w ould then be not another such silo,
but a way to overcome the existing separation of efforts.
The EU has a crucial role to play in this respect. Different parts of the EU
Commission target clusters with a multitude of program mes. There is huge
potential to increase the effectiveness of these efforts by using clusters as an
integrating mechanism. The EU has the potential to develop new structures
through which different functional policy program mes can be integrated and then
be made accessible more efficien tly to clusters.
• Impact of cluster efforts . Many evaluations of cluster initiatives suggest that the
individual projects have been successful, but often only for the partners directlyinvolved while the overall impact on the regional or even national econo my has
been negligible. This would suggest the cluster initiatives are a useful tool, but
ultimately not much more than one of many technical instruments at the disposal
of policy makers (framework policies supporting the natural emergence of strong
clusters as in the US might still be much more powerful). But the discussions in
the context of this project and beyond indicate that there are ways in which cluster
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policy can become much more ”scalable” in its impact.26
One important way to achieve this is the introduction of strong feedback
mechanisms to cross -cutting policies. Cluster initi atives can becoming testinggrounds for the identification of problems and solutions that are then rolled out
more broadly, creating benefits for all companies, not only those that participate in
the cluster effort. So far, few cluster policies are designe d to encourage such
feedback mechanisms. The EU could take the lead in integrating such mechanisms
in efforts it supports.
Another important approach is to put individual cluster efforts in a strong
locational perspective, i.e. see them as part of the over all cluster portfolio of a
region or nation. Governments can then make sure that they have appropriate
policies for their existing strong clusters, their emerging clusters, and general
conditions that enable entirely new efforts to emerge. All of them requ ire different
types of policies but together this can be a very powerful way to organi se policy. It
can overcome the low effectiveness of the cluster -blind policies of the past. But it
can also combine the approach of isolated cluster efforts without integ ration into a
broader regional or national perspective that is characteristic even of many of the
best current cluster programmes. The EU has a critical role to play in providing
the data and tools to European regions that are willing to pursue such an
approach.
26 Ketels, Christian, Clusters, Cluster Policy, and Swedish Competitiveness , Expert Report No. 30, Swedish
Globalisation Council, Stockholm: March 2009.
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Next stepsThe current Observatory represents the state of the art in providing a Europe -wide
service for cluster organisations. But it is clear that much more is needed for the
Observatory to become a full -fledged information service. To begin with , the cluster
mapping service needs to provide richer data in a way that is more relevant for users of
all types. But above all, it needs to provide a completely new set of services for cluster
organisations and their members supporting collaboration betwe en cluster
organisations and their members.
The proposed next phase of the European Cluster Observatory (ECO -II, 2009-2012)
includes several components. First, the most fundamental change is that ECO moves
from a web based database to a real tool for collaboration (benchmarking, finding
partners in trans-national networks, etc.) that can be used by SMEs and managers of
cluster organisations. Second, the database will be enhanced with new data including
new cluster codes, new employment data, n ew performance data, and new data on
regional business framework conditions. Third, the new Observatory will move from a
rigid functionality to a dynamic user-friendly functionality where the user can
customise their own regions (e.g. the Øresund region cu tting across Denmark andSweden), and customise their own cluster categories (e.g. combining textile, apparel
and footwear into “fashion). See the figure below.
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Phase I Phase II
Fourth, ECO-II will be designed to be user-driven, allowing for SMEs and cluster
organisations to upload content themselves. Fifth, a new web appearance will enhance
user-friendliness. All these improvements will address identified weaknesses with the
Observatory in its current form.
We have identified four major weaknesses, related to data availability and cluster
mapping, where the Observatory is not delivering enough value today.
• Capturing emerging industries where statistical codes are not relevant: to solve
this ECO-II will conduct qualitative studies, for example focusing on identified
Lead markets .
• Covering relevant and politically prioritised sectors: to solve this ECO -II proposes
to revise cluster codes (based on European data, moving away from the U.S.
codes developed by Professor Porter), and to o ffer custom cluster categories bothdefined by the Observatory (mega -clusters and identified prioritised sectors), and
also allowing for users to develop their own categories.
• Covering relevant regions such as cross -national regions: to solve this ECO -II will
allow for users to identify their own regions, and will also produce data and
analysis for trans-national regional initiatives in Europe.
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• Telling a richer story about cluster growth and competitiveness: to solve this ECO -
II will develop rich data on regional microeconomic business conditions
(infrastructure, skills, R&D, innovation, entrepreneurship, international clusterlinkages, demand sophistication etc.), making use of secondary data (e.g. CIS and
other sources) complemented with regional survey da ta. In addition cluster
performance data will be added (e.g. based on wages from LFS).
New design,
user-fr iendly interface
Collaboration platform
Cluster mapping andbusiness environment data
Dynamic documentrepository
Cluster mapping
Custom mapping tool
Phase I Phase II
Static mapping tool
Static documents
Cluster organisation data
Trans-national clusternetworks
Cross-nation regions
Lead markets
The new Observatory will build close ties with the European Cluster Alliance (PRO
INNO Strand 2), the Cluster Academy (PRO INNO Strand 6), the Eco-Observatory
(Europe INNOVA Strand 5) and other EU initiatives.
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An advisory group around Cluster Management will be set up. This advisory group
will consist of local/regional organisations involved in cluster program mes, with
particular interest in cluster programme evaluation.
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Reports from CSC staff in conjunction with the project
Ketels, Christian , Clusters, Cluster Policy, and Swedish Competitiveness , Expert Report No.
30, Swedish Globalisation Council, Stockholm: March 2009.
Ketels, Christian, Competitiveness in Developing Economies: The Role of Clusters and
Cross-Cutting Policies, In: Nurturing the Sources of Growth in Tanzania -- Workshop
Proceedings , Tanzanian Ministry of Planning, Economy, and Empowerment, Dar -es-
Salam: 2006
Ketels, Christian, Göran Lindqvist, Örjan Sölvell, Cluster Initiatives in Developing andTransition Economies , Center for Strategy and Competitiveness (SSE), Stockholm: May
2006.
Ketels, Christian, Olga Memedovic, From Clusters to Cluster-Based Economic
Development, International Journal of Technological Learning, Innovation, and Development ,
Vol. 1 (2008), 375 – 392.
Ketels, Christian, Örjan Sölvell, Innovation Clusters in the 10 New Member States of the
European Union, Europe INNOVA Paper No. 1, European Commission - DG Enterpriseand Industry, Brussels, 2006.
Lindqvist, Göran, Disentangling Clusters: Agglomeration and Proximity Effects . Published
Doctoral Dissertation. Center for Strategy and Competitiveness, CSC, Stockholm. 2009.
Lindqvist, Göran, Sergiy Protsiv, Sölvell, Örjan, Regions, Innovation and Economic
Prosperity: Evidence from Europe , mimeo. Stockholm School of Economics, Stockholm:
2008.
Sölvell, Örjan, Clusters: Balancing Evolutionary and Constructive Forces , Ivory Tower,Stockholm: 2009.
Örjan Sölvell Ketels, Christian, Göran Lindqvist, Industrial specialization and regional
clusters in the ten new EU member states. Competitiveness Review. Vol. 18, No. 1/2. pp.
104-130. 2008.
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Other Reports from the Project
High Level Advisory Group on Clusters, The European Cluster Memorandum , Stockholm:January 2008.
Competitiveness Group. Case studies of clustering efforts in Europe: Analysis of thei r
potential for promoting innovation and competitiveness. 2008.
Oxford Research, Cluster Policy in Europe , Europe INNOVA Cluster Mapping Project,
Oslo: January 2008.
Priority Sector Report: Knowledge Intensive Business Services (KIBS). European Cluster
Observatory and Center for Strategy and Competitiveness, Stockholm. 2009.