ContentsThe Social and Historical Perspective2Pattern of
Development4Political History10Peninsular and All India
perspective13North Indian Impact and Influence14Political and
Economic Conditions19Literature and Political History30
The Social and Historical PerspectiveIf literary, archaeological
and epigraphical analyses and the political and dynastic histories
that are based on them are but outline sketches for a full and
comprehensive social history, such a social history of Tamilnad is
yet to come. A study of a cultural institution like drama is one
effort towards that end. But its basic characteristic of social
relevance demands a prefatory outline of the social features of the
period. An attempt is made in this chapter to provide that
socio-political context of Tamil culture up to the period of
Cil.Since the publication of Kanakasabhaipillai's The Tamils 1800
Years Ago (1904) this had been the subject of many scholarly
treatises, the most important of which are M. Srinivasa Iyengar's
Tamil Studies, S. K. Aiyangar's several papers and books (important
among which are Beginnings of South Indian History and Some
Contribution of South India to Indian Culture), P.T. Srinivas
Iyengar's Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, and History of the Tamils from
the Earliest Times to 600 A.D., Ramachandra Dikshithar's Studies in
Tamil Literature and History, Nilakanta Sastri's The Pandyan
Kingdom, The Colas and A History of South India, Sesha Aiyar's Cera
Kings of the Sangam Age (1937), Vithiananthan's Tamilar Calpu,
Singaravelu's Social Life of the Tamils and Subrahmanian's Sangam
Polity.Except for P.T.S. Iyengar, Sesha Aiyar, Vithiananthan and
Sastri (only in HSI) others take the entire period up to Cil. as
one `age' that exhibits common features. This age division hinged
on the question of the date of Cil. and its admissibility as one
among the Cankam corpus. Increasing knowledge has helped to take a
clearer view of the development and this process is, interestingly
enough, seen in the writings of Sastri who contributed most to make
South Indian History scientific. In his chapter on "Government and
Social Life in the Sangam Age" in Colas (1955) he said, "Our course
must be to treat the entire corpus of Cankam works (including also
the Cil. and the Mani. in this description but making more cautious
use of them), as depicting the culture of a definite epoch
extending over a period of three centuries." But in HSI, when
discussing "the social and economic conditions of the (Cankam) age,
the cultural ideas and ideas accepted and cherished by the people,
of the institutions and activities which embodied and sustained
them" he does not bring in Cil. and Mani. as evidence and quite
categorically states that they belong to the 'dark' age of the
post-Cankam era. He mentions Kural once but adds it is 'clearly a
post-Cankam work.'Srinivas Iyengar in his HT gives a phased history
of the period. Taking the amount of Sktic ideas and words mentioned
in the works as the criterion, he treated Cil. as the last of the
works that arose before 600 A.D. and deduced the pre-Aryan culture
from the third book of Tol. His Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture is based on
a study of words which the Tamil Language possessed before it came
into any kind of contact with Skt. Without going into questions
like the variations between the South Indian and North Indian
rescensions of Mahabharata, he traced the history of Tamilnad in
relation to North India from 3000 B.C. Besides the dating of some
of the Cankam texts, his phasing of the earlier period was
arbitrary. But in his writings we find an effort made to synthesize
the data obtained from the various fields like archaeology and
ethnology for social history, and this, above all, reveals the
basic correctness of his method.Vithiananthan's study, though
comprehensive, is confined only to the Cankam period and does not
extend up to the period of Cil.Sastri, by his study of the Colas
and Paritiyas, has provided the political chronology for this
period. The preoccupation with the dynasties has led him to call
the post-Cankam era a dark period, mainly because the political
chronology of that period is not clear.' His insistence on
describing it a 'dark period,' inspite of the evidence he himself
cites for political, economic and religious activities, and inspite
of his admission that major literary works like Cil. and Mani.
belong to that period, only shows that his criterion of a well-lit
period is availability of information on the chronology and
geneology of kings. This attitude, as Romila Thapar observes,
reflects a phase in Indian historiography, when "historical writing
was mainly narrative of dynastic political history." Sastri's main
concern for dynastic history has also made him to treat Political
History, Government, Social and Economic conditions, Religion and
literature, as mutually exclusive topics. This manner of
compartmentalisation makes one lose sight of the important features
of the period, especially that of the earliest phase where such
compartmentalisation is not possible. But it should not be
forgotten that Sastri's work on South Indian history "created a new
awareness of the history of the subcontinent by bringing the
history of the South into perspective." The great variations seen
in the assessment of the impact of Sanskrit and Aryans is another
feature of these writings. Kanakasabhaipillai emphasised the
political independence and cultural achievements of the Tamils of
the ancient period. Srinivas Iyengar emphasised that the Tamils had
a culture based on social democracy before they came into contact
with the Aryans. Sastri, though in HSI said that he "had no thesis
to maintain and any lessons that the story may suggest he is well
content to let the reader draw for himself," has in CHT, inspite of
his declared intention "not to present the story in any
isolationist or chauvinist spirit," thought it fit to cite
Caldwell, who wrote at a time when all the earliest literatures
were not brought to light, as evidence for the `rather primitive
and poorish culture' the pre-Aryan Tamils had.These reveal the
difficulties one has in getting a full and integrated view of
ancient Tamil society.But any effort to study the social conditions
of the period should not fail to take into count the advances made
in the field of Tamil literary studies. Recent studies show that
Cankam texts and Cil. do not reflect the same age. It is important
to note that the linguistic changes, religious syncreticisms and
changes in literary forms we have discussed in relation to the date
of Cll., are indices of social change too. Literary change is both
the cause and effect of social change and it reflects consciously
and unconsciously the undercurrents of political, economic and
social dynamism. These variations in form and function we have
observed in the texts will not permit us to take the view that the
social life depicted in that corpus was the same throughout.Pattern
of DevelopmentNo student of Indian geo-politics will fail to
observe the pattern whereby growth and stagnation exist side by
side. The archaeologist, by virtue of his trade, sees more of this
than any other worker in the field of ancient history. Alichins
summarise the position thus: "It is worth stressing once more that
in the past, as today, in addition to the normal range of sites of
different size and importance by which any particular cultural
phase is always represented, throughtout the subcontinent distinct
cultural groups at very different levels are to be found living in
more or less close proximity to one another."Subbarao, another
archaeologist, on the basis of the idea of the 'nuclear regions'
given by Spatel explained the phenomenon as follows:"Accepting this
fundamental concept of 'areas of attraction, relative isolation and
isolation,' the whole pattern of development can be defined as one
of horizontal expansion, contraction and isolation of lower
cultures in different parts of the country at different periods and
at different cultural levels. The divergence in the country is due
to the difference in the cultural milieu of the first large-scale
agricultural communities in the different regions."Remarkable
illustration of this phenomenon is seen in the Tinai concept found
in the Cankam texts.As has been referred to earlier, according to
this tradition, each ecological region is said to be particularly
suited for a particular love activity and each of these regions are
referred to by the most characteristic flower of that
region.REGIONFLOWERLOVE ACTIVITY
HillsKurifici (Strobilanthus)Sexual union and those that lead to
it.
Pasturelands and open Terraces Mullai (Jasminium
Trichotumum)Wife patiently waiting for the husband who is away, and
those that lead to it.
Riverine AgrarianMarutam (Terminalia tomentosa)Wife sulking over
husband visiting harlot "and those that lead to it.
LittoralNeytal (Nymphaea lotus alba)Agony of separation and
those that lead to it.
(Uncultivable) Dry RegionPalai (Mimusops Kauki)Separation from
family because of elopement and anxiety over separation of
husband.
Each of these division is also associated with a distinct
military activity and that is referred to by another set of
flowers.REGIONFLOWERMILITARY ACTIVITY
HillVetci (Iccora Coccinea)Capture and recapture of cattle. The
action of the defenders is some times treated separately and
referred to by the Karantai (Sphaerunthus indcius)
PasturelandVanci (Calamus Rotang)Guarding and raiding the
settlement.
AgrarianUliIIai (Cardiosper mum Halicacabum)Guarding and
attacking the fortifications. The action of the defenders is
sometimes treated separately and referred to by the flower, Nocci
(Vitex Negundo).
LittoralTumpai (Leucas Aspera)Fight to finish
DryVakai (Albizzia Lebek)Victory.
The tradition of associating each region with a love activity
though schematized in Tol., is seen in the Cankam texts too
(AN:442; CPA:11, 29-31&186; MK: 270, 285, 300-1; MPK: 314,
326). The word that is used to denote this tradition is Tinai. Nac.
explains it as code of conduct" and Ilam. tends to interpret it as
general theme or content. But there are instances in Cankam texts
where this word has been to indicate a family or clan (PN: 24, 27,
159, 373; PrP:14, 31, 72, 85; Kur.: 45). This meaning is indicated
in such compound forms as Tinaippeyar and Tinainilaippeyar
(Tol.Akat: 21 & 22) which mean 'regional name of the
character.' The term Tinai mayakkam (Akat.12)confusion of
Tinaiwhich refers to the concept of a love activity, which has been
prescribed for one region as taking place in another, too hints at
this meaning. The unassailable proof that this word meant 'class'
or `group' is seen in the use of this word to indicate the genders
of nouns. Tamil has Uyartinai and Akrioai. Caldwell transated them
as 'high-caste' and casteless' nouns. The word Tinai is not listed
in DED and DEDS, but its association to the root Tin is very
noticeable (DED: 2634).The social significance of this concept has
been noticed by many scholars. According to Srinivas Iyengar all
these five kinds of natural regions are found in the Tamil country,
though on small scale, and as the South Indian spread from region
to region, he developed the stages of culture which each region was
calculated to produce. Dikshithar saw in this concept the stage of
evolution of civilization. He commented that "the Tamil social
organisation which had its distinctive characteristics born of
environment, as anthropology holds, is unique in having realised
the five different stages of human life in prehistoric
times.Thaninayagam observed that "this fivefold division throws
light on human origins and the development of human culture as has
been observed by those geographers and anthropologists who have
recently written at length on this subject." Zvelabil said it is
possible that this division reflects the historical migration of
the pre-Dravidian and proto-Tamil population from the hills and the
jungle to the fertile plains and to the seaboard, or, in other
words, the development from the neolithic hunter, through the
intermediate stage of the keeper of the flocks, to the settled
tiller of the soil and fisherman."This explanation, on the face of
it, is both appealing and convincing. But an important fact that
has to be borne in mind is that this division was a contemporary
physical reality to the poets of the Cankam period, as it is to us.
CPA in lines 143-202 speaks of the various places the bard has to
pass through before arriving at the place of the patron. Lines
143-163 describe Eyirpattinam which is a littoral region, lines
164-177 refer to Vellore, a hilly tract where hunters live, lines
178-195 describe Amur, an agrarian region watered by a river and
finally from line 196 onwards the hill capital is described. In PPA
lines 46-392 describe the road to Kanci and the settlements and
towns that lie on the way. The break-up is as follows:Lines 46-145
-- Describe the jungle region inhabited by people living in food
gathering stages.147-196 -- Describe the terraced valley where
cattle-keepers live.196-262 -- Describe the irrigated agrarian
region.263-283 -- Describe the inland fishermen fishing in
ponds.283-351 -- Describe the maritime town of Nirppayal.351-362 --
Describe the cultivable land in maritime region.These descriptions
reject the rather unilinear evolution implied in the explanation of
Iyengar but confirm the findings of the archaeologists.It is
important at this stage to make it clear that the original concept
was a division into four regions only. This is confirmed by both
Cankam texts and Tol. MK (120-4) speaks of Nartilavar (those of
four regions) only. Tol. very clearly states thatAvarrul natuvan
aintinai natuvanatu oliyapatutirai vaiyam pattiya papa"(Akat.2)"Of
the Tinais (which include, beside the five love activities
mentioned above, those of one sided love and excessive love) the
five that come in the middle, i.e. the region based ones, minus the
one that comes in the centre, i.e. Palai, are based on the
physiographic division of the sea-girt world."This clearly implies
that the dry region is a later accretion. This is confirmed in Cil.
XI: 62-66. When Kovalan requests the Brahmin to tell him the road
to Maturai, the Brahmin, in the course of the reply, refers to the
arid forest region thus.Venal am kilavanotu venkatir ventan tan
nalam tirukat tanmaiyir kunrimullaiyum kuririciyum muraimaiyir
tirintu nalliyalpu ilantu natufikutuyar uruttap palai enpatar
pativan koljurnkalai eytinir..."you have come at the time when
Mullai (pasture land) and Kuririci (hill region) are transformed
into the distress giving Palai (arid region) by the excessive heat
of the God of the Hot RaysSun."It categorically states that Mullai
and Kuririci have taken the shape (pativam) of Palai. With rainfall
the 'shape' could be transformed to the original Mullai and
Kurifici. It would therefore be appropriate treat Palai as a
seasonal change, ANR quotes AN 111 as providing reference to Mullai
transforming into Palai and Kalit. for Kurinci transforming into
Palai. This substantiates Tol.'s statement that the original
division was only four. This would of course raise the question why
it was essential to treat Palai as a separate region. The answer
would be that it was because of the poetic necessity to treat
separation which took place during that part of the year. It was
during this hot season people went out on royal missions and for
earning wealth.Thus we are able to establish an original fourfold
classification. We should now consider whether this was the result
of an understanding of the geographical principle of Regionalism or
the logical expression typical to tribal milieu.Thomson has shown
that the social reality of the tribal division of moieties etc., is
expressed in the formation of a "cosmological system embracing the
whole known world." He had cited the Amerindian cosmogenies where a
fourfold division operates. His contention that "nature was only
known to the extent that it had been drawn into the orbit of social
relations through the labour of production is very well illustrated
in the concept of Karupporul which Tol. takes as fundamental to the
concept of poetry. It includes deity, food, animals, tree, drum,
economic activity and music of the region (Akat.18). It is possible
therefore that the original fourfold classfication may have its
roots in tribal cosmology. This too proves that we cannot associate
the idea of Tinai with the concept of unilinear evolution.But the
use made of this concept in Cankam poetry and the terms used to
denote those reveal a conscious effort. In the use made of Palai we
see how poetic necessity has begun to play an important part.Marr's
comment on this problem is vital to the understanding of it. He
observes "that no tinai name exhibits relationship with any other
Tamil or Dravidian word with the meaning related to ideas of union,
separation, waiting, anguish and quarrelling. On the other hand
several of the tinai names have cognates in other Dravidian
languages. This would make the concept as something evolved at a
more abstract level to denote the sex mores of the different
regions. In that circumstance the other (original) meaning of the
term Tinai (group, family) assumes importance because it explains
the whole process as one of denoting the sexual mores of the
different groups of people living in different regions. Such
typologising is possible only when the traditions are
flourishing.The fact that the different regions and the respective
social organisations reveal the successive stages of economic and
political evolution should not lead us to the conclusion that the
evolution itself was unilinear. Field studies in social
anthropology have brought to light many societies with arrested
growth. Stunted growth occurs when production does not (and cannot)
go beyond a particular point. Internal self-sufficiency,
geographical and social isolation are some of the many factors that
contribute to a situation like that.The different regions and the
inhabitants of those places mentioned in the Tinai tradition should
be taken as depicting the inevitable uneven development that arises
from the geographical background of the social organisation of
Tamilnad. As Mahalingam said "in prehistoric times people in South
India were divided into a number of tribes, the main difference
between them being largely due to their geographical environment."
This is all the more striking because some of the modern tribes of
South India show remarkable similarities to the groups mentioned in
the early literatures. We have noticed the continuity of the
Kurumpa tradition. Other groups are Kuricciyas, Kuravar and
Maravar. It is indeed astonishing to note that words which had been
used In Cankam literature to denote an activity or feature of a
particular region are continued to be used in the same context even
today. A striking instance is the use of the term Punam (field). In
Cankam literature this is used to denote the fields in the hilly
region where tinai (Italian millet) was grown by the slash and burn
method (PN:159; AN:118, 242; Kur:33, 82; NT: 57; MPK: 203, 328
etc). Aiyappan uses this term when he discusses the agricultural
activities of the modern tribes. He says, "Podu cultivation known
as the punam cultivation in Wynaad is practised by Kuricciyas and
other tribes." The description Aiyappan gives of the podu
cultivation shows no change whatsoever from the descriptions we
have of the slash and burn cultivation of Kurinci." These reveal
the remarkable continuity of traditions.The Tinai concept should
therefore be taken as the fossilisation in poetic convention of the
sexual mores and the social and economic organisation of the
unevenly developed Tamil communities.It is important at this
juncture to refer to Subrahmanian's criticism of Iyenger's
explanation of this concept. Subrahmanian quite correctly objects
to the unilinear evolution proposed by Iyengar but ends up saying,
"this so called 'evolution' is true in the larger field of world
history in its anthropological setting and proto-historical stage,
but to import it into the limited space of Tamilakam and to suppose
that all these changes occurred here also in the same historical
order may not be correct." Iyengar's mistake in taking uneven
development for unilinear evolution is one thing but Subrahmanian's
conclusion from that is something completely different. His
assertion that features observed at macro-level are not applicable
at micro-levels would indeed come as a big surprise even to the
most devout of the functionalists. Even they do not rule out
general laws of development.''Uneven development of the communities
has led to very far reaching results. Of these, the most important,
a study of social institutions has to take note of, is that
"certain regions have advanced far more rapidly than other, and the
more backward often preserve many features which elsewhere belong
only to a distant past." It also shows that major economic
development and therefore social and political growth arose in the
areas suited for advanced agricultural economy, as in the river
basins of Kaveri Vaikai and Periyaru; and these correspond to the
Cola, Pantiya and Cera kingdoms. The rest of the country was less
developed ; Pennaru and Palaru region is the exception and the
Tirayars and later the Pallavas arose in that region.With this
Preliminary understanding of the pattern of development, we must
now turn to the process of development. Since it could be seen only
in a chronological context, we should turn first to the political
chronology of the period.Political HistoryWe have already seen that
the date of the Cankam period has been fixed, on the testimony of
internal and external evidences as circa 100-250 A.D. The decline
of this period is indicated in CPA. As Sastri describes "a thorough
change in the political map of South India and the definite close
of an epoch seem to be implied in the CPA...," and "clearly Vanci,
Uraiyur and Maturai must have passed the meridian of their
prosperity and entered on a period of a decline." Sastri feels that
CPA could be assigned to a "date about 275 A.D."We do not know why
the decline had set in. It was a decline that affected all the
three capitals. The available evidences do not indicate that this
decline that came in by about 250-300 A.D. was due to any alien
power. It should, therefore, have been the result of internal
causes.The next major landmark in the political history of Tamilnad
is the Kalabhra Interregnum. Kalabhras, originally a non-Tamil
tribe of the Karnataka, came into Tamilnad and gained ascendancy.
Their initial impact and ultimate defeat is described in the
epigraphic record of the grant made of the village Velvikuti by
Parrintakacataiyan (765-875). It refers to the Kalabhras as
Kaliarasar who took possession of the great territories by
'completely wiping super kings.' Sastri took the term Kaliarasar to
mean evil kings ; K.R. Venkataraman objects to this translation and
holds that it could refer to the dynasty of the kings of the Kali
dynasty. His A Note on the Kalabhras has thrown much light on the
problem. After a detailed and illuminating discussion he sums up
thus:"Dislodged by the Kadambas from their earlier home around
Sravanabelagola, they (Kalabhras) moved east and carved out a
kingdom, which included Bengalore, Kolar and parts of the Chitoor
district which came to be called, after them, Kalinad or
Kalavarnad, and from there they spread out into Tondainad Colanad
and Pandinad overthrowing the long established Tamil monarchies.
They occupied Maturai sometime after the reign of Mutukutumi, how
long after we do not know. The Sangam epoch had already closed and
was followed by a period of darkness. The fianeant successors of
Mutukutumi were perhaps too insignificant and too inept to be
celebrated in songs. One such king was slain by the Kalabhras. The
Colas were in a state of hibernation and easily went under. There
is a gap in the history of Kanci. The Pallava king of the Sanskrit
charter prior to Kumaravishnu had lost possession of Karici and
confined their rule to the Telugu districts wherefrom they issued
their charters. The interregnum in Karici commencing roughly from
AD 436, perhaps marks the Kalabhra occupation of Tondaimandalam,
which was finally terminated by Simhavishnu.It would, therefore
appear that Tamilnad was under the Kalabhras for the best part of
the period 5th to 6th centuries A.D., and the final debacle was
brought about by Pandya . Katunkon and Pallava Simhavishnu; each
stands at the beginning of a powerful line of rulers."The foregoing
account reveals that the northernmost part of the Tamil countries,
Kanci, fell to Kalabhras only about 436 A.D. Their southward
expansion must be taken as later to that. Pantiya counry, being the
southernmost, must have been the last to fall. Cola defeat must
have been in between. Pantiya revival starts with Katunkon
(590-620). Simhavisnu (560-580) ushered in the new strong line of
Pallavas. Thus the period of active Kalabhra power must have been
between circa 436 to 560 A.D. in the north of the region and in the
south up to about 590 A.D. The two definitely datable periods we
now have areI. 100-250/300 A.D. Cankam Period.II. 436-560/590 A.D.
Kalabhra rule.This leaves the intervening 150 years blank. The
political events of this period are not known.With this
chronological frame work let us look into the details of the
Kalabhra rule. The record mentions that they wiped away the
established monarchies.Alavariya atiracarai akala nikki.This must
have been more of a coup de grace than a coup de etat because we
have already noticed that by 275 A.D. all the kingdoms had
declined.The chief feature of the Kalabhra rule is that the
Kalabhras did not rule as one family or dynasty over the entire
Tamilnad. Because of the availability of evidence relating to
Kalabhra rulers of faiths in different regions, Venkataraman says,
"the assumption is forced upon us that more than one family of
Kalabhras ruled over the Tamil land." From the records available
the Kalabhras of the Cola region seem to have prospered better.
Buddhadatta of the fifth century A. D. refers in his Vinayavinicca
to Accuta Vikanta of of the Kalabhra kula, as the ruler of the
earth. In his Abhidhammavatara, the same author refers to "the
prosperous Kaveripattana with its concourse of rich merchants, its
palaces and pleasure gardens. Besides the verses quoted in Tamil
Navalar Caritai which speak of the three Tamil kings paying
obeisance to Accuta - Vikanta" the continued presence of
inscriptions which refer to Kalabhra "petty officials mostly in the
nadus and kurrams of his Cola Kingdom," also validates the point
that the most powerful concentration was in the Cola country. In
view of the position that the Pantiyas were the first to revive and
of the fact that the deposing of the Pantiya monarch should have
taken place some - times after their entry into Tamilnad, it could
be considered that the effects of Kalabhras would have been less
dislocating in the Pantiya country than in the Cola country.The
Kalabhras are associated with the rising influence of Jainism and
Buddhism in Tamilnad. Sastri describes it as follows:"But sometime
after the close of the Cankam age and before the rise of the
Pallavas and Pantiyas in the late sixth century, a great change
came and people began to entertain fears of the whole land going
over to the heretical creeds of Jainism and Buddhism. This was
doubtless related to the obscure political revolution with which
the Kalabhras had close connection."The Tamil forms of the word
Kalabhras -- Kalappar, Kalappalar and Kalapirar -- must have come
through "the Pali and Prakrit form of KalabhoraKalabha." The
importance of Pali and Prakrit in the history of Buddhism and
Jainism is too well known to be emphasised here.Peninsular and All
India perspectiveDatable Tamilian history, seen in the background
of all-India chronology, starts at a comparatively later age. The
Cankam period, in terms of Indian history is contemporaneous with
the later Satavahanas, who arose after the fall of the Mauryan
empire which flourished from 4th C.B.C. to late 3rd C.B.C. Absence
of Tamil sources do not indicate a complete darkness because,
besides the numerous literary references, we have the Rock Edicts
of Asoka which mention the Colas, Pantiyas, Ceras and Atikamans as
political entities. Arthasastra refers to the economic
potentialities of the Far South.Knowledge of the political and
cultural character of the Satavdhana kingdom which arose by about
230 B.C. and covered, at its greatest extent the whole of Deccan
and spread far into Northern India perhaps even Magadha is
essential to comprehend the cultural ethos of the developed Tamil
regions.Gurty Venket Rao cites evidence to show that the
Satavahanas deliberately and consciously followed the policy laid
down in such of the Artha-Sastras and smritis available to them. Of
the cultural conditions that existed under that dynasty, he says
this:"Administration, social and economic life, religion and
philosophy, art and literaturein fact every branch of human
activity, was recast in the Aryan mould. The Vedic rishis, Mauryan
officers and Buddhist missionaries alike, by precept and example,
hastened the revolutionary change and served to implant Aryan
institutions firmly in the Deccani soil. The Satavahanas and the
Western Kshatrapas accepted this as a matter of course.Referring to
the religious situation, he says that the original inhabitants, who
had animistic beliefs retired into hilly regions with the advance
of the North Indian cults, and that"Vedic religion, the philosophy
of the Upanishads, Jainism and Buddhism became so naturalized in
the cis-Vindhyan lands that by the time of the rise of the
Satavahanas to power they `became more native than native born'
practices. A Satavahana prince proclaimed his opposition to the
'contamination of four varnas' and insisted upon the pursuit of the
triple objects."After Yajna Sri Satakarni (170-199 C.A.D.) the
Satavahana kingdom began to disintegrate." The last of the kings
with some authority was Pulamayi III. One of the powers that rose
in the south after the fall of Satavahanas, was the Chutus. They
ruled Maharastra and Kuntala and were later supplanted by the
Kadambas whose expansion led to the dislodging of the Kalabhras.
Ishvakus ruled the KrishnaGuntur region and the Pallavas
established their power in the south east. These early Pallavas are
identified by their Prakrit charters and the first reference we
have is to Simhavarman (fl.275-300 A.D.). There is a continuity of
Pallava rule upto the time of Skandavarman (400-436) from whose
period there is a break in the continuity. We should recall here
that Venkataraman connects this up with the Kalabhra expansion.In
North India, with the rise of Chandragupta in 320 A.D. we see the
beginnings of the Gupta empire. His successor Samudra Gupta
(335-376 A.D.) "led a very successful expedition as far as Kailci,
the defeated kings were reinstated on giving homage tribute and
probably heard no more of their titular overloard." The political
history of Deccan of this period brings to light many dynasties
like Gangas, Salankayanas, who did not influence the course of
South Indian history. The next major South Indian power was the
Pallavas, whom we have noticed, lie beyond the scope of our
period.North Indian Impact and InfluenceThis bird's eye-view of the
political history of the peninsula and the earlier discussion on
the contents of the texts reveal in unmistakable terms the overall
and decisive influence the culture and history of North India had
on Tamilnad. It is important to gauge its extent and character to
fully grasp the manner and direction of social and cultural
development.The process of impact and influence is referred to by
the name of the builders of the Vedic CivilizationAryans. But it
should be observed that because of racial and ethnic associations
and because of later day political and social developments the term
`Aryanisation' and the assessment of its impact and influence
reveals the deep seated emotional overtones which are very
difficult to by-pass or overcome. Gonda, in a different context,
but on the same problem, very rightly said, "It is clear that as
far as Indian scholars are concerned certain emotional motives may
be apt to influence a scientific argumentation."The earliest
literary evidence we have for Tamilian history reveals that
`Aryanisation has already made some progress.' As time passed, it
went on increasingly dominating South Indian life as a whole, so
much so that in and after the subjugation of the North by the
Muslims it was in the South that the earlier cultural traditions
were preserved intact.It is also generally held that it was this
process of Aryanisation that gave India a (higher) cultural
identity. Modern sociologists and social anthropologists take it as
the norm of Indian culture in general, and seek to find in the
process of its spread and diffusion the formation of the 'standard
Indian culture.' Srinivas calls this process of acculturation
`Sanskritisation. Redfield and Milton Singer in their effort to
study the acculturation process in India took this as the Great
Tradition and the local ones as the Little Tradition.The main
feature of this process, by whatever name it is called, is that
there was a substantial difference in the manner it operated in
North India and in South India, especially in Tamilnad. Aryan
expansion in North India was a political expansion. Archaeological
evidences indicate that it was associated with the use of iron and
the beginnings of agriculture. But the process of Aryanisation of
the peninsula differed. As Kosambi said "the next major thrust into
the peninsula proper, was backed by the highly developed northern
society with its advanced technique, in particular a recently
required knowledge of metals. The new territory was far more varied
and therefore not to be settled in the same way as the northern.
Hence the further development and the new function of caste, where
the brahmin would write Puranas to make aboriginal rites
respectable, while the savage chiefs of the tribes would turn into
kings and nobles ruling over the tribe. It is important to observe
that the introduction of iron into South India did not bring in the
same radical change it brought in the North and the East.Another
important feature of the process was that its very character had
changed by the time it turned southwards or in the course of its
southward expansion so much that the very term 'Aryanisation'
itself is not fully reflective of it. This is seen in the religious
changes that have taken place. Vedic gods have been given up and
regional cults were absorbed into the fold. Dandekar describes
it:"The so-called Aryanisation of South India was in several
respects quite unlike the Aryanisation of North India. Firstly,
this movement was of the nature of Hinduisation rather than of
Aryanisation. For, the most tangible results of it was the
acceptance by South Indians not of Aryan theology but of Hindu
sociology as reflected in the caste system. Secondly, this movement
does not seem to have evoked much opposition. On the contrary,
there is evidence to show that the changes brought by it were
welcomed by Dravidians with alarcity, and thirdly, the incursions
from the North were not so violent as to root out the languages and
the peculiar religious culture of the south.The last point
mentioned is very important because, whereas Aryanisation in other
areas meant the emergence of the various Prakrits, in the Far South
the languages were not uprooted. Language domination is always
associated with political and economic dominance. The fact that
Brahmin poets themselves used Tamil (Kapilar) shows that dominance
was not political and economic.The obvious areas of this impact had
been the political centers and agriculturally developed
regions.Sastri citing as evidence Aitreya Brahmana and Sankhayana
Srautasutra, says that the process would have started by 1000 B.C.
But Pillai points out that there is no reference to the Tamils in
the Brahmanas nor in Panini who is believed to be of sixth century
B.C, He points out that "Katyayana, the grammarian of the 4th
C.B.C. specifies the Cola kingdom. This is, 'to the best of our
knowledge the earliest reference to the extreme South. It is not
too much to assume that it was only round about the 4th C.B.C. that
Aryan contact with the Tamil country could have begun. Whatever the
beginnings is, in and after the Satavahana period there must have
been greater contact because "the Satavahanas seem to have
encouraged the settlement of Brahmins in their domain."Being
non-political, the process was essentially cultural and is manifest
in the spread of Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism.It is generally
held that Hindus were the earliest colonists. S.K. Aiyangar, after
an analysis of the Brahmanical traditions of the South came to the
conclusion "that this Brahmanism such was prevalent in the Tamil
country must be Brahmanism of pre-Buddhistic character." Pillai,
who discussed the question in more recent times, cites the Vijaya
tradition of Sri Lankan history and the prevalence of Brahmi
inscriptions and suggests that "from about the 4th C. B. C, the
Jains and Buddhists had begun to come and settle down in Southern
India and that in all probability they preceded the Hindu Aryans.
On the manner of migration; he says that the Brahmins would have
come in groups or waves as indicated in group names like
Narpattennayiravar and Elunarruvar. If this was the probable manner
of migration then it would not be far wrong to give a pre-Buddhist
date, because such migratory wave would not have been able to
create the same impact as the monastically organised missionary
Buddhists and Jains.The social and economic background to the rise
and spread of Buddhism and Jainism must be noticed here. Basham
says, "We can parallel the rise of Buddhism and Jainism and of the
many smaller heterodox systems of salvation which came into being
about the 6th C. B.C., with the rise of an important mercantile
class needing less expensive and less complicated rituals and
demanding a more significant role in the religious life of India
and than Brahmins would concede." In Tamilnad too their association
with the commercial class is very noticeable. The Tamil - Brahmi
inscriptions reveal that "the trading communities vied with the
royalty in the endowment of monasteries in the Tamil country as
elsewhere in India. Significant is the name of the site of
excavated Roman trading centre, ArikameduArukan Metu meaning the
mound of the Arahat.The monastic and individualistic character of
these religions and their independant economic organisation are a
striking contrast to the collective and pragmatic tribal rituals
and this perhaps is one of the causes for the emphatic insistence
of the Jaina and Buddhist didactic works on the avoidance of all
that constituted the heroic society, from meat eating to
fighting.The mode of expansion of Brahmanism was quite different
from that of Jainism and Buddhism. Brahmanism absorbed the local
cults into the general framework of the Brahmanic cults and the
resultant form was very much different from the original Vedic cult
and doctrine. The terms Vedism and Hinduism are now used to
indicate the original and the latter forms. The gods of the Vedas
fell into insignificance and there emerged new gods and goddesses
who are definitely non-Aryan. It is generally held that Siva is a
Dravidian contribution. Important also is the cult of Krsna which
was syncretised with the Narayana cult of the Vedas and later the
Visnu. The importance he gains in Mahabharata is reflective of the
increasing changes. It is important to note here that in South
India Krsna and Balarama were worshipped together; significantly
enough the symbol of Balarama was the plough (PN:56; NT:32; Kalit.
:35,103,123; Pari.: 1,2; Cil. : V: 171, XIV: 9). This indicates the
economic transformation that was going on in the southern regions
with the spread of Hinduism.Socially the spread of Brahminism
helped the transformation of non-agricultural tribes into
agricultural societies. This meant the application of the
Caturvarna principle in areas and climes where it would not apply.
The final result was the grouping of the different tribes into
jatis (caste; clans) and assigning them a position in relation to
the four fold division. Politically dominant groups could become
kshatriyas.The ritual sanction which the Brahmin was able to give
to the local rulers by performing sacrifices gave him an important
place in the political sphere. We have already noticed the
significance this played in the Satavahana empire. Among the kings
of the Cankam period we hear of some who have performed these
sacrificesPalyalacalai Mutukutumip per uvaluti (PN: 6,9),
Iracacayamvatta perunarkilli (PN:16). Many kings are described as
showing respect to Brahmins and performing the Brahmanic rites and
sacrifices (PN: 61, 5, 99, 361, 367; PrP: 24, 64, 70, 74). The
influence of Brahmins in the court was so great that Kapilar, a
Brahmin poet, eulogises king Celvakkatunko validtan thus: "You know
no humility but to the Brahmin" (PrP:63). Brahmin is sometimes
described as the royal messenger or ambassador (PN:305; AN:54). The
political immunity Brahmins enjoyed is seen in the Pari legend in
which Kapilar leaves the daughters of Pari with Brahmins so that
they could be safe (PN:11-3). The increasing power and status of
the Brahmin is well illustrated in MK. The poet Mankuti Maltitanar
urges the king Netunceliyan, the - victor of Talaialakahtiain, to
give up all purposeless entertainment and emulate Palyalacalai
Mutukutumipperuval uti, a king who had performed Yakas and Netiyon,
a mythical ancestor (MK:759-80). Some of the poets of the Cankam
period were BrahminsKapilar, Tamotaranar, etc.The ritualistic
sanction given to the emerging heroic ruler by the Brahmin enabled
the king to be placed as a separate entity removed from the
tribe.This political association of the Brahmin also leads to
emergence of economic feudalism. Brahmins were given grants of
lands.Brahmanism and Brahmins played an important role in the
non-royal life too. PPA speaks of a separate colony of Brahmins
(297-310). Airik:1, 202, 384, 387, indicate the respect paid to the
Brahmin. Descriptions in PPA and CPA (187-8) show that Brahmin
settlements were found in the developed agrarian regions only.The
spread of Brahmanism in Tamilnad resulted in the syncretism of some
of the local cults with Brahmanism. The classic instance is the
fusion of Murukan and Skanda (TMA). Korravai was absorbed into the
Hindu pantheon as Parvati (Cil. XII: 54-73).The impact and
influence of Brahmanism increased with time and in Tol. we see him
as a mediator between estranged couple (Cey: 502). Learning soon
became the monopoly of the Brahmins and the word Tol. used to
denote learning otal, is used even today to denote Vedic
recitation.The Brahmin, in spite of the fact he did not control the
areas of power, was able to be at the apex of society because he
gave religious sanction to the new class hierarchy that placed the
king and the agriculturists above the others. But this is not to
say he was always loved. Kalit:64 which describes the sexual sadism
of an old Brahmin is as revealing of the Brahmin feeling as is some
modern literature on the same subject.Traders and priests were not
the only 'Aryans' to come to Tamilnad. AN:279 mention an Aryan
training an elephant. Kur:7 refers to Ariyakattuthe dance of the
Aryans. But obviously it was the first two classes that made an
impact.Political and Economic ConditionsThe political history of
Cankam period has been reconstructed on the basis of literary
evidence. Turai Arankacamy groups the different political entities
mentioned in Cankam literature as follows.I. The Three
MonarchiesCera, Cola, Pantiya.II. Tribes that lived in the Cera
region Kutavar (Kuttuvar), Atiyar, Malaiyar, Malavar, Puliyar,
Villor, Kolikar and Kuravar.III. Tribes that lived in the Pantiya
and Cola regions Paratavar, Kosar.IV. Tribes that did not come
under the Three MonarchiesAviyar, Oviyar, Vblir, Aruvar, Antar,
Itaiyar.V. Tribes that lived in the region neighbouring the Tamil
areaTontaiyar, Kalavar, Vatukar.It is clear that these
chieftaincies and kingdoms were existing mostly side by side.
Analysis of Paranar's poems would reveal how contemporaneous these
units were. Those eulogised by Pararnar were2 Caras-- Kuttuvati,
Perumputporaiyan, the victor of Kaluvul,2 Colas-- Karikalan and his
father Ilia ficetcenni.1 Pantiya -- Pacumputpantiyaq,27 Chiefs --
Some of them fendatories, e.g. Aruvai; Some of them independent
Chieftains, e.g. Miriili; Some of them Tribal chiefsMatti and
Kaluvul. "
Kapilar, a contemporary of Paranar, praises one Cera king and
eight chieftains, three of whom were praised by
Paranar.Sivarajapillai was of the opinion that in the space of five
generations (150 A.D.)... most of the tribal chieftaincies
scattered throughout the southern half of the Peninsula were either
annexed or made tributary states. As we move down the times we find
the independant chieftains being replaced by others who owed
fidelity and military service to the paramount power and also by
the commanders of the armies and other officers in the regular
employ of those rulers... In lieu of regular salary these officers
held feudal estates in their possession and became petty rulers
under their respective sovereigns." This reveals that besides the
tribal chieftaincies, political annexation had led to the creation
of new chieftaincies. But it cannot be said that political
annexation meant centralised rule. PN 319, 322 and 324 refer to
hunter chiefs who help the king, but the area of rule is described
as theirs. The relationship between the feudatory chiefs and the
king is brought out well in PN 179 in which Nallaikilan Nalcan is
eulogised."This fighter of the Pantiya king provides the king with
whatever he needs, as swords when he needs arms and counsel when
advice is needed."This type of relationship leads to the
development of feudalism in the more classical sense. From the
state of a subordinate ruler, the transition is to one who rules on
behalf of the king, This feature, noted by Kosambi as, Feudalism
from Above, is one of the important forms of the development of
feudalism in India. But it should be pointed out that this type of
feudal development would not have been as elaborate or developed or
longstanding as was in the kingdoms with larger territorial extent
and continued political stability.The grants of lands made to
Brahmins gave rise to another type of feudal holdings. We do not,
of course, hear of these grants in as much the way we do in the
Pallava Period but the information we have in the epilogues of PrP
that Kumitturkkanandr (Prologue to 2nd decade) and Kapilar
(prologue. to 7th decade) were given lands and in the Velvikuti
grant, indicate that the tradition had started in the earliest
period itself.PrP indicates that in the Cera country there were two
dynasties ruling from two different capitals. "The exact
relationship of the collateral branch with those of the main line
is not ascertainable in every case; nor is the capital of every
ruler specifically mentioned." There are some who consider that
Colas too had a collateral line." But Sastri would prefer to take
it as belonging "to the period subsequent to the rule of
Karikalati."Inspite of the highly Sanskritized concept of kingship
that is spoken of in relation to the three kingdoms (PN: 35, 69;
PrP: 11,69) the common institution of Nal makil irukkai -- rulers
sitting in state with fellow members of the tribe drinking toddy --
which is spoken of in the case of "both the kings (PN: 29, 59; PrP:
65, 85) and the chieftains (PN: 123, 330; MPK: 76-80), indicates
that in the initial stages the pattern of political authority did
not differ much between kingdom and Chieftaincies. As it is
referred to as Nalavaiday counciland those who sit alongside are
called Surramthose around (PPA: 447; PN: 2, 179), this institution
may be connected with tribal councils.An important aspect of the
political history of the Pantiyas and Colas of the Cankam period is
that immediately after the great test monarchs of each line there
is a period of political `darkness.' In the case of the Pantiyas,
nothing is known after Neturiceliyan, the victor of
Talaiyalankanam. In the Cola kingdom after Karikalan there is lack
of information and sometime later we hear of an internal strife
between Nalafilcilli and Netufikilli. The more easily constructed
geneology of Cera kingdom, which no doubt sees some powerful kings
in succession, should not blind us to the fact that there was a
collateral line which too had politically important monarchs.
Ceiikuttuvan, the king eulogised by Paranar, must have been a
contemporary of Irimiporai.Even in the Cera case the last known
kings Cenkuttuvan and Yanaikkatay Mantaraiscdral Irumporai are
considered important.Catikam literature makes a clear distinction
between the three monarchies and the other political units by using
the term Ventan only for the three monarchs." This political
prominence was due to the geographical base of their kingdoms.
These kingdoms arose on the important river basins of Tamilnad.
Karur, the Cera capital, and Uraiyur of the Colas were on the banks
of Kaveri. The collateral Cora line is associated with Periyaru.
Pantiya capital was on the Vaikai basin. These river basins
afforded irrigation facilities in a region where the rainfall lasts
only a few months in a year. It is significant, therefore, to see
that the only references we have for irrigation are all relating to
these irrigable areas. PP: 283-9 credits Karikalan with the
clearance of forest and construction of tanks for irrigation.
PrP:27 speaks of sluice doors used in irrigation. PrP:28 describes
Periyaru as one which irrigates the infertile lands even during the
worst of droughts. In PN:18 Kutapulaviyanar makes a special plea to
Netunceliyan, the victor of Talailankanam in the following manner.
"What is food but combination of earth and water. Those who bring
these together are whose names will live forever." MK (85-95)
refers to irrigating fields from the reservoir by the sweep basket
method.The role of irrigation in the development of centralised
monarchy is an observed historical phenomenon. The emergence of
monarchy in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia are instances. It is not
surprising, therefore, that the dynasties that controlled the
important river basins rose to prominence in Tamilnad.A comparison
of the type of agriculture described in these areas (including
Kanci, which controlled Palar river. PPA: 207-243) and that
described as found in the area of Pari, the great benefactor-chief
(PN: 120) reveals the differences very well.But it cannot be said
that the kings of ancient Tamilnad controlled the flow of the
rivers by constructing dams and canals. Their construction was only
of tanks and reservoirs (PP: 284; MK:89). There was irrigation from
wells too.Rice being the cereal much in demand (in barter -- AN:60)
the cultivation of it must have given economic supremacy to these
regions.Development of agriculture gives rise to extensive
development of private landholdings which in turn leads to
feudalism. It is in the developed agrarian regions we meet the
first non-owning worker. In the course of the description of the
agrarian region poets often refer to vinaivalar (those skilled in
work) sowing and harvesting (Kur: 309; NT: 60, 450; PP 71: 196-262;
KK: 230-270; PP: 7-19). The employment of workers imply large
holdings. The existence of surplus production, the basis of
economic power, could be deduced from those references to the
storing of paddy in large quantities (NT: 26, 60). The heroine is
sometimes described as the daughter of the rich man of the ancient
family (Kur: 336). Such class of landlords who had control over
families in referred to in PrP: 13:23-4.It is significant that the
references we have for irrigation in the Carikam period are
connected with the last important kings of each line. PP refers to
Karikalan, the last great king (in fact the greatest) of the Cola
kings. The Pantiya king thus (PN: 18; MK) referred to is
Netunceliyan. In the case of Ceras the references are to
Imayavarampan Netunceralatan (PrP:13) and Palya naiccelkelukuttuvan
(PrP:27) both brothers from one line and Perunceral Irumporai from
the other (PrP: 71). In the case of the former two, they had one
successor of eminence -- Cenkuttuvan whose exploits as a military
leader was very great. In the Irumporai line even though
Yanaiklcatay was noteworthy, it is known, that he had to face
internal strife.Irrigation no doubt leads to extensive development
which leads to landlordism. In a heroic society this trend could
have, as we shall soon see, important political results.The
affluence of the major kingdoms is also explained by their
associations with -foreign trade. All the important ports mentioned
in the classical sources fall within the major political units.
Naura and Muziri were in Cera kingdom. Nelcynda, Bacare and Komari
came within the Pantiya reigion and Camara and Poduca were in
Colanad. Sopatama was near Kaisci, the home of the Tirayars and,
later, Pallavas. PP's mention of customs officers, warehouses, and
royal seal on cargo (120-35) and of the different items of export
and import (184-93) reveals the the immense wealth trade would have
provided to the Cola coffers. MK by it descriptions of the
cargo-laden ships (321-4 and 536-44) belonging to the merchants
from various places (550-6) indicates the prosperity that commerce
provided to the Pantiyas. Korkai, the pearl fishery centre, was in
that region. One Papitya king is credited with an embassy to Rome."
PrP 59,76 indicate the 'commercial' prosperity in the Cara kingdom.
The Ceras too are said to have sent an embassy.In spite of this
close connection of the capitals with commerce the royal monopoly
in trade was in pearl fishery only. Periplus tells that the labour
of condemned criminals were used in pearl fishery.97 Besides this,
there seems to be no royal connections in the export trade. We have
concrete literary evidence to prove that most of the trade was in
the hands of the merchants. PrP 13, mentions as one of the
important functions of the king, the duty of looking after the
merchants. In 'PIT 76 the care with which the merchants checked
their ships (for 'repairs, etc) on return from sailing is the
simile used to express the care the king takes to cure the injuries
the fighter elephant had received in the battle. This is clear
indication that the ships were 'owned by the merchants themselves.
The desciiption of the merchants and their houses (MK: 500-6; PP:
206212, etc.) indicate their social importance. Epigraphy provides
a better picture. Biahmi inscriptions refer to "the existence of
mercantile guilds (Nhikama) in the Tamil country. The head of the
guild enjoyed the title The members of the guild .Nikamattor, acted
in their corpoafe capacity in making endowments."09 The
independahce of the commercial organisation and its essentially
cordial reltionship with the state are now clear. The Keiviti
holders described in MK (495-99) may possibly be the elders of the
mercantile community.An, important feature of the export trade was
that it depended entirely on exploiting the resources but not
cultivating them.Produces were classed according to their places of
orginthose from hills, sea and land (PPA: 66-76; PP: 184-90; PrP:
15). An exception to this no doubt, was weaving. But the caste
ranking gave the weavers a low place.It is important to note that
though "direct trade between the Egyptian Greeks of the Roman
Empire and India declined (after second century A.D.) the traffic
passing into the hands of the Arabians and still more Auxumites of
East Africa,'" it did not lead to a complete stoppage in the Tamil
coasts. There was a revival of Indian trade in the early Byzantine
period. As Warmington says, "Roman coins appear in South India as
well as in the North from Constantine onwards increasing in the
course of fourth and fifth centuries .....'5100 But this new
revival would not have been to the extent it was in 1st and 2nd
C.A.D. Sri Lanka had by this time risen to prominence.It is
important to observe that the Byzantine trade comes in at a time
when there was dynastic darkness. This period of revival in
external trade is also close to Cll. The description of
Kavdripattana given in Abhidhamrnavatara of Buddhadatta of 5th
century A.D., could, therefore, be as realistic of 5th century A.D.
as the descriptions of PP are of 2nd C. A.D.Internally, trade seems
to have been generally one of barter. Salt trade was in the hands
of Umapar. Catikam texts refer quite often. to these traders and
their ox-drawn carts (PN: 60,307, 313; AN: 159,167,173,191,298,310;
Kur.:38). Except for this this group, internal trade seems to have
been carried on by the producers themselves. We hear of persons
from the cattle-keeping and fishing communities going about hawking
their produce for rice (PN: 293; AN: 60; NT: 97, 118, 142). The
agrarian region, being the producer of rice, had economic
superiority.Except pottery, most of the industries we hear of, seem
to be typically urbartchank cutting, gem cutting, gold and bronze
smithy (MK: 511-22) carpentry (PPA: 248-9) and armaments production
(PN: 95). Weaving is often mentioned (PN: 236; TMA:. 138; PA:81-3;
Kalit.: 56, etc); the descriptions of the life in hilly region do
not indicate any use of cotton garments. It would, therefore, be
associated only with other societies. A machine for pressing
sugar-cane is also mentioned (Airik: 55; PP A : 259-60).The way in
which the artisans are referred to does not indicate that they
enjoyed a good social position. The only exception to this is the
master builder who is referred to as Pulavanone who knows (NNV:76).
The Brahmi inscriptions mention cloth merchant, salt merchant, iron
monger, a trader in sugarcane juice, a trader in gold bullion,
stone-mason or carpenter, goldsmith and charioteer. The last
mentioned had an important role in akam poems.Another important
economic activity connected with the emergence of the propertied
class is seen in those love poems which deal with the theme of
separation. Two activities could take a husband away from his home
for a considerable period of time, one is when he goes on Royal
duty and the other when he goes to earn wealth. This is an
important aspect of the economic life of Ancient Tamilnad which has
been overlooked by historians.In these poems on separation the
wife's concern for the husband is depicted in the description of
the forests and hills he had to pass through and the fierce
marauders he had to encounter on the way. The purpose of the
journey comes with a certain terminological exactitude. The terms
are Ceyporul (made or earned wealth) and Vinai (effort). Vinai
would include Royal duty too but Ceyporul is essentially economic
and concerns only the individual.The place to which the men went
has not been mentioned, but, from the references, it is clear that
it was beyond Venkata Hill, the northernmost boundary of Tamilnad
(AN: 83, 211, 213, 265, 393). It is also specifically stated that
they went into an area where another language was spoken, (AN: 205,
211, 215, 349; Kur:11) and that they passed through Vatukatecam,
the country on the northern boundary of Tamilnad. AN:69 throws much
light on the whole thing by mentioning that the hero had taken the
route taken by the Maurya army.They left their homes by
December-January or April-May and returned by August-September
(Kur:76). This is surprisingly the period when no rice cultivation
is done.It is clear from NT:266 that all the males did not go on
this journey because, on his way back the hero sees the
cattlekeepers.In some cases the person who goes to earn money is
associated, with IlaiyarJuniors (NT:361,367). Tol. mentions these
Ilaiyar as one of the mediators between the husband and wife, when
there is misunderstanding between them (TolKarp:170-171). It is
said that they should tell the wife about the features of the path
and the labour involved in the 'task.' Besides working for the
master, they have also to be his bodyguards. Thus it is clear that
Ilaiyar are really employees.The reasons given for the undertaking
of the trip vary. It is generally mentioned that he goes to earn
wealth so that he may give donations and perform righteous
obligations (Kur:63; AN:93, 151). Very often it is said that the
hero goes to earn the wealth necessary to lead a good married life.
And in one instance the girl's companion urges the prospective
groom to go out to earn wealth (NT:298).The reason why there is no
mention of the form of wealth is perhaps because it was too obvious
to be mentioned and also because the very act of earning and the
thing earned did not come within the province of this poetry. But
the descriptions seem to indicate that the persons would have gone
to collect gold or do something connected with it. They would have
gone to Mysore region. This region fits all the descriptions that
is given i n the texts."' AN:3 says that the aim of the journey was
to bring ornaments for the wife. This looks very suggestive. The
gold mines of Kolar and Upper Karnataka are very famous.Allchin,
who discussed the antiquity of gold mining in Deccan, says that the
high period of mining in South India should correspond with the
last centuries of the pre-Christian era and the first two centuries
of the christian era. This period remarkably fits in with the
Cankam period.Along with rice production, this provides for the
accumulation of surplus and the social effects of this wealth is
becoming increasingly discernible.This brief account of the
economic conditions of the period against the background of the
known political history brings to light the fact that the economic
history of the period is not as blank as the dynastic
chronologies.The continuity in agricultural development is seen in
Kalit. and Pari. We have already noticed the feudal character of
the heroes of these works.Another noticeable trend is the
increasing urban bias of literature. The problem of Mullaikkali
should be noted here. In it we find portrayed loves and life of the
cattle keepers. Throughout the entire section the consciousness
that they are a distinct group is seen. This is well illustrated in
the way the characters refer to themselves as Ayarcattle keepers
(106: 20; 107: 9-10; 112: 7, 9; 114: 4). In song 116 the girl
says,Cerikkilavag makalen yan"I am the daughter of the 'owner' of
the settlement (colony)."The concept of Ceri (DED: 1669) as a
colony or hamlet of a homogenous group could arise only after the
social acceptance of the differences between groups. Thus
Mullaikkali by its exclusiveness also proves that the tendency to
isolate the other regions of the akam division and concentrate only
on Marutam was gaining strength. The artificial character of the
Kurinci and the Neytal sections and the difficulty the glossator
had in fitting many of those poems into the Tol.- mould have
already been mentioned.The possible decrease in the amount of trade
was not due to local conditions but due to developments in Rome.
The revival of trade in Byzantine times shows that it could have
been done without the help of any major Tamil monarch.Thus it is
clear that even though the monarchies had declined feudal
development and trade did not suffer.To understand the cause for
this dynastic disintegration we should know the power structure in
heroic and feudal societies.In a heroic society the ruler by virtue
of his military powers and ability establishes his authority over
his own people and the conquered ones. The initial base of his
power is the bond of kinship and group allegiance characteristic of
collective tribal society. He uses this to further his own end,
that is to keep himself in power. This could be done only as long
as he is able to provide more spoils. This achievement soon creates
a `lord' retainer relationship. We see this well reflected in the
concept of Surram and in the description of warriory and chieftains
as the 'fighters of the king.' We have already noticed this in the
case of Nalaikilavan Mikan (PN:179). The ruler's power over the
chiefs or retainers is maintained as long as he leads them to
victory. For the retainers wealth comes only through ruler's
efforts. The economic basis of the state was that there was no
conscious development of the sources of production."'But this
cannot go on forever. The moment the ruler tries to stabilise his
power the concept of territorial sovereignty emerges. The already
established concept of succession and personal property now leads
to the strengthening of political power which could be maintained
and fostered only through the development of the resources. Thus we
would find a heroic monarch or his successors making efforts to
develop the land or further trade. From cattle raiding he now turns
to guarding cattle. From the stage of raiding the food stores of
others he passes on to the stage of producing food in his own
region and guarding it from the attacks of outsiders. The economic
and military activities prescribed for Mullai and Marutam regions
reveal that the more complex military organisations were the result
of the economic wealth of the regions.ECONOMIC ACTIVITYMILITARY
ACTIVITY
MullaiCattle rearing, cultivation of cereals.Guarding the
settlement raiding it.
MarutamSowing, planting and harvesting, cattle-rearing.Guarding
the fortifications and attacking them.
We have already seen in Cankam texts a concern for the
development, of agriculture. Poets often refer to the need for the
development of resources (PN: 35, 184, 186; NT: 226; Aitik.: 29).
There is also the emphasis on the royal duty to look after the
subjects (PN: 76; PrP: 13).When the ruler, who is powerful enough
to do this, set's out on this task of stabilisation, he changes the
very economic basis of his power. No more need the chiefs and
retainers rely on him and his leadership in wars and raids for
subsistence and prosperity. They have now firm bases of wealth. In
a society which has not changed its military habits this could lead
to sturdily independent chieftains. Such a situation of course
would not arise during the time of a powerful ruler; but after him
it is bound to rise. In Tamilnad we have seen that the great rulers
of each line were associated with agricultural development. Each of
these kings was able to initiate or complete with 'success a
restructuring of the economic order of the country; but their
careers, as seen in the case of Karikalan and of Netuncelian reveal
how 'heroic' they have been.'" But a continuity of that political
supremacy would have depended on strong successors: The absence of
it would only mean that the great kings by their progressive
activities had brought about a change which ultimately leads to the
dimming of the glories of the heroic monarchy. The civil strifes
and internal dissensions that are seen in the kingdoms after the
great rulers amply prove this point. The change in the economic
order begins to shake the political structure and the result is a
series of rois faineants. Only when a strong and powerful
personality ascends the throne 'we get a glimpse into monarchical
activities, otherwise it is blank. Kingdoms thus stricken, cannot
stand up against any powerful invader. The rallying of the group
during the times of crisis, a feature of the old order, cannot be
done now, and the kingdom falls.It could sometimes be argued that
the changes the great kings brought about would have underwritten
the need for a monarchy or, in the least, the need of a central
authority. We have already noticed that the economic changes
credited to them were those of tank irrigation and lift irrigation.
They had not controlled the waters of the Vaikai or the Kdveri in
such a, manner as the Early kings of Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia
controlled the floods of the Nile and the Euphrates. In those
cases, the character of the flooding and the methods devised to
control and irrigate were such that there was a demand for a
central authority which would have a number of officials under it.
But in the case of Ancient Tamilnad we did not have such a control.
Even in later times such a system of flood control and irrigation
did not exist. Even in the days of the Imperial Colas "but for the
passing mention in an inscription at Tiruvavatuturai of a
Parakasari Karikal Cola who raised the banks of Kaveri, we hear
little in inscriptions of the methods adopted to turn natural
streams to count. Even in the late period it was the tanks that
mattered. As for Vaikai, the Manikkavacakar legend reveals how
helpless the state was during floods. Thus the economic changes
were not that far reaching as to make some central authority
indispensable; they only helped to diversify the form of wealth and
create new land holdings.Besides this, we have also seen from the
analysis of the tradition of 'going away to earn wealth' that there
were already wealthy men in the state. This too could have helped
to undermine the authority. In trade too, the king had no monopoly
control. The politically weak monarch would have been helpless
against such well entrenched aristocratic groups.It is, therefore,
possible that during the intervening 150-200 years between the
great kings and the Kalabhras, a development as the one postulated
above would have taken place.,We have already observed the
connections the Kalabhras had with Buddism and Jainism. Though
these two religions were in existence in Tamil country from Cankam
times, it was during this period they rose to powerful prominence.
The last great kings Karikalan (PN:224; PP), Netuficeliyaq (MK) and
Irumporai (PrP: 74) were associated with Vedic cults and
Brahmanism. The traditional association of Sravanabelgola, the
original habitat of Kalabhras, with Jainism is testified to by the
famous Gomateswara statue seen there. It is, therefore, possible
that the new leaders identified themselves with these new sects. It
was during this period of dynastic darkness' that we find the
establishment of the Dramila Sangam (470 A.D.) in Tamilnad. The
Kalabhra invasion did not, as we have seen, result in a unified
political entity. Instead it added to the general confusion by
splintering into different families ruling in different areas.On
the basis of the foregoing discussion we could describe the
different periods as follows.I. C.A.D. 100-250/300 -- Heroic
Age.II. CAD 300-450-- Decline of Monarchies.III. CAD 436-560/590
Kalabhra Interregnum. Literature and Political HistoryThe above
periodisation should now be viewed against the literary periods.
Those areI. Cankam Age.II. Age of Tol., Kural, TMA.III. Cil.Any
attempt to seek the social character of these literary phases
should be prefaced with Chadwicks' analyses of the social character
of heroic and post-heroic literatures."Stated briefly, heroic
literature may be said to represent the warrior or the princely
class in general, while non-heroic literature represent the seer
and the religious interest. No other class or interest seems to be
represented, at least in ancient literatures before post-heroic
timesindeed not before the phase of transition from barbarism and
civilisation. In this latter phase the warrior and the seer are
still prominent; the former is now frequently a soldier of fortune,
who serves under a temporary contract like Archilochus or Egill
Skallagrimson. Beside him there appear new classesthe merchant,
especially the merchant ship owner, the independant landowner and
the city official. Now, too, we meet with lawyers or legislators
and philosophers, who, at least in Greece, do not claim to be
seers.There is, of course, no dispute in taking the Cankam Age as
the Heroic Age.The similarity the class characteristics depicted in
Kalit. and Pari. have with the general characteristics outlined for
post-heroic literatureland owner, city officialis very striking and
need not be argued here all over again. The Maturai bias of these
two works could be explained by the fact that the Pantiya country
being the southernmost kingdom was able to retain its political
identity for a slightly longer time than the Cola kingdom. The
traditional association of the Pantiya country with Standard Tamil
a concept, which was introduced at this time, also becomes
meaningful now.Tol.'s hero is a land owner.The question may now be
raised how Kural, a work on political and social philosophy could
be assigned to this period. Scholarly opinion does not doubt the
fact that Valluvar was a Jaina. We have already analysed the social
base of Kural and showed that it does not fit into the Cankam era
but reflects the later period. At this stage it should be pointed
out that political and social philosophies rise only when there is
a need for them. Thus Plato's Republic came out at a time when
Athenian democracy had ceased to be democratic. Machiavelli's
Prince, Hobbes' Leviathan, Rousseau's Social Contract were all
philosophical answers to the existing political problems of the
day. Nearer home Arthasastra arose at a time when Magadha dominance
had to be turned into Mauryan Imperialism and Gandhi's concept of
the Harijan as men of god arose at a time when those low caste
people were considered subhuman by their compatriots. The emergence
of any work on social or political philosophy has to be understood
in terms of the historical need for it; and there is nothing in
Kural to indicate that it is an exception to the rule. This makes
all philosophical writings on polities both historical documents
and idealistic speculations. We have already seen how Valluvar had
performed this task by resorting to the principle of synthesis.Thus
it is clear that all these works belong to that era of monarchical
decline.The problem of Cil. may seem more difficult than that of
Kural. The merchant class, according to Chadwicks, is as
post-heroic as the land owner.If so, how are we to distinguish
Tol., Kural, Kalit., and Pari. on one hand and Cil. on the,
other?The important one is the accepted chronological difference.
Cil. is clearly 'later to Kural, and Tol. More important is the
difference in the social emphasis. We have seen how Tol., Kura!,
Kalit. and Pari. portray the different aspects of the same social
order whereas the chronologically late Cil. seeks to envisage a new
social order. Whereas Kural was taking the contemporary social base
for the erection of its political structure. Cil., in its own
manner, is bringing in a larger territorial unity unheard of in
other literature. Viewed in the light of the available political
history this feature becomes explicable. CiL, was written at a time
when there was political fragmentation of the areas, Kalabhra
conquest had not helped to bring about larger political units;
instead it worsened the situation by leading to further
fragmentation. This could have been a great blow to the prosperity
of trade, which, as far as the foreign sector was concerned was
already in the decline. In the Indian context the commercial
classthe Vaisyasnever sought independent political authority; they
preferred to work under the wings of the politically dominant
monarchies. Cil.'s glorification of the three monarchies and the
emphasis on the essential unity of Tamilnad as a whole becomes More
Meaningful when viewed in this light. The recent date given to Cil.
465 A.D. fits very well into the picture.It may therefore, be
suggested that Cil. arose in late 5th or early 6th century as a
reaction to the increasing feudal type of princely holdings, and by
its choice and treatment of the theme indicates an undeclared but
not unhidden aim of the poet to achieve political solidarity and
commercial prosperity. Thus not only the date but also its aim
marks Cil. from other works of the post-heroic Tamilnad. It is
important, at this stage to refer to kagliunathan's article on
"History of Nakarattai and the Story of Cil. In it he shows that
the migration of the Nakarattar, the ancestors of the present
Nattukkottai Chettis of Ramanathapuram District of Tamilnad, from
Pukar to their present habitat was due to a struggle between the
merchant community and the Crown. He has given ample evidence to
show that in reality this was a struggle between the landowning,
feudal power and commercial power. He says that the flourishing
trade placed enormous wealth in the hands of the trading community
and cites evidence from Cil. to show how the merchant community
excelled the king in wealth.Our analysis of the political and
economic history of this period shows that this was a period of
weak monarchy and flourishing trade. Cil. itself reveals the great
wealth of the merchant class and their almost royal status in that
society (1:31-4, 47; II: 2; IX: 70). It could, therefore, be said
that it was the most affluent and thereby socially the most
articulate community, especially after the Kalabhra invasion.But it
should be pointed out that this was a very short lived eminence.
Pallavas who rise to power brought trade under their control. This
is seen in such levels as the one on Taraku--brokerage. Salt was
made a royal monopoly. The extensive administrative system of the
Pallavas clearly indicate that they had full control over the
political and economic life of the community. Traders did not play
an important part in the social life of the Pallava period.
Literature too reflects the changed circumstances.This period also
saw the emergence of many cities and towns in South India.Though
short-lived, this phase should not be by-passed. It has an
important place in the history of Tamil drama.We could now equate
the three phases of the political history with those of literature
and identify them by the governing social interest found in the
works as the Heroic, the Feudal and the Mercantilist.
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