VILLAGES, VEGETATION, BEDROCK, AND CHIMPANZEES: HUMAN AND NON-HUMAN SOURCES OF ECOSYSTEM STRUCTURE IN SOUTHWESTERN MALI by Chris S. Duvall A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Geography) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2006
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VILLAGES, VEGETATION, BEDROCK, AND CHIMPANZEES:
HUMAN AND NON-HUMAN SOURCES OF ECOSYSTEM STRUCTURE
IN SOUTHWESTERN MALI
by
Chris S. Duvall
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
(Geography)
at the
UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON
2006
VILLAGES, VEGETATION, BEDROCK, AND CHIMPANZEES: HUMAN AND
NON-HUMAN SOURCES OF ECOSYSTEM STRUCTURE IN SOUTHWESTERN MALI
Chris S. Duvall
Under the supervision of Professor Matthew D. Turner
At the University of Wisconsin-Madison
This dissertation shows that both human activities and biophysical processes interact in
complex ways to create an emergent ecosystem structure in southwestern Mali. This dissertation
includes five body chapters. The first chapter is an analysis of settlement history in the research
area, and situates the research in the context of current conservation practice in Mali’s Bafing
Biosphere Reserve. This chapter shows that the indigenous Maninka people practice shifting
settlement, and that frontier-style settlement expansion is not occurring in the area, as
conservationists have assumed. The second chapter is an ethnographic study of Maninka
physical geography terms, and shows that Maninka farmers perceive the landscape as highly
heterogeneous, with few areas suitable for settlement or cultivation. The third chapter examines
floristic patterns across the landscape, and shows that most floristic variation is due to edaphic
features, especially the hydrogeology of a specific type of sandstone bedrock. Human activities
have variable affects on vegetation, depending on various socioeconomic and biophysical
factors. The fourth chapter shows that humans have affected the distribution of the baobab tree
across the research area through activities that create suitable baobab habitat in settlement sites.
The final body chapter shows that anthropogenic baobab groves represent important habitat for
chimpanzees, and that conservation policies that affect settlement practice may reduce baobab
regeneration and thus reduce chimpanzee habitat in the long term.
conservationists have accused Maninka farmers of using land “without any planning beforehand”
(Caspary et al. 1998: 77), current policies on settlement in the BBR seem fairly nearsighted.
More effective conservation policies for the BBR would take advantage of Maninka
settlement practice. Indigenous Maninka residents will need to modify their resource use,
especially hunting, if biodiversity conservation is to succeed, but the dispersed, shifting pattern
of Maninka settlement should be seen as a conservation resource. Dispersed settlements mean
more dispersed human environmental impact, and also spatially more uniform and strategic
surveillance for illegal poaching, logging, and other activities, especially since most large
settlements are located on main paths. Conservationists have recognized the potential of local
residents to contribute to conservation goals in this way by establishing “surveillance
committees” in many villages in the BBR (cf. Caspary et al. 1998). However, such
surveillance—which happens regardless of conservation efforts because people monitor the areas
around their villages—will contribute to conservation only if people in hamlets are empowered
to have an interest in reporting what they see to law enforcement officials. Settlement policies,
enforced by these same officials, that result in hardship remove this interest.
Conclusion
Human-environment geography must recognize rural settlement as a distinct land use.
Human-environment geographers, using the analytical tools of cultural and political ecology,
have contributed significant theoretical and practical knowledge to resource management in
rural, agrarian landscapes through careful examinations of other rural land uses—especially
47 agriculture, pastoralism, and conservation. However, the failure to study settlement as a distinct
land use has limited human-environment geography in two key ways.
First, settlement processes occur at specific spatial and temporal scales (Stone 1996), and
the failure to recognize settlement as a distinct land use has meant that scales of observation used
in human-environment geography have often been inadequate to observe significant aspects of
resource use in rural, agrarian areas. Many human-environment geographers have approached
questions of resource use from the perspectives of cultural ecology and political ecology. Many
cultural ecologies descend methodologically and theoretically from important works such as
Conklin (1961) and Boserup (1965). These works, and many of their descendants, focus on
agricultural practices at the scale of individual plots or settlements, and thus fail to recognize
how agriculture relates to settlement processes that occur over landscapes (areas of tens to
hundreds of square kilometers). On the other hand, political ecologies of resource use, which
explicitly recognize the significance of processes operating at scales broader than communities
(Robbins 2004; Zimmerer & Bassett 2003), have generally jumped over the landscape scale to
focus on national, regional, or international processes. Human-environment geographers have
focused on landscape scales mainly just in the context of pastoralism, because the movement of
people and livestock across landscapes is obviously crucial to this land use and abundantly
obvious over even brief periods of observation. Mobility is also inherently important in
settlement in rural, agrarian landscapes, but this mobility is often not apparent except over
decades. Settlement pattern spatially structures resource use across landscapes (Chisholm 1979;
Stone 1996), and accurate understanding of resource use requires understanding of settlement
processes that unfold over decades and landscapes.
48 Second, by focusing on land uses other than settlement, human-environment geographers
risk simplifying or overlooking settlement processes, and giving the impression that spatial
patterns of settlement accurately substitute for knowledge of these processes. Too frequently,
analysis of rural settlement in human-environment geographies is limited to statements about the
spatial pattern of settlement, reflecting a long tradition in cultural geography that relates the form
and distribution of settlement to various social, economic, cultural, and physical geographic
factors (cf. Hill 2003). However, different biophysical and socioeconomic environments can
create different settlement processes that lead to similar settlement patterns (Stone 1996). For
instance, Ruthenberg (1980: 31) suggests that shifting settlement may develop where shifting
cultivation is practiced and, over time, “[t]he cultivated plots move slowly away from the
previous clearing and the vicinity of the hut. [Thus,] the cost of transportation increases[…].
Beyond a certain distance, it becomes advantageous to build a new hut near the field instead of
carrying the harvest such a long way.” This process of shifting settlement is certainly accurate
for many places and times, possibly including many areas where there is frontier-style settlement
expansion (Netting 1993: 223). However, transportation cost does not lead to shifting settlement
in Mali’s Bafing area. Instead, the patchiness of arable land, and differences between individuals
in their abilities to access good farmland near villages, creates conditions in which shifting
settlement proves beneficial to most families when considered over a decadal timescale. Failure
to recognize settlement as a distinct land use whose observed patterns have distinct and variable
formative processes has limited the ability of human geographers to accurately and precisely
understand land use in agrarian, rural landscapes.
49
Text box and figures for Chapter One
50
Text Box 1. Hamlets and young families. Hamlet settlement is an integral part of household
development for people in Solo, as illustrated by the personal histories of Mbakuru, a 19-year old
woman, and her father Jigiba, a 48-year old man. The names of these people have been changed
to protect their privacy.
In late 1987, Mbakuru, her parents’ eldest, was the first child born in New Solo, where
many of Solo’s residents resettled after construction of the Manantali Dam. Prior to this, Jigiba
and his wife had been living in a hamlet south of Solo, which he had established in 1981, near an
abandoned hamlet, because he “couldn’t get good fields in Solo”. In 1986 Jigiba decided, along
with most of Solo’s men, to move their families to New Solo, in the resettlement zone north of
the dam (Figure 1, p. 52), in order to remain near other resettled villages. Jigiba soon became
frustrated by poor farming conditions at New Solo, and in 1990 moved his family back to Solo,
where his father had become dugutigi (‘chief’). In 1992, Jigiba and two cousins decided to
establish a new hamlet south of Solo, where they thought they would have greater agricultural
productivity, based on Jigiba’s having lived in two nearby hamlets (that his father had joined in
the 1950s and 1960s) as a child and young man. Farming was successful in the new hamlet, but
it was abandoned in 1997 primarily because it was too far from a main footpath: there were few
visitors, and it was too difficult to transport produce to Solo. In 1999, Jigiba began planning a
new hamlet, but in 2000 his father died, giving him increased responsibility and authority within
his extended family. One of his cousins with whom he had established the hamlet in 1992
became dugutigi. Additionally, Jigiba has found intermittent employment in Solo working as a
guide for researchers and visiting Peace Corps Volunteers, and does not wish to lose this
opportunity by moving to another hamlet. He has probably made the transition to fixed
settlement in Solo.
51
After living in several hamlets with her parents and younger siblings, Mbakuru was
married in June 2004, and moved to Kama, her husband’s village, about 20 km west of Solo. In
2005, however, her husband decided to move with her to a hamlet founded by his cousin in 2002,
where they now live (except during the dry season, when they return to Kama). Mbakuru’s first
child, a daughter, was born in the hamlet in late 2005.
52 Figure 1. Western Mali, showing location of Solo and the Bafing Biosphere Reserve.
Abbreviations: BZ=buffer zone for Bafing Biosphere Reserve (BBR); KNP=Kouroufing
National Park, part of the BBR; WNP=Wongo National Park, part of the BBR.
53 Figure 2. Map of the research area. Only settlements named in the text have been shown. The
abandoned settlement sites shown for Solo, Sandiguila, and Santankéni are numbered in the
order of their establishment.
0 5 km
Solo 3
Sandiguilasites
Santankénisites
Guimbayasites
Solo 1
Solo 2
12 3
45
6 12
1 23
4
5 6
Abandoned settlements mentioned in text
Clif °
Primary footpathsSeasonal streamsBafing Reservoir
Occupied settlementsSettlements evicted 2004-06Settlement established 2004
Kouroufing National Park
Study areaWalled settlements, 1800s
54 Figure 3. Distribution of settlement sites in the research area. Only settlements for which there
is oral historical evidence are shown. Four time periods are represented: 1) ‘pre-Maninka’ is the
period up to and including the Maninka occupation of the area, which occurred >250 years ago;
2) ‘early Maninka’ is the period of Maninka occupation of the research area up to 1890; 3) 1890-
1960; and 4) 1960-2006. Black points show settlements established during each time period;
open squares show settlements abandoned during each time period.
early Maninkapre-Maninka
Latit
udin
al d
ista
nce
(met
ers)
Longitudinal distance (meters)
1890-1960 1960-2006
55 Figure 4. Causes of settlement abandonment. Wide, gray bars show primary causes; narrow,
black bars show secondary causes. Total number of settlements abandoned (n) indicated per
time period. Data from oral historical interviews. Time periods as described in Figure 3 (p. 54).
56 Figure 5. Causes of settlement establishment. Wide, gray bars show primary causes; narrow,
black bars show secondary causes. Total number of settlements established (n) indicated per
time period. Data from oral historical interviews. Time periods as described in Figure 3 (p. 54).
Improve farmland access
Outside national park
Reoccupy past residence
Near water source
Good spirits in site
Defensive location
Unknown cause
Number of settlementsCauses for establishment
1960-2006(n=35)
0 4 8 12
33
0 4
earlyManinka
(n=16)
15
pre-Maninka
(n=2)
0 40 4 8 12
39
1890-1960(n=39)
57 Figure 6. Soil texture at settlement sites. Time periods as described in Figure 3 (p. 54).
58 Figure 7. Spatial pattern of settlement sites. Values for Ripley’s L >0 indicate attraction, while
values <0 indicate repulsion. Thus, settlement sites display attraction at distances <2.3 km and
repulsion at distance >2.3 km. Increasingly positive/negative numbers indicate stronger
attraction/repulsion. Observed attraction indicates sequent occupation of preferred habitat
patches by multiple settlements over time, while observed repulsion indicates: a) the patchiness
of preferred habitat, and b) the likelihood that nearby, contemporaneous settlements are
separated by a minimum distance, since the field-to-settlement distance many men consider
reasonable is c.3km.
59 Figure 8. Histogram of temporal lengths of occupation for settlement sites.
60 Chapter Three: Folk taxonomy of physical geographic terms used by Maninka farmers in
southwestern Mali
Abstract
This paper analyzes the nomenclature and taxonomy of physical geographic terms in the
Maninka language as spoken in the Bafing area of southwestern Mali. Its purpose is to
understand the content and structure of this particular body of local knowledge, and to compare
Maninka physical geographic knowledge to that of other cultural groups. The research is based
on participant observation and ethnographic interviews. Main findings include: 1) The Maninka
conceptually bifurcate the biophysical environment based on whether natural resources contained
in observed physical features are openly accessible to all humans. Features that are owned or
otherwise possessed by humans or spirits are not accessible, and are classified according to
physical criteria and the abstract quality of possession. Openly accessible features are classified
based on physical criteria. 2) The main criteria used for classifying openly accessible features
are: hydrology, topography, ground characteristics, vegetation, and microclimate. Physical
features are classified by these criteria alone, or by a sixth criterion representing a synthetic view
of all resources present at a given site. 3) Many classificatory criteria reflect evaluation of
resources based on use-value in the context of Maninka agricultural practice. 4) Maninka natural
resource classification is similar to that reported for related and other cultural groups. However,
culturally specific classifications of locally diverse or highly valued resources are embedded
within the cross-culturally similar, broad framework. This paper concludes that greater attention
should be given to the broad conceptual context of physical geographic terms or concepts
reported in ethnoscientific analyses of local knowledge systems.
61
Keywords
indigenous knowledge; ethnoscience; folk taxonomy; local knowledge; ethnopedology
Introduction
Indigenous farmers and pastoralists successfully manage diverse ecosystems using
sophisticated knowledge of the biophysical environment. Unlike technical scientific knowledge,
local knowledge1 is mediated through everyday language; terms that carry ecologically
significant meanings often carry meanings in other, seemingly unrelated, contexts. Layered
meanings, often overlooked by outsiders, create the context in which local knowledge gains and
retains meaning for its users (Agrawal 2002). Yet outsiders often emphasize limited aspects of
local knowledge systems in order to underscore practical applications these may have in natural
resource management. The practical value of local knowledge is not in question, but
overemphasizing its potential applicability in limited contexts leads to incomplete
characterization of local knowledge of the biophysical environment2 (Agrawal 2002; Scott
1998).
1 Following WinklerPrins (1999), I prefer ‘local knowledge’ to ‘indigenous’, ‘traditional’, or ‘folk knowledge’ because a key attribute of these types of knowledge is their geographically limited extent. ‘Local knowledge’ also implies nothing about the history of knowledge or of those who retain it. I use ‘folk taxonomy’ because it is an established technical term without synonyms. I consider terms of the form ‘ethnoscience’ to denote studies of local knowledge rather than the local knowledge itself. 2 ‘Biophysical environment’ refers to all biological and non-biological, physical features in an area. ‘Natural environment’ or ‘environment’ sometimes carry this meaning, but the former excludes anthropogenic features, and the latter lacks specificity. ‘Physical environment’ refers only to non-biological features. ‘Biophysical environment’ differs from ‘biospiritual environment’, a portion of Maninka geographical knowledge, discussed below.
62 During the last fifty years, many researchers have employed an ethnoscientific approach
to studying local knowledge of the biophysical environment, which entails analysis of particular
aspects of local knowledge systems comparable in referential extent to specified technical
scientific fields. Ethnobotany, ethnozoology, and ethnopedology have received the most
2001; Medin & Atran 1999; Winklerprins & Sandor 2003). A few have described local
knowledge of climate (Goloubinoff et al. 1997; Osunade 1994; Ovuka & Lindqvist 2000), while
others have studied local knowledge of habitat variation (Fleck & Harder 2000; Frechione et al.
1989; Osunade 1988; Osunade 1987; Shepard et al. 2001). Very few researchers have analyzed
how knowledge of the biophysical environment as a whole is structured in local knowledge
systems (Barrera-Bassols & Zinck 2003b; Goodenough 1966). This is the referential frame
Blaut (1979) suggested for “ethnogeography”, the study of how cultural groups perceive
variation in the biophysical environment. As an ethnoscience, ethnogeography is
underdeveloped3, even though Blaut’s holistic approach avoids a priori compartmentalization of
indigenous knowledge into categories with limits determined largely by imposed correspondence
with technical scientific fields of study.
Blaut’s concept of ethnogeography is similar to “ethnoecology”, which Barrera-Bassols
and Toledo (2005: 11) define as the “study of how nature is perceived by humans through a
screen of beliefs and knowledge, and how humans, through their symbolic meanings and
representations, use and/or manage landscapes and natural resources”. Ethnoecology emphasizes
the complex layering of local environmental knowledge, from spiritual belief systems that guide
3 Unfortunately, most subsequent uses of “ethnogeography” do not follow Blaut (1979), but refer to descriptions of the distribution of cultural groups.
63 resource use, through bodies of knowledge underpinning resource use, to practices of resource
use (Barrera-Bassols & Toledo 2005; Barrera-Bassols & Zinck 2000). The desire to maintain
local knowledge in context, and ultimately in situ, strongly and explicitly motivates
ethnoecological research.
The ethnoecological approach holds great promise for advancing understanding of local
environmental knowledge systems. However, ethnoecology has continued, albeit subtly, to
compartmentalize local knowledge according to technical scientific criteria. The desire to
identify practical applications of local knowledge has also been a strong and explicit motivation
for ethnoecological research (cf. Barrera-Bassols & Toledo 2005). This goal is arguably at cross
purposes with the goal of maintaining local knowledge in sociocultural context (Agrawal 2002;
Scott 1998), and has led ethnoecologists to privilege certain research questions over others.
Specifically, a central theme in ethnoecology has been the comparison of local knowledge to
specific domains of technical, scientific knowledge (Barrera-Bassols & Toledo 2005), especially
69 descriptive phrase—often suggested broad conceptual categories, while semantic analysis
revealed polysemic terms and covert taxa (Berlin et al. 1968; Berlin et al. 1973; Conklin 1962;
Kay 1971). Second, informants generally responded to comparative questions—such as ‘is X
different from Y?’—with phrases whose meanings in terms of similarity ranking proved
comparable between individuals. To express high to low similarity, informants said: wolu kòrò
be kilin (‘their meaning is one’), wo be kilin (‘it is one’), wolu ka muno (‘they are similar’), wo
te kilin (‘it is not one’), and wolu te muno (‘they are not similar’). Repeated instances of
informants using a single phrase in response to specific comparisons clearly indicated conceptual
relatedness. Finally, after about 400 hours of conversation and interviews, a taxonomic structure
was developed in multiple iterations to represent the relatedness of Maninka concepts (cf. Berlin
1992; Brown 1984; Kay 1971). Discussions with key informants tested whether proposed
taxonomic relationships accurately reflected their knowledge of these concepts. Based on these
discussions, proposed taxonomic structures were changed or retained.
Technical scientific equivalents of Maninka soil and vegetation categories come from a
concurrent study of vegetation characteristics (see Chapter 5). Soil texture was identified using
manual texturing (Midwest Geosciences Group 2003) of samples from 217 sites where
informants provided a Maninka name for the sampled soil unit. Woody vegetation was sampled
using 0.1-ha plots (Phillips & Miller 2002) at 206 sites where informants provided a Maninka
name for either vegetation or land cover. According to tree stem density and crown height
(Lawesson 1995: 24), vegetation was labeled ‘forest’, ‘woodland’, or ‘wooded grassland’. Rock
types were identified from descriptions in Varlet et al. (1977) and Groupement Manantali (1979).
Results
70 Broad concepts. The Maninka biophysical environment is conceptually bifurcated into
[the biospiritual environment] and [the physical environment] (Figure 2, p. 93). This paper
focuses on [the physical environment]. [The biospiritual environment] comprises all beings—
biological or spiritual things that die and are susceptible to illness—and their possessions. The
four categories of being—hadamadèn4 (‘humans’), jine5 (‘spirits’), [animals], and [plants]—are
not clearly separable for several reasons. First, most informants consider humans a type of
animal—specifically, a type of subo (‘mammal’). Many animals, especially large vertebrates,
share with humans the characteristic of having a ja (‘soul’), spiritual power that remains after an
individual’s death. Hunters must propitiate the souls of animals they kill to avoid retribution
(Cashion 1982; Cissé 1964), but the need to respect an animal’s ja diminishes as body size
decreases. Second, subaga (‘sorcerers’) can change forms freely between human and animal.
Some informants also believe sorcerers can also transform between human and plant forms.
Third, jine (‘spirits’), which are generally dangerous, can change forms to look like humans,
animals, or plants. Thus, humans must cautiously interact with other beings because these may
not be what they seem. Most human activities represent acts meant to protect against, or gain the
favor of, spirits (cf. Brun 1907; Lem 1948). Jine also interact with [plants] and [animals] in
manners inconsequential for humans, though prudent humans avoid locations where spirits have
clearly affected other beings. Finally, not all spiritual beings are jine. For instance, when a
4 Literally, ‘a child of Adam’ (Bailleul 1996), indicating derivation from Islamic traditions. 5 An Arabic loan word.
71 human dies, his/her hakili (‘mind, intelligence’) becomes the garajikè of a newborn. Each
human is associated with a garajikè spirit, which assists the human in acquiring things of value.6
Acquisition is an important value that helps distinguish [the biospiritual environment]
and [the physical environment]. In the Maninka subsistence economy, an individual’s ability to
acquire valuable things rests on his/her ability to access natural resources—especially soil
fertility, water, geological materials, microclimate, plants, and animals—and avoid natural
hazards—such as microclimate-induced illness, falling on slopes, and meteorological dangers—
while also avoiding conflict with powerful beings. [The physical environment] is composed of
physical features that indicate the spatiotemporal distribution of natural resources and hazards.
However, some features are owned, occupied, or otherwise possessed by powerful beings,
especially humans and jine. The concept of possession, which connects physical things to
beings, causes individuals to see spiritual and social meaning in physical features, and transforms
these into components of [the biospiritual environment]. Components of [the physical
environment] are considered neutrally available for use to all people, but those of [the
biospiritual environment] are accessible only to people who have socially granted use rights, or
who have the spiritual knowledge and power to overcome or appease jine.
Subjectivity makes it difficult for informants to divide their world into physical and
biospiritual components (Rappaport 1979), but this is clearly practiced when Maninka
individuals discuss natural resources. A hunter can describe a location by saying “the warthog
was past the kèna (‘clearing, field’) on the path to the river” without suggesting anything about
property rights to the field, which is communicated by evoking its social context with a
6 Bailleul (1996) translates garajike as ‘luck’, which is a simplification: Hakara garajike ka nyi means ‘Hakara’s garajike is good’, but more idiomatically ‘Hakara’s luck is good’ or ‘Hakara is lucky’.
72 possessive phrase like nyèmbi ka furu (‘Nyèmbi’s field’). Possessives allow speakers to
emphasize resource ownership and thus imply accessibility for each listener according to
personal identity and history, moving a discussion from physical features to property rights.
Anthropogenic physical features are one type of clue individuals use to locate natural resources,
but these features also carry the abstract, socially determined attribute of possession, which
limits accessibility to resources associated with these features. Similarly, all artifacts are owned,
yet raw materials have no inherent ownership: anyone can use a kuru ge (‘angular block of
sandstone’) unless that kuru ge becomes, for instance, buramakan ka si kuru (‘Buramakan’s
grinding stone’). Ownership can lapse for enduring artifacts like abandoned settlements, so that
they may become simply physical features. However, due to their past association with
humans—including perhaps subaga (‘sorcerers’) or disguised jine (‘spirits’)—these features
carry much symbolic meaning and may not be safe to use.
The physical environment. [The physical environment] consists of all non-living,
physical features of the environment, and comprises three major categories (Figure 3, p. 94).
Ala ka baara (‘the work of Allah’) and mògò ka baara (‘the work of humans’) clearly differ, but
these two, along with [animal-created features], share some subordinate categories. Ala ka
baara and mògò ka baara are unproductive secondary lexemes (cf. Conklin 1962; Kay 1971);
there is no evidence that baara carries a broader meaning equivalent to [the physical
environment]. Ala ka baara includes physical features created by ala (‘Allah’), the omnipotent
spiritual force. Possession of these features is generally impossible, and thus they remain
permanently part of [the physical environment]. Mògò ka baara comprises anthropogenic
physical features, which may be part of either [the physical environment] or [the biospiritual
environment], depending on their ownership status. The noun baara, often translated as ‘manual
73 work or labor’ (Bailleul 1996), also carries the broader meaning ‘action’. Ala ka baara captures
both senses, as when informants remarked, “humans do not dig caves; they are the work of
Allah”, or, after a destructive windstorm, “the work of Allah was too powerful”. In mògò ka
baara, the sense ‘action’ pertains to social interactions, while ‘manual work or labor’ refers to
physical features. This latter sense underscores that anthropogenic physical features, like
[features created by animals], are manipulations of ala ka baara, and not aboriginal creations.
The reference to Allah indicates the historical influence of Islam, not the religiosity of
informants. Few Bafing Maninka are Muslim, but “Allah” designates the omnipotent force in
the Maninka belief system (Brun 1907; Tauxier 1927). All spirits are subordinate to Allah, but
ala ka baara does not include the actions of subordinate spirits. For example, when asked if
instances of garajikè ka baara (‘work of [a] garajikè’)—such as a hunter’s finding game—were
also ala ka baara, informants said universally these are not the same. Allah creates and
maintains the physical environment in which spirits, humans, animals, and plants act. While
Allah affects the actions of these beings, such influence reflects Allah’s will, and is not Allah’s
baara (‘work’).
[Features created by animals] is of limited conceptual extent. It includes the few
enduring features created by animals, such as tun (‘termite mounds’). Abstractly, the animals
creating these features possess them, but such possession means little to humans and accessibility
to resources held in these features is unrestricted.
The components of each of these primary divisions of [the physical environment] are
described in the following sub-sections.
The work of Allah. Ala ka baara directly includes four categories. Dugu (‘earth’)
comprises physical features associated with the ground, including water bodies and certain
74 microclimatic features (specified below). Features composing dugu are above those composing
ju kòrò (‘the deep subsurface’) and below those composing san (‘the sky’). Ju kòrò7 designates
features that are mainly unknowable to humans because of their sub-surface location. San
includes all features considered to originate above the ground surface. I use ‘celestial features’
to designate components of san and ‘terrestrial features’ for components of dugu. Funteno
(‘temperature’) is a usually invisible feature permeating all components of dugu, san, and ju
kòrò.
Ju kòrò is a poorly developed category that some informants divide into dugu ju kòrò
(‘the deep subsurface of the ground’) and ba ju kòrò (‘the riverbed’) (Figure 3, p. 94). However,
for most people ju kòrò means only ‘the deep subsurface of the ground’. Personal history
determines an individual’s perception of ju kòrò. Most informants have direct or indirect
experience with dugu ju kòrò via well digging, but few have substantial experience far from
Solo, where humans can directly access the bottoms of all water bodies. Informants with
experience on the Bafing River, though, consider the riverbed as unknowable as the deep
subsurface of the ground.
Funteno is a polysemous term that also designates the conceptually most salient
temperature state, funteno (‘hotness’), as opposed to nènè (‘cold’) and sumaya (‘coolness’)
(Figure 3, p. 94). Temperature permeates all physical features, and changes predictably due to
interactions of certain celestial and terrestrial features. Tilo (‘the sun’) especially influences
temperature changes, but other features have important effects on microclimate. Funteno (‘hot
7 Ju means ‘base’, ‘foundation’, or ‘below/behind [a thing]’. Ju kòrò is: 1) an adjectival phrase (‘underneath the base [of a thing]’), and, in the sense of focus here, 2) a compound noun taking a postposition (e.g. subo te sòrò ju kòrò la (‘mammals are not found in the deep subsurface’). A postposition is grammatically identical to a preposition, but follows a noun.
75 temperature’) and nènè (‘cold’) can be dangerous, especially if magnified by other features.
Thus, farmers do not clear all trees from fields, although this would allow greater crop plant
density, because nining (‘shade from trees’) is the most important form of sumaya (‘coolness’)
moderating midday heat. Other types of heat indicate poor sites for farming or settlement.
Although solar heating may cause dugu funteno, its intensity is mainly due to ground surface
characteristics: it occurs at night or in shade where nyama (‘soil healthfulness’) is poor.
Similarly, not all shade brings sumaya: coolness persists all day in sites with good soil and low
spirit activity, but bad sites remain hot even if shaded.
San (‘the sky’) is a well-developed category whose subdivisions indicate how observed
features relate to the spatiotemporal distribution of precipitation and changes in air temperature
(Figure 4, p. 95). San comprises funio (‘air’), kuro (‘haze’), kabo (‘clouds’), san (‘weather’),
tilo (‘the sun’), kalo (‘the moon’), lolo (‘stars’), and kèlèbomboli, the locally dominant,
northeasterly storm track. San most frequent means ‘weather’. Several types of weather are
recognized, all associated with rainfall or potential rainfall. The most salient weather is san ji
(‘rain’), often called just san. Weather is perhaps the most discussed feature of the biophysical
environment, due to its obvious importance in farming. Other celestial features differ according
to how they relate to precipitation and microclimatic change. Types of funio (‘air, wind’) and
kabo (‘clouds’) interact with other celestial features to produce weather, while these and kuro
(‘haze’) affect terrestrial microclimate. For instance, munkun (‘fog’), a type of cloud, can cause
dangerously cold air temperature, while kuro (‘haze’) intensifies hot air temperature. Both
situations can cause illness for humans, livestock, and crops, depending on site soil and
topography.
76 Tilo (‘sun’), kalo (‘moon’), and lolo (‘stars’) are monotypic categories that indicate
temporal change. In the past, they may have carried spiritual meaning (cf. de Ganay 1949;
Tauxier 1927; Zahan 1950), but currently they mark time without having strongly expressed
meanings. Sumaya ni tilimo naaningo8 (‘the Milky Way’) also indicates seasonal change, but is
considered a type of kuro (‘haze’).
The most developed category subsumed in ala ka baara is dugu (‘earth’), which shares
some subordinate categories with mògò ka baara. Dugu directly subsumes six categories, in
which physical features are differentiated based on topography, hydrology, ground
characteristics, and vegetation, each of which embody a set of natural resources and hazards.
Additionally, synthetic assessment of all site characteristics represents another criterion by which
features are classified.
Informants classify [vegetation] by structure or composition (Figure 5, p. 96). The covert
category [compositional vegetation] potentially includes many subordinate categories because
these are distinguished according to the most salient species in a site (cf. Sow & Anderson 1996),
and dozens of species are salient and locally abundant (Duvall 2001). In practice, few
compositional vegetation types are recognized, either field vegetation or stands of economically
important wild plants (Figure 4, p. 95). [Structural vegetation] types are either tu (‘vegetation
with high stem density and high stature’) or kèna ge (‘vegetation with low stature’); people can
see long distances in kèna ge, but not in tu. Short grasses dominate kèna ge, which is
characteristic of many, but not all, kèna (‘clearings’), one of several [land-cover] types discussed
below. Different types of tu have high densities of trees, bamboo, or tall grasses.
8 Literally, ‘the boundary between sumaya (‘the wet season’) and tilimo (‘the sunny season’)’.
77 Topography is classified in the covert taxon [land forms], which includes wu (‘cavities’),
[depressions], and [elevations]. Several criteria differentiate topographic features. First, many
features differ according to surface drainage, especially types of [depression] (Figure 6, p. 97).
Many depressions are types of ji jigi silo (‘drainage channel’), distinguished mainly by side-
slope form. Large, bowl-shaped depressions are distinguished based on drainage network: a
solon contains several creeks, a kubo one, and a dinga none.
Second, the effects of topography on microclimate also differentiate features. Several
features have characteristic degrees of shading, such as types of wu (‘cavities’) (Figure 6, p. 97).
Hanhan (‘caves’) contain large, permanently cool areas, and many wòròn (‘pits’) retain
moisture within narrow openings. Degree of shading also distinguishes some types of
[depression]. Deep features like kun sa (‘drainage channel head’) and gouga (‘gorge’) are
frequently shaded, while shallower features like bilan da (‘drainage channel mouth’) and hara
(‘swale’) are not.
Third, slope form differentiates elevated features (Figure 7, p. 98). The concept ‘slope’ is
covert to many older people and most women, but many younger men, who have more exposure
to French through labor migration and radio, label this concept koti, from côte (French: ‘slope’).
Many slope classes are based on how easily they may be climbed: a tinti (‘rise’) is barely
noticeable when walking, but a haya (‘drop’) cannot be climbed or descended. Landscape
position and substrate also differentiate [elevations]. For instance, rice cultivation is possible on
both types of goungou because these are along permanent water bodies; a gongoli (‘hillock’) has
the same shape and soil characteristics, but hillocks are not uniformly arable because they occur
throughout the landscape. Konko (‘hill’) and kuru (‘bedrock outcrop’) are very salient,
78 differentiated by substrate, not slope form: konko are the edges or remnants of ferricrete crusts,
while kuru are dolomite or sandstone outcrops.
Permanency, size, and origin distinguish [water bodies] (Figure 8, p. 99). Within the
categories of permanent and seasonal, many [water bodies] differ according to the duration water
is present during the year or longer periods of time. For example, both gibingibin and ji ja balo
are permanent water pools in deep spots in creeks, but a gibingibin is less likely to dry in
droughts because it has a rock bottom and occurs in a cavity, not a muddy hole like a ji ja balo.
Many water bodies are distinguished by size: a ba (‘river’) is larger than a kò ba (‘creek’), and a
sakanbe (‘spring’) has more abundant flow than a tondi ji (‘seep’). The origin of water bodies
also is important: a kuru bake differs from other flowing water bodies because its water does not
belong to a drainage channel, but comes from drainage through soil overlying exposed bedrock.
Geologic and soil resources are classified in the category dugukolo9 (‘ground’). There
are six components of dugukolo (Figure 9, p. 100). First, nògò (‘organic matter’) is surficial and
decomposed litter that provides habitat for some animals and enhances the inherent fanga
(‘strength, chemical fertility’) of soils. Second, nyama is a gaseous substance that emanates
from the ground surface—especially from soil—that controls the healthfulness of a parcel of
ground. According to an informant, “nògò and chemical fertilizer are the same; nyama is not the
same, but [is] like gaseous pesticide the ground sprays up and makes [some things] sickly even if
they grow”. Nyama can be good or bad, depending on the site and the being exposed to it.
Crops may grow in sites with nyama that is bad for people, but these crops cannot be safely
eaten. Third, sumaya (‘moisture’) consists of both nèma (‘soil moisture’) and kombo (‘dew’),
9 Literally, ‘[the] ground[’s] bone’.
79 which is moisture that has ascended from the ground. Like nyama, sumaya is associated mainly
with soil, but types of rock also have varying moisture characteristics.
The final three components of dugukolo (‘ground’) are more finely differentiated (Figure
9, p. 100). There are three types of bèrè (‘gravel’), distinguished by particle size. Bogo (‘soil’)
is classified based on arability, texture, and color. This category centers on bogo (‘loam’). Bogo
and kènyè (‘sandy loam’) are preferred for farming; less preferred and non-arable soils are
clayey or silty. This division reflects the demands of local staple crops: millet prefers well-
drained soils, while peanuts cannot be easily dug from dry, fine-textured soil. Kuru (‘rock,
stone’) is classified according to which aspect—hardness, form, use value, or landscape
location—is most salient. Five types of rock are identified by hardness, four by form, three by
use value, and three by landscape location (Figure 9, p. 100). Of these taxa, only nari kuru and
kaba kuru, both identified by hardness, correspond to rocks recognized by geologists: dolomite
and sandstones of the Manantali series, respectively. Clusters of features, not any single
characteristic, differentiate types of kuru (cf. Hunn 1976). Many salient features co-occur
because these are inherently related, such as how hardness leads to the typical shape of particular
rock types. Nonetheless, one feature is considered most salient for each type of kuru, even if the
mutual predictability of this and another feature means that the second is, objectively, as
characteristic as the first and explicitly recognized as such. For instance, kuru ge (‘white stone’)
and kuru fing (‘black stone’) are classifications based on form, although, as their names suggest,
their colors are also distinctive. The only stones fitting the size and shape criteria for kuru ge are
made of kaba kuru, light-colored sandstone. Indeed, kaba ge is a synonym for kuru ge.
Similarly, the only rock that forms stones the size and shape of kuru fing is nari kuru, relatively
dark-colored dolomite. San galima kuru (literally ‘thunderstone’) is considered to form where
80 lightning strikes the ground. Archaeologists call these celts, or Neolithic polished-stone axe
heads (Davies 1967). Finally, jaman kuru (‘clear quartz’) is apparently derived from diamant
(French: ‘diamond’). Diamonds are not found locally, but French geologists prospected for them
in the early 1900s (Varlet et al. 1977) and the name may derive from this contact.
Although these separate classifications of topography, hydrology, vegetation,
microclimate, and ground surface features are important, most informants consider them
altogether when classifying or describing parts of the landscape. This synthetic view produces a
separate classification of [land cover].
Land-cover types are either anthropogenic or a type of dan (‘non-anthropogenic land
cover’) (Figure 10, p. 101). Dan is a concept laden with meaning, since jine (‘spirits’) occupy
parts of the landscape with non-anthropogenic land cover (Brun 1907; Cashion 1982). Dan is
the root of danso (‘hunter’) and dansoko (‘hunter’s prowess’), indicating that ‘hunting’
represents mastery of the dan and its spirit occupants; exterminating pest animals in fields is not
considered ‘hunting’, but field management. Dan is subdivided between land cover for which
vegetation, landscape position, or topography are most salient. Many land-cover names come
from the names of dominant soil types or topographic features but are distinguished
grammatically as locative nouns requiring postpositions in all usages. Land-cover types with
such names are not simply soil or topographic classes. For example, both kakakure and kuru ge
to have kènyè soil, which is arable, but neither land-cover type is arable. Soil in a kakakure
shallowly overlies bedrock, and thus has poor soil moisture characteristics; kuru ge to sites are
arable except for the abundance of the grass ngòlò (‘Cenchrus ciliaris’), a weed. Other land-
cover names, such as lemukan (‘arable woodland with sandy soil’), take postpositions only when
used as objects. Land-cover types for which vegetation is most salient are either kèna
81 (‘clearings’) or [not kèna], an unlabeled category. Both categories have multiple subdivisions
relating primarily to ground characteristics. All land-cover types associated with landscape
position are types of mako (‘creekside’), differentiated on ground and vegetation characteristics.
Finally, land cover for which topography is most salient are associated with kuru (‘outcrops’)
and konko (‘hills’). Although many of these cover types have names derived from types of
slope, they are not topographic classifications but require postpositions in all uses. Thus, kuru
sinbe he refers to areas found at a kuru sinbe (‘outcrop toeslope’), which have fertile, deep soil,
tree-dominated vegetation, good soil moisture, and many colluvial boulders. These areas are
valued for agriculture, but not for settlement due to the risk of rock fall.
The work of people. Mògò ka baara comprises enduring physical features created by
humans. Since the act of creating these features imparts possession to their creators, components
of mògò ka baara belong primarily to the biospiritual environment until their possession lapses.
Nonetheless, the context in which a feature is referred determines whether it is perceived as
information about the distribution of natural resources, or as an indication of use rights.
Anthropogenic physical features are profoundly dualistic, being always, to some degree, part of
the biospiritual and physical environments. Many components of mògò ka baara belong to
taxonomic categories that also include features that compose part of ala ka baara (Figure 3, p.
94).
One major division of mògò ka baara is [land cover], shared with ala ka baara (Figure
10, p. 101). Anthropogenic land-cover types are differentiated by use. Use distinguishes
settlement sites from agricultural clearings and fallows. Anthropogenic clearings—both furu
(‘fields’) and gaso (‘unfarmed clearings’)—are part of the broader land-cover category kèna
(‘clearing’). Significantly, some types of anthropogenic clearing—such as millet fields—do not
82 have kèna ge vegetation. Past use characterizes manyang (‘fallows’). Tree density in fallows
varies from grassland to forest, but the criterion of past use lumps fallows into a single category
regardless of between-site differences in soil, vegetation, or other features.
The other major component of mògò ka baara is [artifacts], items or structures whose
endurance allows them to outlast knowledge of their ownership and become simply physical
features. Short-lived artifacts—like baskets, fences, or huts—are inherently part of
hadamadènya (‘humanity’) since their ownership is never in question. As one informant said,
“the belongings of people that [disintegrate] if left [without maintenance] are like [antelope]
horns. They are hard and strong, but once the [antelope] dies the horns are soon gone. When a
man dies his sons may maintain his hut, but when they go [to live elsewhere] his hut will fall
[…]. [However,] some things people can build don’t fall [for so long that] we don’t know who
made them.” There are three classes of artifact—[manufactures], [structures], and [works]—
distinguished by form and use (Figure 11, p. 102).
Features made by animals. The covert category [features created by animals] includes
only kome (‘salt licks’), tun (‘termite mounds’), and wu (‘holes’) (Figures 3, 6, & 11, pp. 94, 97,
& 102). Notably, termite mounds are conceived as a type of digging, and thus are part of the
category tun (‘diggings’) that also includes parts of ala ka baara and mògò ka baara.
Discussion
Manding cultural ecology. Many physical geographic terms used in Bafing Maninka
occur in other Manding dialects, as expected based on their linguistic similarity. Although
published vocabularies are incomplete and published glosses often imprecise, Manding dialects
share terms referring to broad conceptual categories of physical features. For instance,
equivalents to the Bafing Maninka terms san (‘sky’), kaba (‘cloud’), konko (‘hill’), tinti (‘rise’),
83 ba (‘river’), kò ba or kò (‘creek’, ‘stream’), bugu (‘farm’), tumbun (‘ruined settlement’), kolon
(‘well’), and others are reported in many Manding dialects (e.g. Anonymous 1906; Bailleul
Bocco 2003; Shepard et al. 2001; Verlinden & Dayot 2005). Many works characterized as
describing local soil types actually describe land-cover categories, which often include soil
assessment but are not soil types. For instance, Carney (1991: 40) describes how Gambian
Mandinka farmers recognize “micro-environments” based on hydrology, topography, and soil.
Soil plays a minor role in distinguishing these “micro-environments”, yet reviews of
“ethnopedology” consistently categorize Carney’s paper as describing local soil knowledge (e.g.
Barrera-Bassols & Zinck 2000; WinklerPrins 1999).
Land cover and soil are not interchangeable concepts in local knowledge systems, nor are
land-cover categories simply a portion of local soil knowledge. Nonetheless, the concepts ‘land’
and ‘soil’ are frequently confounded in ethnoscientific publications, suggesting inaccurately that
local people do not differentiate soil from some or all other natural resources in a site. For
88 instance, Barrera-Bassols and Zinck (2000: 19) state, “there is no clear-cut distinction between
soil and land characteristics” in local knowledge systems (cf. Barrera-Bassols & Zinck 2003a:
171). They report that “topography, land use, and drainage” are criteria used to classify soils,
without citing specific studies. However, works in their annotated bibliography that apparently
support these statements actually do not pertain to local knowledge of soils per se, but of land-
cover types (e.g. Carney 1991; Kanté & Defoer 1996; Osunade 1988). In some primary works,
land-cover terms are inaccurately applied to soils found in a given land-cover type: Tabor (1993:
47) translates “fouga” (= huga [‘ferricrete hardpan’]) as a specific soil type, but this is not a soil
term (Fig. 10, Laris 2002). Conversely, some authors refer to soil when actually discussing a
broader set of environmental features, comparable to Maninka [land cover] categories. For
instance, both Osbahr and Allan (2003) and Osunade (1992) repeatedly state that farmers in their
study areas examine “land” characteristics—i.e. a range of biophysical features, and especially
vegetation—in determining the suitability of sites for agriculture, but consistently describe this
as “soil” knowledge. While soil characteristics may be an important aspect of site arability,
farmers clearly know, and use knowledge, about more than soil in selecting arable sites; these
‘land’ characteristics could as accurately be described as ‘vegetation’ knowledge (cf. Fleck &
Harder 2000; Verlinden & Dayot 2005). In contrast, in their 2003 paper, Barrera-Bassols and
Zinck show clearly how local knowledge may be partitioned to distinguish soil and land cover as
separate, though related, aspects of the biophysical environment. They report how Purhépecha
farmers in central Mexico conceive “land” as an integrated whole composed of water, climate,
relief, and soils. The Purhépecha classify “land” according to how its four components interact
at a given site; soil is only one of several variables that determine productive potential (Barrera-
Bassols & Zinck 2003b: 237-240). The failure to clearly distinguish ‘soil’ and ‘land’ has caused
89 misrepresentation of the conceptual extent and distinctness of analogous concepts in local
knowledge systems.
Additionally, past research has misplaced the concept ‘soil’ within folk taxonomies of
physical geographic features. For the Maninka, bogo (‘soil’) is one of several components of
dugukolo (‘the ground’); it is an intermediate-level taxonomic category (Figure 9, p. 100). This
finding contrasts with Williams and Ortiz-Solorio’s (1981) widely accepted position that ‘soil’ is
conceptually equivalent to ‘plant’ or ‘animal’—a “kingdom” in folk taxonomical terms.
Linguistic evidence poorly supports this position. Kingdoms are generally unlabelled (Berlin
1992). Thus, several authors have considered ‘soil’ an exception to this principle since ‘soil’ is a
well-defined, labeled category in all studied languages. More parsimoniously, the fact that ‘soil’
is labeled suggests it is not a kingdom. Indeed, in most folk soil taxonomies (see citations in
Barrera-Bassols & Zinck 2000), ‘soil’ is a primary lexeme that subsumes categories labeled
mainly by other primary lexemes—such as ‘loam’—that in turn subsume categories denoted by
secondary lexemes—such as ‘sandy loam’. In such cases, ‘soil’ fits only the linguistic criteria
for “life form”, not “kingdom” (Berlin 1992).
Researchers who have misclassified ‘soil’ may not have studied broad enough samples of
pertinent local knowledge systems to observe the concept’s full context. Some sources suggest,
as shown here for the Maninka, that ‘soil’ is included in a broader conceptual category that also
includes, at the minimum, ‘stone’ (e.g. Kanté & Defoer 1996; Romig et al. 1995; Ryder 1994;
Sandor & Furbee 1996). For example, the Purhépecha in central Mexico recognize numerous
types of soil using secondary lexemes derived from the primary lexeme “echeri” (‘soil’), and
four types of stone using secondary lexemes based on the primary lexeme “tzacapu” (‘stone’)
(Barrera-Bassols & Zinck 2003b: 239). The authors list both “tzacapu” and “echeri” under the
90 heading “soil terms”, suggesting these are taxonomically equivalent categories subsumed in a
category equivalent to ‘the ground’. Knowledge of soils in relation to agricultural practice, an
important research topic, must not be divorced from broader knowledge of natural resources
farmers use in assessing arability. Soil is but one ground-surface feature farmers assess, and the
ground surface is but one of several broad classes of physical feature that compose
agroecological potential.
This discussion of the taxonomic rank of ‘soil’ in local knowledge systems suggests a
broader question about the conceptual scale of folk taxonomic research. Research on
ethnobiological classification has indicated that humans universally recognize, if covertly, the
concepts ‘plant’ and ‘animal’ (Berlin 1992; Brown 1984). These categories exist as natural
realms in local knowledge systems at the taxonomic rank of “kingdom”, the category that
subsumes all related objects. How are kingdoms related? In the Maninka conceptualization of
the biophysical environment, ‘plant’ and ‘animal’ kingdoms are included in a broader category,
[the biospiritual environment], which includes all beings and thus contrasts with inanimate
features of [the physical environment], even though the two categories are not absolutely
separable (Figure 2, p. 93). This higher taxonomic rank is unnamed, because few researchers
have considered its existence (cf. Rappaport 1979). Inattention to broad taxonomic contexts has
led researchers to misinterpret the taxonomic rank of ‘soil’, for instance, and greater attention
should be given the overarching structures of local knowledge systems in order to clarify the
epistemology of aspects of local knowledge and their scientific analogues. Better knowledge of
how different cultures identify and classify physical geographic features will improve
understanding of the conceptual foundations of physical geography (Atran 1990; Blaut 1979).
91
Figures for Chapter Two
92
93
94
Figure 3. Main categories of the Maninka physical environment. Line formatting indicates taxonomy forthe three subdivisions of [the physical environment]: solid lines= ala ka baara; dotted lines=[features madeby animals]; dashed lines=mògò ka baara. Categories without shading belong uniquely and totally to alaka baara; lightly shaded categories belong uniquely and totally to [features made by animals]; darkly shadedcategories belong uniquely and totally to mògò ka baara; categories outlined in gray subsume categories thatinclude features belonging to more than one of the three primary subdivisions. Commas separate synonymousterms. For categories followed by braces, internal taxonomies are shown in the figures indicated. Intersectionof mògò ka baara and [features made by animals] with the [biospiritual environment] is not represented here;see Fig. 2 and the text for description of these intersections.
ala ka baara
dugu ('earth')
ju kòrò ('deep subsurface')
san, san hutuma ('sky') {Fig. 6}
[features made by animals]
mògò ka baara
[landforms] {Figs. 8, 9}
[water bodies] {Fig. 10}
[vegetation] {Fig. 4}[substrate] {Figs. 11, 12}
[land cover] {Figs. 13}
dugu ju kòrò ('deep subsurface of the ground')ba ju kòrò ('riverbed')
[artifacts] {Figs. 14}
siya ('lair')nyaga ('nest')kome ('salt lick')
funteno ('temperature')funteno ('hot temperature')nènè ('cold temperature') dugu funteno ('heat of the ground')
bin funteno ('humidity over damp grass')kuru funteno ('humidity over damp rock')
sumaya ('coolness') nining ('shade under trees')siniware ('shade from clouds')
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103 Chapter Four: Human and environmental causes of floristic patterns in southwestern Mali
Abstract
This paper presents the results of vegetation studies conducted in southwestern Mali,
which lies in the semi-arid Sudanian bioclimatic zone. The dominant view of the Sudanian zone
is that vegetation distribution and composition has been heavily affected by cultivation, and that
between-group heterogeneity; A=agreement statistic, within-group homogeneity increases as A
approaches 1; p=statistical significance.
Grouping basis T A P Cluster results -69.07 0.71 <0.001 Binary: disturbed/undisturbed -61.99 0.16 <0.001 Binary: presence/absence of permanent water -53.06 0.14 <0.001 Sites grouped by disturbance type, time since disturbance, and substrate texture; undisturbed sites further grouped by vegetation structure -46.43 0.42 <0.001 Substrate texture (as shown in Table 1, p. 160) -44.48 0.29 <0.001 Landscape position (as shown in Table 1, p. 160) -39.64 0.21 <0.001 Slope categories (as shown in Table 1, p. 160) -31.48 0.15 <0.001 Disturbed sites grouped by time since disturbance; undisturbed sites lumped -30.30 0.18 <0.001 Disturbed sites grouped by time since and type of disturbance; undisturbed sites lumped -25.56 0.21 <0.001 Geological parent material (as shown in Table 1, p. 160) -10.98 0.07 <0.001
These four woodland vegetation types share characteristic habitat: sites with deep, arable soil that is neither xeric nor highly mesic. Over 80% of these sites have been disturbed by past human settlement or cultivation.
Diarra 1998; Neumann 1997; Redford 1991). While there are certainly conservation strategies
that are widely appropriate and not strongly influenced by local conditions—reducing hunting
pressure, for instance, will reduce population decline for hunted animal species—
282 conservationists must place greater emphasis on recognizing and understanding how specific
biophysical, sociocultural, and geographic contexts may limit the appropriateness of
conservation strategies that have proven effective in other contexts. Conservation strategies that
rely on the creation of immobile and inviolable conservation spaces are inappropriate in
landscapes where spatially fixed and temporally absolute land-use boundaries have never
existed.
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