DURING THE EARLY 19TH CENTURY Velayutham · PDF fileECONOMIC EXPLOITATION OF FOREST RESOURCES IN SOUTH INDIA ... In short, the British policy had ignored to accord the due importance

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ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION OF FOREST RESOURCES IN SOUTH INDIA

DURING THE EARLY 19TH CENTURY∗

Velayutham Saravanan♦

Abstract

The focal point of this paper is to analyse the colonial projects impactingthe economic exploitation of the forest resources and its consequences onenvironment and hill inhabitants of south India during the early nineteenthcentury, in a historical perspective. It argues that the focus of the colonialforest policy was predominantly on the extraction of forest resources forcommercial purposes that resulted in a negative impact on the environmentand tribal populace. Further, it argues that the colonial government policieswere not aimed to conserve the forest resources but to commercialise theseresources. Besides encouraging commercialisation of forests and non-tribalsettlements, it has led to the disintegration of the traditional tribal system aswell as of their forest-oriented economy. In short, the British policy hadignored to accord the due importance to the environment as it wasconcerned about commercialisation of forest resources in south India duringthe early nineteenth century.

I Argument Setting

Debate on the environmental history of India, which emerged during the last quarters of

the twentieth century and predominantly focusing on forestry, can be broadly classified into two

categories: commercialisation of forests and conservation of forests (for details see Saravanan,

2003, Saravanan 2004). The first school of thought argues that the forest resources were

exploited for commercial purposes and neglected the forest-dwellers and users. The other, the

later school of thought, argues that though the commercialisation of forest existed during the

early nineteenth century, conservation was emphasised. They argue that the forest-dwellers and

users were responsible for the deforestation. Further, they argue that the commercialisation of the

forest was not an early nineteenth century phenomenon but that it was widely prevalent even

before the nineteenth century. Interestingly, the first school’s point of argument is from the late

∗ This article will be presented at the Historical Perspective on the Economic Exploitation of the Forest (Session27) of the XIV World Congress of Economic History, to be held at the University of Helsinki, Finland from 21-25August 2006. I thank Prof.Marvin McInnis, Department of Economics, Queen’s University, Canada for his kindencouragement and critical comments.

♦ Fellow/Reader, Centre for Economic and Social Studies (CESS), Nizamiah Observatory Campus, Begumpet,Hyderabad-500 016, Andhra Pradesh, India.

Email address: [email protected]

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nineteenth century and second school’s argument is based on the early nineteenth century. Again

the first school of thought’s argument is based on the northern parts of the Indian sub-continent

whereas the second school’s argument concentrates mainly on the southern parts of the country.

Hence an attempt is made here to analyse the forest history of south India of the early nineteenth

century which will fill the gap in the existing literature of the environmental history.

The main objective of the article is to analyse colonialism and its project on the economic

exploitation of the forest resources and its consequences on the tribals and environment in south

India during the early nineteenth century. An important research problem here is to ascertain

how the colonialism perceived forests and its consequences on the environment and tribals

during the early nineteenth century in south India. In other words it is to understand whether the

colonialism has encouraged the conservation of forests or commercialisation of forests during the

early nineteenth century in south India. Other related aspects are: whether the colonial policies

encouraged the commercial crops which gradually led to a large-scale deforestation, and how

they altered the living conditions of the tribals and of the environment. Did the colonial

intervention change the land use pattern in the hills? These questions might be helpful in

understanding the colonial policies of forest and its consequences on the tribals and environment

during the early nineteenth century in south India.

This article consists of five sections. The first section deals about the argument setting of

the article. The second section focuses on the forest resources in south India until the late

nineteenth century. The third section will focus on the colonial policy on the forests during the

early nineteenth century (1800-1850). The fourth section deals with the consequences of the

colonial forest policy on the forest-dwellers and users. The last section ends with concluding

observations of the article.

II Forest Resources in south India (Up to 1800)

In this section attempts are made to analyse how the forest resources were used and

managed both by the tribals and non-tribals in the Madras Presidency until the late eighteenth

century. I have written extensively about the tribal livelihood prior to the intervention of the

external/market forces in different hills of Madras presidency (Saravanan 1994, Saravanan 1997,

Saravanan 1999, Saravanan 2003, Saravanan 2004). However, it is worthwhile to give a brief

account of the tribal livelihood and their resource management. Invariably in different parts of

the Indian sub-continent the livelihood of the tribals was associated with the forests and forest

resources. The forests provided them with food, housing materials and other implements required

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for their survival. In fact, until external intervention the productive activity of the tribals was

‘human interaction with nature’ (Kurien 1992:30).

However the tribals solely depended on the forest and forest resources for their livelihood

managed by themselves without any restriction. Of course, the use of forest resources, though

not restricted was subjected to three constraints, viz., the size of the community, needs of the

community, and willingness of the members to exert them (Kurien 1992:31). Invariably, in

different parts of south India, the density of tribal population was very low. In the hill areas,

population was sparsely distributed. For instance, the density of tribals inhabiting the Kolli hills

from the Sangam period was very low. It was about 500 during the tenth century (Rajanan,

1992:131-132). Even at the time of colonial intervention, the density of population in the hill

areas was very low when compared with that of the plain areas. For instance, in the Salem and

Baramahal region, the density of tribal population per square mile was only 174 persons at the

end of eighteenth century. It shows that a large extent of the land in the hills and forests was not

at all occupied at the time when it was used for collection of forest produce and grazing as a

common property resource. In addition to the low density of population, the needs of the tribals

were limited and they maintained an irreducible minimum due to their primitive technique and

limited control over the forces of nature (Radjn 1953: Viljeon 1936:11; Kurien 1992-36). In

other words; because of the simple technology, lack of specialisation and the restriction of

individual productive capacities, their livelihood was maintained at the subsistence level without

much need and scope for exchange.

The earlier tribal economy was marked by the absence of any desire to make profits

either from production or through exchange activities (Thurnwald 1932:xiii). In fact, their

economy was a non-market economy or subsistence economy. Also there was no motive for

gain, labouring for remuneration and any separate and distinct interests based on the economic

motives (Polyani 1944:47). Their production was mainly for domestic consumption with

informal exchanges within their system to satisfy their needs (Sahlins 1971:44). No household

was in the normal course excluded from direct access to the means of its own survival (Sahlins

1971:45). In short, the tribals treated natural resources of the hills as common property resources.

Their subsistence was drawn from the collection of forest produce and traditional

methods of agriculture. They practiced two types of cultivation, shifting cultivation and settled

agriculture. Shifting cultivation known as kothukadu in Tamil. It was practiced in the hills after

felling the trees at a selected place and remaining shrubs were burnt along prior to the sowing of

seeds using hoes and spades (Buchanan 1807:198). They follow the mixed cultivation for more

than two to five crops (Shortt 1870:51). The labour requirements were met mainly from their

own family members and their relatives and the labour market was not there. Wage payments

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were not there but they partook in the harvest feast. In other words, labour exchange practice

prevailed mainly from the own community people.

Until the late eighteenth century or even during the early nineteenth century, tribals have

followed both shifting cultivation and settled agriculture in different parts of the Madras

Presidency. However, the shifting cultivation has not made any serious threat to the forest and

environment due to the low density of population. For example, in the Salem and Baramahal

regions, at the close of the eighteenth century the density of population was 174 persons per

square mile for the hills and it varied three to 88 persons in different hills. Obviously, the impact

of shifting cultivation on the forest and other resources was very meager.

The individual ownership of land was absent and the community managed the land

collectively. In other words, the community managed the forests as a common property resource

(Saravanan 2003, Saravanan 2004). Until the intervention of external forces, most of the hills

were isolated from the mainstream life and the tribals had only a minimum interaction with

others for their essential commodities (Saravanan 2003). The characteristic feature of the present

economy of the tribals is absolutely different from what it was earlier until the intervention of the

external forces in the traditional socio-economic and cultural system of the tribals.

Given the nature of the tribal economy and livelihood, one can ask, was there any

deforestation? If yes, to what extent did the deforestation take place? How was the sustainability

maintained? These kinds of queries are important to have a better understanding of the earlier

tribal economic system and resource management.

In the forest areas, the livelihood of the tribals was also at the irreducible minimum

subsistence, mainly managed with forest resources. At the same time, sustainability was

maintained due to the following reasons: i) the tribals’ needs were very limited ii) density of

population was also low and iii) non-existence of commercialisation of forest resources. In short,

the low density of population managed their livelihood with both cultivation and collection of

forest resources with out commercial motives which ensured the sustainability of environment

and ecosystem until the close of the late eighteenth century in different hill regions of the Madras

Presidency.

Given the scenario, one can also ask whether the non-tribals are responsible for

deforestation. If yes, to what extent were they responsible? If not how did they manage the forest

resources? Even in the plain areas, the village people managed their livelihood among

themselves with the available resources. They depended less on the outsiders for their livelihood

until the late eighteenth century (Sarada Raju 1941:14). In short, the people were managing their

livelihood with the available natural resources in their respective living places. In the plain areas,

invariably every village had common property resources consisting of the pastoral and

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uncultivable land, which they have used for collection of fuel wood and grazing their cattle. Only

a few industries were located in the plain areas, which used the fuel wood by and large from the

plain area itself. For example, the iron-making industries, sugar-making industries, brick-making

industries, etc., have existed in the different parts of the country. Iron-making industries were

largely found in different parts of south India at the close of the eighteenth century. These iron-

making industries supplied agricultural implements, carpenter’s and smith tools, and iron boilers

for sugar making, domestic utensils, and met other requirements of the people (Sarada Raju

1941:151). These industries were managed with the locally available fuel wood for burning

charcoal mainly from the village itself. In short, the forest resources were not used for the

commercial purposes either by the tribals or by the plain people until the close of the eighteenth

century.

I conclude this section, until the intervention of external /market forces, the tribals and

other forest users have been used the forest resources mainly for their livelihood at the minimum

irreducible level that ensured the sustainability in different parts of south India. In other words,

the tribals have not exploited the forest resources for commercial purposes. Likewise in the plain

areas, the non-tribal people and even the limited number of traditional industries did not cause

any deforestation in any part of the Madras Presidency. Consequently, we could see the large

extent of forest resources in different parts of south India at the close of the eighteenth century.

In short, both the tribals and other non-tribals used the forest resources for their livelihood which

ensured the sustainability of environment and ecology in different parts of south India until the

close of the eighteenth century.

III Colonial Policy on the Forests (1800-1850)

Since the late eighteenth century, the external/market forces appropriated the tribal

managed/controlled forest resources for the different commercial purposes, i.e., extraction of

timber for the shipping fleet, for extraction of sandalwood, establishment of tea and coffee

plantations, extraction of forest resources for iron-making industries and establishment of

railways and imposed several restrictions on the tribals to use the forest resources in different

parts of south India. Let us see the colonial forest policy and how it appropriated the forest

resources during the early nineteenth century in south India.

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Timber Extraction for the Fleet

The Britishers were forced to find timber resources from India since scarcity cropped up

for timber from the construction of the fleet in England during the latter part of the eighteenth

century (Stebbing 1922:34). The early colonial rule mainly focused on extracting teak timber to

meet the demand of King’s Navy in England in the early nineteenth century (Stebbing 1922:63,

Pathak 2002:19). Subsequently, the Company proclaimed that the royalty right of the teak trees

belonged to the Company and also prohibited unauthorized felling of these trees (Stebbing

1922:64). Increasing pressure from England to ensure the future supply to the King’s Navy, the

Company appointed a Conservator of Forests in 1807 ` to preserve and improve the protection of

teak and other timber suitable for shipbuilding’ (Stebbing 1922:64). Soon the conservator

established a timber monopoly throughout Malabar and Travancore regions. Since the early

colonial rule, `… destruction of the more accessible forests increased during the early days of

British occupation’ (Stebbing 1922:34). These measures were contested both by the proprietors

and merchants, which led to abolition of conservator post itself (Stebbing 1922:64). In short, the

early colonial rule extracted the forest resources mainly to meet the demand from their own

country. Any attempt to protect the forest was not really to conserve it but to ensure the future

supply, particularly to meet the demand in England.

Table 1: Value of Timber and Wood Exports from Madras Presidency: 1855/56 – 1875/76

Source: Maclean, C.D (1885), Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, p.344.

A large quantity of timber and wood has been exported from the Madras Presidency to

Arabia, Ceylone and other countries besides a large quantity to the interprovincial trade to

Year Value (in Rupees) Year Value (in Rupees)1855-56 736117 1866-67 930878

1856-57 853704 1867-68 979671

1857-58 882080 1868-69 1307459

1858-59 884444 1869-70 1228689

1859-60 847820 1870-71 1013878

1860-61 931317 1871-72 1022367

1861-62 1237475 1872-73 1014176

1862-63 1144023 1873-74 1028803

1863-64 1570559 1874-75 1065906

1864-65 1606538 1875-76 1045109

1865-66 1654166

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Bombay, Scinde, Bengal and Burma (Maclean 1885:344). For instance, about Rs.22985179 worth

of timber and wood was exported between 1855/56 and 1875-76 (Table 1). It shows that the

forest resources have been to the other countries for commercial purposes during the early

nineteenth century.

Extraction of Sandalwood Since the early nineteenth century, a large quantity of sandalwood from the hills/forest was

extracted to export to other countries for commercial motives (Saravanan 1998). In fact, the colonial

government encouraged the middlemen to export the sandalwood by providing the required

facilities. A large quantity of sandalwood was extracted from the different districts of the Madras

presidency since the early nineteenth century. For example, about 62,984-11¾ mounds1 of

sandalwood was delivered from Coimbatore district alone to the Board of Trade between 1799 and

1809 and it was worth of 104,915 Star Pagodas2 9 Fanams3 8 Cash4. The colonial administration

encouraged the extraction of sandalwood for the commercial motives in different parts of Madras

Presidency (Saravanan 1998).

Sandalwood trees were largely found in the different hills of Salem and Baramahal

regions. After the colonial intervention, these sandalwood trees were extracted for commercial

purposes and even exported to other countries like China. For instance, in Salem district alone,

revenue from sandalwood was about 3,776 – 30 – 40 Star Pagodas in 1800-01.5 The Collector

had reported that about 200-400 candies6of sandalwood could be supplied from

1 A measure of weight prevailed in Madras Presidency. One mound is equal to 25 lbs in the Madras Presidency.2 One Star Pagoda was equal to 45 fanams or 3600 cash. One Star Pagoda is equal to three and half CompanyRupees.

3 A money measurement, eighty cash equal to one fanam; Fourty-five fanams equal to one Star Pagoda.

4 It was a lowest money measurement. Eighty cash is equal one fanam and 45 fanams equal to one Star Pagoda.

5 Letter from BOR to the Collector of Salem, 6 Jul.1801.

6 A dry grain measurement. One candies is equal to 40 bullas or puddies or 7,248 cubical inches.

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Table 2: Revenue from Sandalwood and other sources from Salem and Baramahal regions:

1862/63 – 1875/76 (in Rupees)

Source: Letter from Colonel R.H.Beddome, Conservator of Forests to J.H.Garstin, ActingSecretary to Government, Revenue Department, dated 22 December 1876, TNSA.

the district annually.7 Later, the right to cut sandalwood was leased out to private contractors.

Around 1836, the government engaged itself to ascertain the number of sandalwood in different

hills and it came out that the precious trees were in plenty in different hills of Salem district.8

Subsequently, through lease/rent of sandalwood cutting rights in different hills, the colonial

government earned a large amount of revenue. For instance, in a decade between 1862/63 to

1875/76, about Rs. 1, 47,537 was realised from the sandalwood (Table 2). In other words, about

one-fourth of total receipts of the Forest Department came from sandalwood in Salem and

Baramahal region.

Coffee and Tea PlantationsCoffee and tea plantations were established in various hills of south India during the early

nineteenth century, particularly between 1830s and 1850s. Coffee plantations were largely found

in the highlands of the different districts of Madras Presidency viz., Vizagapatanam, Madurai,

Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, Nilgiris, Salem, Malabar and South Canara and Princely States viz.,

Cochin and Tiruvancore (Maclean 1885:290). Invariably the coffee cultivation started from the

1830s in different districts of the Madras Presidency. As of 1883, 17, 872 coffee plantations

were established covering the area of 127,996 acres both in different parts of Madras Presidency

and Princely States (Table 3). Besides the actual coffee planted area, large extents of forest were

cleared for the coffee cultivation. Invariably the government has encouraged this cultivation by

providing various forms of subsidies and concessions.

7 BOR, Vol.258, Jul.1800, p.6642, TNSA.

Year Revenue fromSandalwood

Year Revenue fromSandalwood

1862-63 8573 1869-70 14550

1863-64 9758 1870-71 9153

1864-65 13068 1871-72 4594

1865-66 10292 1872-73 4441

1866-67 15261 1873-74 7502

1867-68 17110 1874-75 4754

1868-69 15929 1875-76 12552

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Table 3: Coffee Cultivated Area in Madras Presidency and Princely States in 1883

Maclean, C.D (1885), Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, pp.403-04.

Table 4: Trends of Coffee Export in Madras Presidency: 1855/56 - 1875/76

Source: Maclean, C.D (1885), Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, p.336.

A arge extent of coffee products was exported to other countries and the quantity of

export has been progressively increased in every year during the nineteenth century. For

8 BOR, Vol.1587, 11 Dec.1837, p.1504, TNSA.

Name of the District No. of Coffee plantations Cultivated Area (in acres)

Madras Presidency

Vizagapatanam 9 6.5

Madurai 3355 5378

Tinneveli 51 2719

Coimbatore 16 1321

Nigiris 459 35128

Salem 331 10769

Malabar 13568 52965

South Canara 10 72

Princely States

Cochin 17 8251

Travancore 56 11386

Total 17872 127996

Year Quantity (lbs) Value (inRupees) Year Quantity (lbs) Value (in

Rupees)1855-56 8601464 892167 1866-67 34527695 7813813

1856-57 8869609 944446 1867-68 17374766 4191785

1857-58 7714355 867044 1868-69 35659638 8058373

1858-59 11372338 1230803 1869-70 47411508 10765221

1859-60 14578228 1875054 1870-71 37353359 8821118

1860-61 18571414 3241699 1871-72 35484209 8284862

1861-62 20960198 4710369 1872-73 56889888 13834164

1862-63 20269004 5355581 1873-74 41548950 11276542

1863-64 27333127 6555671 1874-75 41179712 15191418

1864-65 31424319 7684939 1875-76 36652965 13613617

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instance, in 1855/56, about 96 lakh lbs quantity worth of about Rs. 9 lakh was exported and it

has been increased respectively to 426 lakh lbs and 166 lbs lakh in 1875/76. On the whole, about

5538 lakh lbs of coffee worth of Rs.1352 lakhs exported during the two decades of the 1855-56

to 1875-76 (Table 4). In other words, the growth rate of export increased 326 per cent for the

quantity and 1426 for the value between the periods of 1855/56 and 1875/76. Coffee was

exported predominantly to the United Kingdom and France, besides Austria, Turkey, Egypt,

United States of America, Arabia, Ceylone, Pergia, Victoria and foreign ports in India and other

ports of the Indian sub-continent (Maclean 1883:336).

Unlike the coffee plantations, tea estates were found in Vizagapatanam, Madurai, Nilgiris

and Malabar districts of Madras Presidency and Travancore princely States. In 1883, about 86

estates with 11,874.75 acres of tea estates and 26 estates with 1005 acres were found in

Travancore States (Table 5).

Table 5: Tea Cultivated Area in Madras Presidency and Princely States in 1883

Maclean, C.D (1885), Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, p.404.

These plantations are largely concentrated in the hill areas, where the tribal settlements

existed. For example, in Tamil Nadu, coffee and tea plantations were established in the

Shervaroy and the Nilgiris during the early nineteenth century. The planters

encroached/alienated a large extent of tribal occupied lands and the common property resources.

In addition to that they caused disturbances to the tribal traditional system (Saravanan 1999,

2004). In 1885, approximately 108,358 acres of land was under coffee plantations in the

erstwhile Madras Presidency (Maclean 1885:290). The coffee and tea plantation was encouraged

by the administration by providing concessions. The government gave concession i.e., exempted

land rent for the first five-years and a meager land-rent of one rupee per acre per annum for the

Name of the District No. of Tea plantations Cultivated Area (in acres)

Madras Presidency

Vizagapatanam 1 42

Madurai 2 3

Nigiris 78 11764

Malabar 5 66

Princely States

Travancore 26 1006

Total 112 12881

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subsequent sixteen years of the lease period. In most of the cases, the tribals were harassed and

badly disturbed by the planters mainly to grab their land (Saravanan 2004). Consequently, a

sizeable number of tribals became landless and plantation labourers. In addition to that the

government had imposed several restrictions on the tribals' rights over their lands and common

property resources (Saravanan 1999:298-317). Hence, their earlier modes of production, which

were directly related to the natural resources, got disturbed since the early nineteenth century.

Tea was exported to other countries since early in the second half of the nineteenth

century. Initially, a large quantity of the tea was exported. For instance, in 1855/56 about 43426

lb quantity of tea value of Rs. 34,376 was exported. However, after a year, the quantity of export

has been dwindled down. In the decade between 1858-59 and 1868-69, tea export was

completely neglected. However, the export increased progressively in the subsequent period.

Between 1869/70 and

Table 6: Trends of Tea Export in Madras Presidency: 1855/56 - 1875/76

Source: Maclean, C.D (1885), Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, p.346.

1882/83, about 2035906 lbs of quantity worth of Rs.2269304 was exported to other countries

(Table 6). It clearly shows that the colonial administration has encouraged establishing the

plantations in different hill regions, mainly for the export to the other countries and consequently

destroyed a large extent of forests during the early nineteenth century.

Iron-Making and Sugar-boiling IndustriesAs I have mentioned earlier, iron deposits are extensively found in south India. `In

Salem, the Northern Circars, ceded Districts, and Mysore, iron is found largely in the ore, while

in Coimbatore and Malabar the black sand brought down by streams is rich in the metal’ (Sarada

Year Quantity (lbs) Value (inRupees) Year Quantity (lbs) Value (in

Rupees)1855-56 43426 34376 1874-75 93918 114383

1856-57 79915 57461 1875-76 120924 146272

1857-58 13699 13699 1876-77 147132 166988

1858-59 53 70 1877-78 183178 193083

1869-70 6166 9162 1878-79 204630 211753

1870-71 17883 18065 1879-80 208247 233904

1871-72 33579 45594 1880-81 266942 286722

1872-73 43426 52417 1881-82 319752 372738

1873-74 80581 89166 1882-83 309548 329057

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Raju 1941:150). Until the colonial intervention, the traditional iron-making industries supplied

agricultural implements, carpenter’s and smith tools, and iron boilers for sugar making, domestic

utensils and met many other requirements of the people (Sarada Raju 1941:151). These

industries have employed workers varying from three to 10 and in some cases the numbers may

be up to 20 (Sarada Raju 1941:155). These traditional iron-making industries, though spread

over in different parts of the country mostly depended on the locally available fuel wood for

burning charcoal mainly from their own villages.

After the colonial intervention, the colonial government encouraged the British

iron-making industries and gave out some exclusive privileges during the early nineteenth

century. Since the early nineteenth century, the colonial government emphasised the extraction

of iron ore. In 1824, Thomas Munro observed that `… the richness of the ores of Salem and other

districts have been known above thirty years, without anything having been done to extend their

produce, and he suggested that the State has to extend the support for extracting the resources’

(Arbuthnot 1886:561). In 1824, Mr.Heath, who is working in Madras Civil Service requested the

Government for the exclusive right of iron-making in India and a lease of right of cutting the fuel

in the Government wasteland (Brandis 1883:55). In fact, Munro and other members’

recommended Mr. Heath proposal with the support of necessary facilities for establishing the

iron-making industries. But the Court of Directors declined to accept the proposal (Brandis 1883:

55). After some years, the Court of Directors gave an exclusive privilege to establish the iron-

making industries in the Madras Presidency in 1830 (Brandis 1883: 55). He established the iron-

making industries at Porto Nova in south Arcot district with the help of the government.

In 1833, Mr.Heath applied to the government for further financial assistance as well as

other kinds of support. Considering the cost of production when compared with other countries,

the government extended its support to this iron-making industry (Sarada Raju 1941:157).

`Accordingly in 1833 Mr.Heath was granted exclusive mining rights in Salem, Coimbatore,

South Arcot, Malabar and Canara and given permission to cut fuel in Tanjore, Tiruchinopoly and

South Arcot with exemption from various duties for 21 years’ (Sarada Raju 1941:157). In

addition to this, the duty on Indian iron in England was reduced and as well all the materials

required for the Porto Nova were allowed to pass duty free (Sarada Raju 1941:157). In 1853, the

colonial government granted permission to the East India Iron Company for the exclusive right

of getting ore from government waste lands in South Arcot, salem, Malabar, Canara and

Coimbatore for 30 years on the payment of rent £500 per annum (Brandis 1883: 55). In addition

to the native iron-smelting industries and British iron-making Company, the sugar-boiling

industries in the different districts of the Madras Presidency consumed a large quantity of fuel-

wood during the early colonial period (Saravanan 1998). It clearly indicates that the colonial

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government has encouraged the iron-making industries by extending all kinds of concessions

leading to the decline of forest resources in the Madras Presidency during the early nineteenth

century.

RailwaysSince the introduction of railways in Madras Presidency in 1853, the length of railway

track has been increased. In Madras Presidency, the first railway line between Veyasarpandy and

Walajah Road (Arcot), 63 miles in length was opened on 1st July, 1856 by the Madras Railway

Company. In 1856, the length of track has increased from 63 miles to 690 miles in 1866 and

1436 miles in 1877 (Table 7). In other words, the growth rate has increased over 2179 per cent

within two decades.

Table 7: Expansion of Railway line in Madras: 1856-1877Year Total Route (Miles) Year Total Route (Miles)

1856 63 1867 772

1857 65 1868 825

1858 81 1869 863

1859 96 1870 893

1860 137 1871 1018

1861 236 1872 1018

1862 312 1873 1022

1863 522 1874 1044

1864 527 1875 1172

1865 650 1876 1384

1866 690 1877 1436

Source: Statistical abstract relating to British India (various years).

A arge quantity of forest resources were extracted due to the establishment of Madras

Railways in the Madras Presidency during the latter part of the nineteenth century (Saravanan

1998). For example, in 1878, the agent of the Madras Railways stated that the approximate

requirement of wood for fuel was about 91,000 ton (Brandis 1883:40). Due to the laying of

Madras Railways, a large number of valuable trees were cut down in the forest areas of different

districts of Madras Presidency. For example, in 1859-60 about 245,743 berths were supplied from

Salem and Baramahal region alone (Richards, 1918:248). In addition to the berths, a large quantity

of wood was purchased for the fuel by the Madras Railways. About 354,921 tons of wood was

purchased and about 801,504,650 lbs or 357,017.66 tons of wood was consumed exclusive of

small wood for lightings during the period of five years, 1873- 1877 (Table 8). Further,

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Table 8: Quantity of Wood purchased for fuel by the Madras Railway: 1873-1877

Source: G.O.No.373 PWD (Railway), 26th April 1878.

conservation of forest was initiated in different districts of Madras Presidency to meet the future

fuel-supply to the Madras Railways. In short, large quantities of forest resources were extracted for

the Railways in different parts of the Madras Presidency during the second quarter of the nineteenth

century.

Reserve Forest Prior to the Forest ActA large extent of forest area was brought under the reserve forest prior to the Madras

Forest Act 1882, not aiming at a conservation point of view but to ensure the future commercial

Years Total Quantity Purchased(in Tons)

Total Wood consumed exclusive of smallwood for lightings (lbs) (Tons in bracket)

1873 44,693 118,841,314 (52,936.00)

1874 55,107 117,959,691 (52543.29)

1875 57,466 139,582,000 (62,174.61)

1876 77,731 162,029,750 (72,173.61

1877 119,924 263,091,895 (117,190.15)

Total 354,921 801,504,650 (357017.66)

15

Table 9 Area under the Reserve in Madras Presidency prior to the Madras Forest Act: 1867-1881

Brandis, Dietrich (1883), Suggestions Regarding Forest Administration in the Madras

Presidency, Madras, p.16.

motives (Saravanan 2003). Since 1867, tracts of forests were brought under the reserve forest.

Between 1867 and 1881, about 756562 acres of forests were brought under the reserve by the

colonial administration either through the Government Order or by the Board of Revenue

(See Table 9).

Revenue from the Forest

Since the early nineteenth century, the Forest Department extracted a sizeable amount of

revenue from the forests either through selling forest resources directly or leasing out the rights

of collection of forest produce in different parts of the Madras Presidency. However, there is no

evidence of a separate account for it during the early nineteenth century. But the available data

clearly indicates that the revenue from the forest was not a negligible amount. In 1868, about

£42966 worth of revenue was collected from the forest resources. Between 1968 and 1877, about

£415258 was collected from the forest in Madras Presidency (Table 10). This may be attributed

District Year of Notification Estimated areas in Acres

Godavari 1880 43520

Cuddappah 1870-1881 113286

North Arcot 1871-1879 14381

South Arcot 1869-1880 95757

Tiruchinopoly 1871 4166

Madurai 1878-1881 150675

Tinnevelly 1881 183558

Coimbatore 1879 92941

Nilgiris 1878-1880 18074

Salem 1867-1880 11398

Malabar 1872-74 28806

16

Table 10: Amount of Forest revenue collected from Madras Presidency: 1868-1877

Year Forest Revenue (in £ ) Forest Revenue (in Rupees)*

1868 42966 429660

1869 39133 391330

1870 49855 498550

1871 33979 339790

1872 41886 418860

1873 41854 418540

1874 44983 449830

1875 36354 363540

1876 42772 427720

1877 41476 414760

* One £ = 10 Rupees.

Source: Statistical abstract relating to British India from 1867/8 to 1876/7.

to commercialization of forest resources at the time when conservation was gaining emphasis in

Madras Presidency. In other words, if the tribals made use of the forest resources for their

livelihood it was caricatured as destruction by the state and in turn they do the similar thing it is

portrayed as protection and development activities. Since the early nineteenth century, the

different kinds of forest resources were extracted for the commercial purposes. In fact to extract

these resources different kinds of incentives were provided in different points of time. This kind

of mean exploitation of the forest resources commercially has certainly made an impact on the

environment and tribals which we can see in the subsequent section.

IV Consequences of the forest policy on the Environment and forest-dwellers

As elucidated earlier, forest resources in the hill tracts were never exploited for

commercial purposes by the tribal people and the others made judicious use of them for their

requirements, ensuring their sustainability until the colonial intervention. `[During the pre-British

period] However, scholars generally agree that the scale of the logging was too small to cause

any widespread ecological damage’ (Chaudhury 2004:.95). In this section, let us see the

commercial exploitation of forest resources and what kind of impact it has made on the

environment and livelihood of the tribals and other people during the early nineteenth century.

i) Decline of Environment

17

The earliest travel account by Buchannan (1807) does not give a detailed account of the

different hills of the Salem and Baramahal region. Yet it has observed that the hills had an

abundance of trees, particularly on the slopes (Buchanan 1807:198). Other sources like folklore

and oral histories are limited and that too with little information on the changes in the landscape

of these hill regions. However, the archival sources provide sufficient evidence for decline of the

environment in different hill regions of Madras Presidency. Colonial intervention witnessed a

large scale export of sandalwood by the government to other countries, destruction and

denudation of forests to establish coffee/tea plantations and plunder of timber and other forest

resources for the industries and railways during the early nineteenth century.

Sandalwood trees were largely found in the different hills of Salem and Baramahal

regions. After the colonial intervention, these sandalwood trees were extracted for commercial

purposes and even exported to other countries like China. For instance, in Salem district alone,

revenue from sandalwood was about 3,776 – 30 – 40 Star Pagodas in 1800-01.9 The Collector

had reported that about 200-400 candies10of sandalwood could be supplied annually from the

district.11 Later, the rights to cut sandalwood were leased out to the private contractors. Around

1836, the government ascertained the authority to take account of the number of sandalwood in

different hills and it was found out that the precious tree was in abundance in different hills of

Salem district.12 Subsequently, through lease/rent of sandalwood cutting rights in different hills,

the colonial government earned a large amount of revenue. For instance, in a decade between

1862/63 to 1871/72, about Rs.1,18,288 was realized from the sandalwood.13 In other words,

about one-fourth of total receipts of the Forest Department came from sandalwood in Salem and

Baramahal region. It becomes clear that commercialisation, which commenced in the late

eighteenth century had gained ascendancy with the government adopting different strategies until

the introduction of the Madras Forest Act 1882 (Saravanan 1998:130-135).

Since the early nineteenth century, establishment of plantations in different hills led to

the destruction of forests which in turn impacted negatively on the environment. In fact, the

colonial administration actively encouraged and promoted the British planters by providing

concessions (Saravanan 2004). In due course, the planters encroached on vast tracts of common

property resources like forests and tanks.

9 Letter from BOR to the Collector of Salem, 6 Jul.1801.10 A dry grains measurement. One candies is equal to 40 bullas or puddies or 7,248 cubical inches.11 BOR, Vol.258, Jul.1800, p.6642, TNSA.12 BOR, Vol.1587, 11 Dec.1837, p.1504, TNSA.

13 Letter from Colonel R.H.Beddome, Conservator of Forests to J.H.Garstin, Acting Secretary to Government,revenue Department, dated 22 December 1876, TNSA.

18

The traditional iron-smelting and sugar-boiling industries depending on forests for

fuelwood were to some extent responsible for the denudation of green cover in the different hills

of south India. These industries have extracted a large quantity of forest resources in different

regions of the south India. In fact, the British iron-making industries favoured by the

administration availed exclusive privileges extensively and the British sugar-boiling industries

continued to consume very large quantities of fuel-wood and speeded the deforestation to some

extent in the early nineteenth century (Saravanan 1998: 135-136).

The establishment of the Madras Railways in the later part of the nineteenth century

provided an additional momentum to the extraction of forest wealth especially the timber and

fuel wood (Saravanan 1998: 135-136). For example, in 1859-60 about 2,45,743 berths were

supplied from Salem and Baramahal region alone (Richards 1918: 249). Further, the revenue

expenditure was much lower than the receipts.14 It clearly indicates that the forest resources have

been extracted for the commercial purpose which implies a decline of environment in the Madras

Presidency.

Since the early nineteenth century the colonial government has extracted the forest

resources for the different commercial purposes and has also denuded them for the establishment

of the plantations. Further, it was not only extracted for the Company’s requirements but also

exported for commercial motives. In fact the colonial government has encouraged the

exploitation of forest resources by providing concessions and privileges during the early

nineteenth century in south India. To say precisely, the matter of fact is extraction of the forest

resources and ensuring that supply for future requirements was the main agenda of the colonial

government during the early nineteenth century.

ii) Decline of TribalsSince the early nineteenth century the tribal traditional system not only got disintegrated but

also their economic conditions deteriorated. The tribal traditional administrative setup was

replaced by the colonial government. The tribals also got displaced from their land which led to

decline of the tribal system in south India.

Disintegration of Tribal Management

Since the colonial intervention, the revenue was settled with the tribal headmen. The

tribal headman used to collect the revenue from the tribals and pay to the government. But the

role of tribal headman was withdrawn by the colonial administration and brought the hills under

its direct management on one pretext or the other between 1829 and 1854 (Saravanan 1994). For

14 Letter from Colonel R.H.Beddome, Conservator of Forests to J.H.Garstin, Acting Secretary to Government,revenue Department, dated 22 December 1876, TNSA.

19

this reason the hills were brought under the amani15 management in different periods between

1829/30 and 1853/54. A part of the Attur-Kolli hills in 1828/29; Aranuthumalai in 1836/37;

Namakkal-Kolli hills in 1840/41; Shervaroy hills in 1842/43; and the remaining portion of the

Attur-Kolli hills in 1853/54 were taken over by the government and brought under the amani

management. The traditional rights of the headmen and the guru (priest) were usurped in the

process (Saravanan 2003; Saravanan 2004). The traditional tribal administration was withdrawn

so that the commercialisation of forest resources executed without any hindrance.

Non-Tribal Settlement

In the early nineteenth century, before the colonial rule, the non-tribal presence in the hill

areas was insignificant because the plain people dreaded to step in hills for the fear of suffering

from contagious diseases. After the colonial intervention, the Britishers dared to settle in

different hills of south India and that was followed by the native non-tribals. Until the 1871

Census, there was no separate data for the non-tribals in the hills. However the Census data will

give the trend about the non-tribal settlement in different hills of south India during the early

nineteenth century. Data pertaining to the different hills of Salem and Baramahal regions shows that

the non-tribal settlement has increased during the early nineteenth century. According to the 1871

Census, about 4,026 persons or about 10.21 per cent of the total population in the five major hills of

Salem and Baramahal regions were found to be non-tribals. Of this, 2,649 persons or about 65.11

Table 11 Different Castes of Non-Tribals in Different Hills of Salem and Baramahal Regions of

Madras Presidency 1871

Sources: Census Statement of Population of 1871, Salem District, pp.142-143, 148-151, 160-161and 290-291.

15 To collect the revenue directly from the cultivators by the officers of the Government upon the removal orsuspension of an intermediate claimant.

Hills Totalpopulation

Non-tribals

% Pariahs

% Chetties

% Muslims

% Others

%

Kalrayan hills 6,626 298 4.50 18 6.04 - - 3 1.01 276 92.62

Pachamalai 2,166 13 0.60 - - - - - - 13 100

Attur-Kolli hills 5,533 574 10.37 53 9.23 - - 1 0.17 520 90.59

Namakkal- Kolli

hills

9,296 852 9.16 635 94.53 1 .12 - - 216 25.35

Shervaroy hills 10,745 2,289 21.30 1,943 84.88 6 .26 22 .96 318 13.89

20

per cent were Pariahs (a Scheduled Caste under the Indian constitution), who were bonded

labourers16 in the plains (see Table 11). Only 7 persons or about 0.17 per cent were Chetties (a

business community); 26 persons or about 0.64 per cent were Muslims and the remaining 1,343

persons or about 34 per cent belonged to the Other Backward Castes (OBCs). In the Shervaroy hills,

about 2,289 persons or about 21.30 per cent of the total population in the hills were found to be

non-tribals. In the Shervaroy hills, coffee plantations were established in 1825 and around 10

Europeans were engaged in that venture by the end of the first half of the nineteenth century

(Papers Relating to the Coffee districts 1859: 1). According to Shortt (1864), 27 planters were

engaged in coffee cultivation of which 25 Britishers and the rest were non-tribals. Interestingly,

about 100 persons including children belonged to the European stock among the settlers in the

Shervaroy hills around 1870s (Shortt 1870: 7). Precisely, after the colonial intervention the non-

tribals settlement in the hill areas has increased in different hill regions of south India.

Tribal Land Alienation

The non-tribal settlement led to the tribal land alienation in different hills of south India

during the early nineteenth century. It is very much obvious in the hills where plantations were

established. The plantation activities have started during the second quarter of the nineteenth

century. For instance, in the Shervaroy hills alone, about 9,210 acres was under coffee

cultivation in the 1870s. Invariably these lands were taken over from the tribals. Interestingly,

about 7,776 acres or 85 per cent of the area under plantations was held by the Britishers while

the non-tribal natives possessed the remaining (Le Fanu 1883:21-24; Saravanan 2000:73-104).

In the other hills also the non-tribals alienated the tribal occupied land. The nature and extent of

tribal land alienation in different hills can bee seen with help of deterioration in the occupational

status.

Decline of Economic Status

The non-tribal settlement and alienation of tribal land led to decline of the economic

status of the tribals in different hills of south India. Until the advent of the colonial administration

and even after some time, the tribal economy of Salem and Baramahal regions was associated with

16.`In times prior to colonial rule the whole of the Pariah community, without exception, were the slaves of the superiorcastes' (Census of India 1871: 169).

21

Table 12 Occupational Status of the Tibals in Salem and Baramahal Regions in 1871

Sources: Census Statement of Population of 1871, Salem District, pp.142-143, 148-151, 160-161

and 290-291

the traditional methods of cultivation and collection of forest-produce (Saravanan 1999:304). In

fact, the tribals were classified as cultivators under the occupational category in 1836.17 Due to the

intervention of the British settlers and other non-tribals and with the introduction of coffee

plantations and reserve forests their earlier occupational status got deteriorated since the early

nineteenth century. For instance, about 12021 (35 per cent) of the people in the five major hills were

classified as workers. Of which, 2503 (21 per cent) were classified as agricultural labourers (Table

12). More and more tribals became either agricultural labourers or dependants of agricultural and

allied activities. It is evident that in the Shervaroy hills, where the large extent of tribal lands was

alienated by the planters, the result was a large proportion of agricultural and plantation labourers

(Saravanan 2004). Further, where the proportion of non-tribals settlement was high the

proportion of labourers was also high, showing the decline of occupational status. In other

words, the evidence clearly suggests that the tribal managed forest resources were appropriated

for the different commercial purposes and large number of non-tribals settlement in the hill

areas, which eventually led to deterioration of their livelihood.

V Concluding Remarks

Since the early period sustainability of forest resources was unaffected neither by the

tribal people nor by the other forest users as the resources were not exploited for the commercial

purposes. Until the intervention of the external/market forces, the tribal economy remained a

subsistence economy limited to collection of forest produce and traditional cultivation. Being a

non-market economy was its most distinctive feature. The community without any intervention

of external forces managed the resources among themselves. An inevitable consequence of

17 BOR, Vol.1537, 10 November 1836, pp.18133-36.

Name of the hills Total

Population

Total

workforce

% of col.3

to 2

Labourers % of labourers to

total workforce

Kalrayan hills 6,626 2321 35.03 619 26.67

Pachamalai 2,166 795 36.70 27 3.40

Attur-Kolli hills 5,533 2231 40.32 71 3.18

Namakkal- Kolli hills 9,296 3658 39.35 929 25.40

Shervaroy hills 10,745 3016 28.07 857 28.42

34,366 12021 34.98 2503 20.82

22

external intervention drastically altered the customarily managed non-market tribal economy

besides weakening the common property resources particularly during the early nineteenth

century. In fact the penetration of market forces was not confined to the economic sphere alone

as it permeated the entire socio-economic, cultural and administrative set-up of the tribal

community.

Since the early nineteenth century the forest resources were exploited for commercial

purposes by the colonial government. They have not initiated any constructive measures to

conserve the forest resources. Once they felt that the resources were getting exhausted they had

initiated some conservation measures. In other words, conservation of forest resources was

initiated at a smaller scale level that aimed to meet the future requirements. Hence one can argue

that the conservation measures of the colonial government in south India during the early

nineteenth century were not really to preserve the forest resources but to meet their commercial

interest.

Further, it argues that the focus of the colonial policy was on extraction of forest

resources in utter disregard of its impact on environment and the resultant hardships being

caused to the tribal populace. Further, it argues that the colonial government had changed its

policy not with the aim of improving the living standards of the tribals or to conserve the forest

resources but to extract them by controlling the geographical areas. Besides encouraging

commercialisation of forests and non-tribal settlements it has led to the disintegration of the

traditional tribal system as well as their forest-oriented economy. In short, the British policy had

ignored to accord due importance to the environment since it was concerned merely with the

commercialisation of forest resources in south India.

23

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