Diaspora at the crossroads: the future of Greek communities in Australia – a case study of two regional migrant communities

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Diaspora at the crossroads: the future of Greek communities in Australia – a case study

of two regional migrant communities

Melissa Afentoulis and Andrea Cleland

Abstract

Many scholars have noted the Greeks are a people of the diaspora and their movement can be

traced from classical antiquity to modernity. Enduring successive and long periods of foreign

domination, large-scale outward mass migration after the Second World War decimated

Greece‘s population and its social and economic infrastructure. With many migrating

permanently to Australia from Greece during the 1950s to 1970s, small island populations

such as Limnos (more commonly known as Lemnos) and the Greek-Macedonian region,

including Florina, in northern Greece were particularly impacted. As Clogg notes, ‘xeniteia’,

or sojourning in foreign parts, is central to the historical experience of Greeks in modern

times and thus the relationship between diasporic communities and the homeland is of critical

importance. Today the Greek community in Australia is at the crossroads, facing the

impending loss of social institutions they have created and the apparent lack of interest in

them by subsequent generations whose divergent interests are reforming their own sense of

identity within the broader Greek diaspora.

Arising from two parallel research projects, this paper examines the Limnian and Florinian

communities in Australia today from the intergenerational perspective of how Greek

diasporic regional identity in Australia is changing, forming and reforming. Through oral

history case studies we ask how first and subsequent generations of Greek migrants engage

with concepts of home and belonging, examining in particular the reconstruction and

redefinition of identity and Greekness in the contemporary diaspora. Central to discussion

throughout mainstream historiography on Greece, is the consciousness of Greekness, and

how it is cultivated outside the national borders of the Greek nation. Yet it was only in living

memory that Greece‘s current borders were established in 1947 and we argue that Greek

regionalisation of identity and how it reforms in foreign soil is an area that has received

comparatively little academic attention.

Keywords: Lemnos, Florina, Greekness, identity, home, belonging, migration, diaspora,

intergenerational, ethno-regional

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1. Xeniteia and the Scattering of Greek Seeds

Melbourne is home to the largest Greek community outside Greece, a legacy of the post -

World War Two migration boom. With a recorded 378,300 people of Greek ancestry in

Australia today, Greek is one of the top 10 languages spoken at home (Australian Bureau of

Statistics 2011). Estimates of the Greek diaspora vary widely between three to seven million

people globally, with Australia, Canada and the US accounting for roughly half of the

diaspora communities (Tastsoglou 2009). At the heart of the city, the Lonsdale Street

precinct in Melbourne was historically the visible presence of the community. With the

establishment of cafes (kafenia), key services and restaurants, it was the hub in the 1950s to

1980s for people to network, seek information and friendship and to break the isolation and

dislocation that Greek migrants experienced in the early stages of establishing themselves in

Melbourne. In essence, Lonsdale Street was a ‗diasporian village‘. As Greek migrants

established themselves and moved into other parts of Melbourne, its usefulness and visibility

has faded but may experience rejuvenation with the construction of a new multi-story

building and community centre at the base of the original Greek Orthodox Community of

Melbourne and Victoria (GOCMV), first established in 1897. Like the precinct itself, which

stands at a significant city intersection, the Greek community now stands at the crossroads.

Generational change facing the impending loss of social institutions created since migration,

and the apparent lack of interest to engage with the present structures by subsequent

generations, is a reality. The emerging and divergent interests of new generations are

transforming identity within the broader Greek diaspora. This is facilitated, amongst other

factors by new technology, greater education and a global environment.

Contributing to Australia‘s wider migration narrative, the historically and geographically

distinctive regional communities of Limnos and Florina allow us to explore the question of

whether Greeks in Australia have a homogenous identity, whether ethno-regional identity is

more prevalent and how this re(forms) in a diasporic setting. Known since ancient times as

Hellas, modern Greece was established in 1832 as an independent state, faced with the need

to create a shared national identity. Yet it is only since 1947 that Greece‘s current borders

have been defined. Central to discussion throughout mainstream historiography on Greece,

however, is the consciousness of Greekness, and how it is cultivated outside the national

borders of Greece through its continuing patterns of diaspora. As Clogg (2008:5) notes,

―sojourning in foreign parts‖ known as ‗xeniteia‘ is central to the historical experience of

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Greeks in modern times, and thus the relationship between diasporic communities and the

homeland becomes of critical importance. Greece‘s legacy of events during the first half of

the twentieth century, particularly war and the disruption of place and identity, meant that

migration for rural communities such as Limnos and Florina was essentially inevitable and

necessary. The end of World War Two led to mass migration from 1949 to 1974,

predominantly to Europe, Brazil, Australia, Canada and the USA (Clogg 1999; Tamis 2005;

Tastsoglou 2009). This reflected the period of economic devastation and political turbulence

that followed the German occupation and the Greek Civil War (1946 to 1949) through to the

seven-year military dictatorship that ended in 1974. The outflow was initially from the

islands, and later the regions of Epirus, Macedonia and other parts of Greece. Many Greeks

came from poor rural areas at a time when countries were developing secondary sectors or

resource-rich economies and needed labour (Tastsoglou 2009). Australia developed an

extensive post-war immigration program to attract migrant workers (Jupp 1988). By the mid-

1980s, Melbourne emerged as one of the principal centres of Greek population in the world

(Clogg 2008). Thus one strand of modern diasporic Greek identity has been formed through

this migration. The (re)formation of Greek diaspora communities across the world have

continued to reinforce Greek culture and national identity. The existence of these large

populations of Greek origin outside the boundaries of the state continues to reshape

‗Greekness‘ outside of the ancestral homeland.

2. Formation and Reformation – the narrative of two divergent communities

Using oral history we asked how first and subsequent generations of Greek migrants engage

with concepts of home and belonging, examining in particular the reconstruction and

redefinition of identity and Greekness in the contemporary diaspora. Exploring migration and

diaspora from an ‗ethno-regional‘1 lens for two diverse regions – Florina and Limnos –

allows us to critically examine narratives of the experience of migration and diaspora and

thus closely explore the links to home and identity and how this (re)forms in foreign soil, an

area of comparatively little academic attention. According to estimates based on community

records and demographics, Australia-wide, Macedonians of Greek origin constitute the

1 Vassiliki Chryssanthopoulou defines ‗ethno-regional identity as ‗the individual and/or collective sense of

identity and belonging felt by Greek – Australians that derives from their attachment – socio-economic or

symbolic or both – to a particular region where they themselves or their families originate… This kind of

identity refers to a level of ethnic identification below that of national identity‘ (2009: 202).

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highest proportion of the Greek-Australian population (35%), followed by Peloponnesians

(30%) and islanders (15%), Central Greece (10 per cent) and other regions of Greece and

countries other than Greece (10 per cent) (Tamis (1994:xi). This composition is substantially

different from the pre-1945 Greek-Australian population when over half of Australia‘s Greek

settlers came from three islands – Kythera, Ithaca and Castellorizo (Yiannakis 2009:245).

Whilst Limnos is geographically bounded by virtue of being an island, the location of

Florina, situated within northern Greece, was a contested area of the Balkans until the start of

the twentieth century. Northern Greece has always been inhabited by very diverse

populations and as such, the relationship between ethnicity and nationality in the southern

Balkans has always been complex (Danforth & Van Boeschoten 2011). Following the

Ottoman defeat in the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria each took

control of portions of the Macedonian region with Greece obtaining the largest portion with a

small section going to Albania.

Several decades later, Florina was particularly devastated by the legacy of the Greek Civil

War. From the many settlements and villages in Florina, many have had whole villages

transported through migration to Australia and Canada. Previous estimates suggest about

27,000 people from the region of Florina live in Australia, with about 15,000 settling in

Melbourne (Danforth 2000). As was the case with Limnians, the group formation of Greek

Macedonians varied according to the destination of the ‗pioneer settlers‘ who started the

migration journey, as well as the location of employment, particularly manufacturing jobs

(Tamis 1994). Although the vast majority of Greek Macedonian migrants to Australia spoke

Greek, many also spoke local Slavic or were bilingual. With increased numbers from this

region, over 60 Greek Macedonian organizations were established in Australia (Jupp 2001).

Intricate complexities of place and identity appear within the narratives of different

generations interviewed from the region of Florina and provide an ―intersection between

stories and history‖ (Danforth & Van Boeschoten 2012:3). These stories seek to understand

how migrants from this region, and later their descendants, view their migratory journey from

a particular ‗home‘ to give a more complex understanding of changing identity in the

diaspora.

I struggle with it constantly and it’s more so not knowing what to call myself -

whether I call myself a Greek or a Macedonian or a Greek-Macedonian. It’s

just a constant struggle with me, particularly with the Greek community.

Because you’re ‘xenos’ to them and you’re ‘xenos’ to Australians and you’re

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‘xenos’ to the Macedonians, so you sort of don’t fit anywhere really. ‘Xenos’

is stranger. (Helen, born in Melbourne, 1963)

For the Limnians, migration has been an important legacy since the late 19th

century. It is an

integral part of their history and life experience, like many other Greek islands. The island‘s

geographic position in proximity to The Straits (otherwise known as The Dardenelles), the

gateway to the Far East, linked Limnos to sea trade and was a strong base for sea merchants

for centuries, providing also, opportunities for migration journeys. In the 1950s, the island,

comprising over thirty small and larger villages, was a predominantly pastoral community.

This setting defined the ethno-regional identity and character of its people. Like Florina, the

communal social structure was kinship based with a strong connection to the land, faith based

and elder based value systems with discrete gendered roles. People were connected through

marriage, dowry (Proika) and kinship, localised either within the village or with people from

the neighbouring areas. Identity was defined first as Limnian and only then linked to

‗Greekness‘. This form of communal self- identification reflected the geo-political

marginality and physical distance of the island to the mainland and contributed to an

‗isolationist‘ and introspective self-view forming part of the ethno-regional identity of

Limnian migrants arriving in Australia. Whilst the de-population of villages was a turning

point for those who remained, an economic link to the diasporic community created a strong

transnational bond through remittances and return visits, thus setting up the strong connection

to home and return.

Some members of the Limnian community estimate that there are possibly over twenty-two

thousand first, second and third generation Limnians in Australia. Whilst this number cannot

be verified as official records do not exist, the actual profile of the Limnian community

becomes complex and changing as new generations are integrated within the wider Australian

society and more cross-cultural marriages (exogamous) occur. This is also the trend for those

from Florina. However from evidence gathered so far, the Limnians remain relatively close-

knit and have retained a strong regional identity, both at the personal, familial and community

level, whereas the first generation Florinians have diverse responses to identity, reflecting

their own unique regional origins and experiences. Later generations appear to be moving

towards an Australian identity with a mix of Greek/Greek-Macedonian heritage, yet with

some confusion as to how to reconcile the regional aspect. Oral history testimony of first and

second generation migrants, however, illuminates the strength of the Limnian identity within

family and kinship as well as in the community domain which reinforces its significance at a

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number of other levels. So whilst generations have adopted Australia as their home, the

regional Limnian identity appears durable but it is also reforming.

A consistent theme emerging from the narratives of the first generation migrants for both the

Limnians and the Florinians, particularly those arriving during the 1950s and early sixties

was the formation of a community that displayed a strong communal network, framed by

mutual reliance and interdependence particularly in the practical areas of housing,

employment and information sharing and network formation. The Limnian community

association Hephestos, established in 1939, played a key role. The bond of heritage and

compatriotism complemented a strong family and kinship relationship structure, common to

other Greek island migrant communities. Second generation oral testimony of Limnians

reveals an on-going attachment to their parents heritage and re-engaging with the parental

homeland through regular trips back to the island, connection with ‗typically Limnian‘

culture and traditions, music and dance and a connection to the Greek language. Whilst their

interest in engaging with the existing community organisation structures has waned for the

descendant generations, several Facebook sites are emerging as global communication and

connection hubs. In contrast, some first generation Florinians revealed they never returned

home and felt they were ―still on holiday in Australia‖, compared to the trauma, poverty and

hunger they experienced in Florina. For subsequent generations who had not visited Greece,

they imagined an idealised image of village life and connection through family migration

stories. Of those who had visited from the first generation, they felt they had become more

‗xenos‘ (a stranger) in Greece but were happy with the economic progress made in their

villages and able to reconcile a more Australian identity. Within the second and third

generation, those who had visited Greece felt changed and felt a stronger bond to their

heritage and family. However, many young Limnian families are actively building the

homeland links for themselves and their children (third generation) even in the case of mixed

marriages and thus creating a link to ‗Greekness‘ which in turn reinforces positive elements

of regional identity that were seemingly dormant for a long time. The following responses

illustrate issues of identity and belonging in connection to return trips:

For a while I thought I was more Australian than Greek, until we decided to

fix our house there! (Despina, born in Melbourne, 1959)

I feel I belong in Australia but personally I consider myself to be Greek…We

are a hybrid…being Greek is very important…My ancestors are from there

…the sense of connection is strong! (John, born in Melbourne, 1976)

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The ‗love of the island‘ signals a re-invigorated interest in roots heritage and a sense of re-

defined belonging that is uniquely regional for the Limnians. Though clearly rooted and

settled as Australians, they define themselves as Limnians and Greeks and sometimes as

Greek-Australians. This is in contrast to different perspectives of regional Florinian identity

ranging from ‗Macedonian and Australian‘, ‗Greek and Australian‘, ‗Australian with a Greek

heritage‘ to ‗I‘m not sure‘. The emerging questions to consider are: can hybrid identities be

sustained, what is the emerging significance of this reality, how does identity evolve and

transform for future generations in the diaspora and how are these identities negotiated and

constructed? At an organisational level, what is the future for the associations that in some

cases are asset rich but with declining membership numbers due to an aging community?

3. Belonging in the Greek Diaspora in Melbourne in the 21st Century

Comparative analysis of two distinctive Greek regional migrant communities in Melbourne

provides insight into how diasporic communities are constantly moving, forming and

reforming. This includes transforming views of ‗home‘ real, or imagined, as well as

reflections of belonging, identity and the (re)constructions of ‗Greekness‘ in the diaspora.

Expanding literature on diaspora centres on the idea of home, real or imagined, and the

memory of home. In exploring her own relationship with the Chinese diaspora, Ang

(2001:25) writes that ―diasporas are transnational, spatially and temporally sprawling

sociocultural formations of people creating imagined communities whose blurred and

fluctuating boundaries are sustained by real and/or symbolic ties to some original homeland‖.

Papastergiadis (1998) also argues that to be in the diaspora does not mean to be in a place that

has simply transplanted the original home onto foreign soil. This is evidenced by the initial

formation of Greek communities in Melbourne and their close links to region, yet how they

form and reform for future generations provide different ‗intersections at the crossroads‘. In

the narratives relating to Florina, whilst region has been important in the first generation and

the creation of institutions, subsequent generations are moving towards an Australian identity

with Greek heritage. Yet for the Limnians the identity remains strongly linked to ‗place‘ - the

island, bounded by social context and geography. The second and some third generation have

a renewed sense of belonging to their heritage and homeland and have created new ways of

engaging both intra-communally as well as globally with the establishment of Facebook sites.

For the Limnians, the process of return and going home is central. For those from Florina,

regional attachment is through the lens of the village and village life, but not the driving need

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to return or visit home, but instead to connect and adapt - at times Greek, at times

Macedonian, at times Australian. In this context, diasporas can be seen as changing or

‗travelling cultures‘ in new global conditions, offering multi-locale attachments (Clifford

1997:25).

As the first generation ages, the traditional community spaces they have created in Melbourne

such as more than 200 associations, churches, welfare agencies, newspapers and schools offer

the chance of renewal and adaptation for subsequent generations, as well as different spaces

to interact and connect in varied ways. The ease of travel and telecommunications, as well as

globalisation and interactive technology allows the sharing of experiences in ways that differ

to the past and can be at the local/regional/national and global level, opening new meanings

of connection, culture, identity and belonging. Huyssen calls for a changed and changing

understanding of diaspora itself that takes into account its changing relationship to a changing

world, highlighting home is no longer what it used to be, either in terms of the nation or the

diaspora, in the changing nature of global conditions (Huyssen 2003:149-150). Late in 2013,

the community was invited to come together for a ‗Greek Community Dialogue‘ to address

transition from an intergenerational perspective highlighting that change is needed for

community associations that may not exist in ten or twenty years, whilst noting a resurgence

and interest in participation and volunteering because of the relevance and interest of events

being offered to the next generation. The dialogue also underlined that internet and social

media may be the defining factor of Greek Australian identity and the shaping of cultural ties

(Neos Kosmos 2013). Ultimately, our metaphor of the Greek community at the crossroads

signals a change between the old and the new migrant generations and the ‗diaspora space‘ as

a place where there are ‗in-between‘ or hybridised spaces where translation and negotiation

occurs (Bhabha 1996; Rutherford 1990, Tastsoglou 2009). It is within these new spaces that

our research seeks to explore how Greek migrants in Australia over generations negotiate not

only the idea of one home but many homes. The exploration of individual narratives offers

insight into larger scale issues of diaspora from the perspective of ethno-regional boundaries.

As there are very few comparative ethno-regional studies of Greek diaspora or indeed any

diasporic communities, our comparative approach provides a useful analytical method to

consider differences in movement of ethnic communities.

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Interviews

Despina, 2013

Digitally recorded oral history interview conducted by Melissa Afentoulis with Despina.

Melbourne, Australia, 19 August 2013.

Helen, 2010

Digitally recorded oral history interview conducted by Andrea Cleland with Helen.

Melbourne, Australia, 20 September 2010.

John, 2013

Digitally recorded oral history interview conducted by Melissa Afentoulis with John.

Melbourne, Australia, 16 September 2013.

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