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DEVELOPMENT PARADIGMS &
AFRICAN DIGITAL INNOVATION: The Cage of New Institutional
Economics
Dr. Laura Mann
Assistant Professor
International Development Department/Firoz Lalji Centre for
Africa
London School of Economics and Political Science
(and co-author, Gianluca Iazzolino, Research Associate, ID/FLCA,
LSE)
Email: [email protected]
Twitter: @balootiful
mailto:[email protected]
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3 key arguments:
1. Development as an intellectual battlefield.
2. African Digital discussions are stuck in a NIE cage .
3. A more heterodox perspective: ICTs as platforms for
competitive
commercial R&D.
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PART 1: DEVELOPMENT AS AN
INTELLECTUAL BATTLEFIELD
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Knowledge impacts upon economic
development and global competition
in two ways:
First knowledge can make economies
more competitive in existing areas of
production through knowledge
acquisition and technology transfer.
Second, knowledge can help move
countries out of fierce competition
in commodity production into new
activities with higher barriers to
entry. I.e. capturing knowledge
rents through R&D and
commercialisation.
Most importantly, industrial
policy involves incentivizing and
assisting firms and farms to build
their technological capabilities
through acquiring new
technologies and investing in
learning how to use them
efficiently (Whitfield et al., 2015:
35).
(See also Sutton et al., 2016,
Oqubay, 2015 UNECA, 2016).
Effective insertion into global export
markets offers the potential for
sustainable income growth. … The key to a h ie v i g th e e e fi
ia l o u t o e lies in the capacity to identify,
appropriate and protect rents, and in
the context of intense global
competition, to develop the capacity
to master dynamic capabilities in
order to generate rents on a
sustainable basis… [A] major category of rents are those that
are created by
producers, increasingly through the
systematic application of knowledge
to production. (Kaplinsky and Morris,
2016: 626 and 626).
(see also OECD; Naude, 2010; Sutton,
2010; Greenwald and Stiglitz, 2013;
Mazzucato, 2015; Shimada, 2015;
Newman et al., 2016: 85-154).
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Some have described this change as bringing about an
industrialisation of freshness (Cramer, 2015) while
others such as Carlota Perez have suggested that
resource-rich economies within Latin America and Africa
might be able to use their rich natural resources to
develop their own geographical-cum-technological
barriers to entry within the global economy (Perez,
2015; Whitfield et al., 2016).
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Renewal of the development process
depends on reinvesting the knowledge
surplus into broad-based productivity and
back into further knowledge production…
The struggle over the technological
surplus is not just a competitive
struggle between countries but
also to a certain extent, a struggle
between public funders of science
and innovation and the private
firms that commercial that science
(Mazzucato, 2015).
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Development is an
intellectual battlefield in a
second sense;
that mainstream policy
paradigms have been
subject to epistemic
contestation over time.
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Independence
Era
1980s- 1990s 1990s onwards Mid 2000s
onwards
Economic
Policy
Productivist/stru
cturalist: strong
emphasis on
Industrialisation
Neo-liberal:
Getting the prices
right
New
Institutional
Economics:
Getting market
institutions
right
Growing
heterodoxity:
Re-emergence
of industrial
policy (although
debate).
Social
Policy
Universal Limited Residual/
targeted
Transformative
agenda re-
emerging but
institutionally
fragmented
(many NGOs).
Higher
Education
Policy
Linked to
economic
planning.
WB denunciation of
HE funding. The case
for liberalisation for
both financial and
social reasons.
Renewed
emphasis by
WB but very
donor-driven
and
institutionally
fragmented.
Domestic
support returns
but still
institutionally
fragmented.
Mkandawire (2014: 179) asks: do we inhabit an open
marketplace of ideas in which ideas merely emerge
from the economic reality of the time or do we inhabit a
rigged marketplace in which those with influence and
financial power are able to shape the research agenda
and developmental paradigm in relation to their own
ideas and interests?
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PART 2: THE NEW INSTITUTIONAL
ECONOMICS PARADIGM AND AFRICAN
DIGITAL ECONOMIES.
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ICT4D research Examples of software/apps
Transaction Costs
• Olumoye, 2018, integrated e-Government implementation in
Nigeria;
• Wenner et al., 2017, Organizational models of mobile payment
systems in low-resource environments
• Alam and Wagner, 2016, The Relative Importance of Monetary and
Non-Monetary Drivers for Information and Communication Technology
Acceptance in Rural Agribusiness
• Boateng, 2014, Resources, Electronic-Commerce Capabilities and
Electronic-Commerce Benefits: Conceptualizing the Links
• Baro and Endouware, 2013, The Effects of Mobile Phone on the
Socio-economic Life of the Rural Dwellers in the Niger Delta Region
of Nigeria
• G2P payments: Bourse Familiale (Senegal), SAGE (Uganda);
• P2B payment services: Kopo Kopo (Kenya); BambaPos (Kenya).
• B2B payment service: Cellulant, ConnectAfrica (Kenya) • P2P
payments: Nomanini (Kenya), designed to facilitate
transfers in the informal economy; Forex, Eastpesa, to perform
cross-border payments in East Africa; Bitpesa (Kenya),
Blockchain-based money transfer service
• Aggregators for bulk payments: InTouch (Senegal), Yo Uganda
(Uganda)
• Early arguments about possibilities of Business Process
Outsourcing ( flat earth and global opportunities
Information Asymmetries
• Furuholt, 2018, The role telecentres play in providing
e-government services in rural area ;
• Qureishi, 2017, The forgotten awaken: ICT s evolving role in
the roots of mass discontent
• Riggins and Weber, 2017, Information asymmetries and
identification bias in P2P social microlending;
• Kampenhout, 2017, There is an app for that? The impact of
community knowledge workers in Uganda;
• Islam and Gronlund, 2011, Bangladesh calling: farmers'
technology use practices as a driver for development;
• Aker and Mbiti, 2010, Mobile Phones and Economic Development
in Africa;
• M-Cow (Kenya) provides relevant information (on market prices,
weather, livestock and crop health) to farmers;
• Abacus (Kenya) helps local and international investors get
information about business opportunities in Kenya;
• Jumo (Kenya) allows several SMEs to share behavioral data from
mobile usage to create financial identities;
• Tala (Kenya) provides customer credit scores to financial
institutions.
• Arguments made about digitizing auction (as in tea, flower and
coffee) and marketing boards.
Property rights
• Mulalu and Veenendal, 2015, PGIS Based Land Information
Mapping and Map Updating to Support Rural Community Knowledge
Building
• Tamowke, 2012,
• Duvail et al., 2006, Participatory Mapping for Local
Management of Natural Resources in Villages of the Rufiji District
(Tanzania)
• GhanaPostGPS - Ghana's official digital property system •
Bitland (Ghana) Blockchain-based registration system; • MAST
(Mobile Application to Secure Tenure), USAID-
initiative currently deployed in Tanzania and Zambia; • Kadaster
(Jordan), an initiative to digitize land records; • Aadhard
(India), a large scale biometric identification
system to provide all Indian citizens with an ID number linked
to biometric indicators and incorporated into formal land
transactions to avoid fraud.
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There is much less attention to the potential roles that ICTs
might
play in reducing production costs. In fact, ICTs have often
been
positioned as technologies that can leapfrog other
infrastructural
deficits like transportation and electricity infrastructure.
Yet African countries will absolutely need to build strong
transport
and electricity infrastructures if they want to reduce
production
costs and seriously compete within the global economy.
Increasing
market efficiency and assuring property rights will only get you
so
far (See Murphy and Carmody, 2015; Foster et al., 2018).
Further, the NIE perspective does not help us think
strategically about the role of ICTs within the knowledge
economy.
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WHY THE NARROW FOCUS ON NIE?
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1. Much research funding is driven by commercial interests of
tech firms like Facebook, IBM, Mastercard, and Visa who have an
interest in focusing attention on NIE issues (see Mann, 2018).
1. The donor community remains an
important consumer of digital innovation and their approach to
economic growth and social policy remains less heterodox and more
residual.
1. Popular appeal of the Silicon Valley
culture among tech developers and perhaps a limited
understanding of the context in which many digital innovations
within the US emerged (i.e. from federally funded labs). See Block,
2011; Weiss, 2014; Mazzucato, 2015).
IBM Research - Africa Scientists
at Riara School, Nairobi.
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PART 3: THE ROLE OF DIGITAL
TECHNOLOGIES IN A COMPETITIVE
KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY
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But also data gatherers.
And platforms for
research and
development.
ICTs as market enablers (in
the New Institutional
Economic) frame…
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Important Notes on African R&D
1. Adjustment era has had a profound impact on African
institutions of higher education and research: massive brain drain,
switch of curriculum away from research towards professional
courses, dependence on foreign funding, a context in which African
researchers are often forced into the role of data gatherers for
foreign research projects (Mamdani, 2007).
1. Due to the dependence on foreign sources of finance, research
in
African countries is heavily dominated by donor paradigms. 1.
Particularly, as research becomes increasingly commoditized and
audited within advanced economies, there is a strong emphasis on
commercial applications of publicly funded research and
humanitarian aid. Thus in both the private and public sector, we
see an increasing overlap between the developmental paradigms of
donor countries, their research agendas and the commercial
interests of their firms and scientists (McGoey, 2014).
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The growing importance of the
private sector and value chains
compelling the incorporation of
a business school optique into
research and training (Moock,
2011: 16)
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Platform Extension
Worker User Digital Disintermediation
or Re-intermediation?
ICTS IN RESEARCH ACTION
Photo from interview with m-health firm in
Rwanda, 2013
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If we think back to the idea of development as
being about generating a sustainable technological
surplus, we see how ICTs can become platforms
for extracting technological surplus from existing
value chains. Therefore while ICTs increase
efficiency for their users (through the NIE
paradigm), they also generate a new kind of value
from the data itself.
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Struggles over
Data-Driven Agro-Innovation in
California’s Central Valley and
Kenya’s Rift Valley
http://www.lse.ac.uk/africa/research/twov
ys
http://www.lse.ac.uk/africa/research/twovalleyshttp://www.lse.ac.uk/africa/research/twovalleyshttp://www.lse.ac.uk/africa/research/twovalleys
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• Farmers in both regions are deploying
digital technology to
increase productivity
and reduce transaction
costs. Some are also
using tech to move
into new areas with
technological
premiums (single
origin, fairtrade,
organic, etc.)
• As compliance hardens or as farmers integrate
within larger input and
supply chains, these
digital systems may
become requirements.
• Informational chains have value beyond
farmer and compliance
agency, providing the
platform operator with
valuable market
intelligence and
framework for R&D.
• Thus while digital platforms promise to
increase production,
reduce waste and
ensure compliance, they
also generate a new
economic value (or
technological premium)
for the controllers of
the platform….
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Research Question:
Will this datafication of the agricultural value chain
boost the competitiveness of agriclusters in emerging
countries like Kenya? Or will it instead widen the
knowledge gap, with actors from more advanced
economies monopolising control over the technological
surplus generated by digital data on farms in both North
and South?
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EMBRAPA (Empresa
Brasiliera de Pesquisa
Agropecuaria)
California’s Central Valley
Kenya’s Rift Valley Potentially Brazil
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1. To encourage African tech developers to look beyond the
NIE
frame and see both the limits of NIE, and the potential
opportunities of a wider paradigmatic horizon.
2. To draw attention to the research context, both in terms of
the
funding of ICT related research within African countries, but
also
the ways in which ICTs are being embedded within research
partnerships in other areas such as agriculture and social
policy.
3. To see these research partnerships as being marked by
commercial
imperatives, and thus to a certain degree, competitiveness
over
the knowledge or technological surplus generated through
digital
intermediation and data.
4. To push back against a technologically deterministic account
of
digital economic change by demonstrating how the economic
impacts of digital technologies critically depend on the nature
of
the dominant developmental paradigm or ideas being pursued
by
its firms, policy-makers and funding agencies.
Conclusions
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Questions?
Some relevant publications (happy to share any of them):
Kleibert, J. and L. Mann (Unpublished but Draft Available)
Capturing Value Amidst Global Restructuring? Economic Development
and Information and Technology-Enabled Services in India, the
Philippines and Kenya Mann, L. (2018) Left to Other Peoples
Devices: A Political Economy Perspective on the Big Data Revolution
in Development Development and Change 49(1): 3-36. Foster,
Christopher, Graham, Mark, Mann, Laura, Waema, Timothy and Nicholas
Friederici (2018) Digital Control in Value Chains: Challenges of
Connectivity for East African Firms Economic Geography 94(1)
Connectivity at the OP Forum (2017) Connectivity at the Bottom of
the Pyramid: ICT4D and Informal Economic Inclusion in Africa
Bellagio Centre White Paper, December 2017. Mann, L. and M. Graham
(2016) The Domestic Turn: Business Processing Outsourcing and the
Growing Automation of Kenyan Organisations Journal of Development
Studies 52(4): 530-548. Mann, L. and E. Nzayisenga (2015) Sellers
on the Street: the Human Infrastructure of the Mobile Phone Network
in Kigali, Rwanda Critical African Studies 7(1): 26-46
My email: [email protected]
My twitter: @balootiful (personal) and @TwoGreenValleys (new
project- content coming
very soon!)
mailto:[email protected]