Desarrollo Humano e infraestructura en la Cuenca Matanza-Riachuelo

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………… 1

I. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….... 3

II. Objectives and Hypotheses……………………………………………………………... 6

III. Methodology…………………….…………………………………………………………… 7

IV. SEPA Environmental and Productivity indicators………………………... 9

V. Results and Analysis in Altos del Dorado…………………………………………. 15

VI. Conclusion.……………………………………………………………………………………. 32

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………. 35

Apendix……………………………………………………………………………………………… 37

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Director of Graduate Program for International Affairs The New School Michael Cohen Academic Coordinator Alberto Minujin IFP 2012 Students – Buenos Aires Natalya Andrejko James Arthur Lacy Davis Barbara De Laleu Amy Korngiebel Emily Miller Kara Patr Helen Ridsdale Alison Ross Palwasha Sharwani Acknowledgments: Our IFP team would like to express our deepest thanks to everyone involved in our 2012 AySA internship. This research project would not have been possible without the support of many people. First and Foremost, we would like to thank the whole team at AySA for spending countless hours with us during the research process. Veronica Rodrigues, for organizing an outstanding project that taught us a tremendous amount every day. To our coordinators, Johy Bustos, for your constant communication and your willingness to help. Norma Pitton, for your important insight and leadership. Luis Babbo, for your leadership on the SEPAs project. The Quilmes AySA team, Marianna, Lillian and Andrea, for your assistance and constant encouragement. Thank you all for allowing us to learn from you and further our studies in such an interesting and exciting way. We would also like to thank all our interviewees and survey participants in the neighborhoods of Alto del Dorado and La Paz and Villa Tranquila. Without your help and cooperation none of this would be possible. We would also like to thank Nahuel Gieco, Alberto Croce and the team at Fundación SES for mentoring us during the internship process. Lastly, we would like to thank Alberto Minujin for his leadership throughout the year and during out time here in Argentina. New could have not completed this internship without you intense involvement and guidance. Many Thanks,

Natalya, Kara, y Amy Buenos Aires 2012

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I. Introduction

The Matanza-‐Riachuelo River Basin clean-‐up effort is a cooperative

development project which includes assistance and cooperation from every level of

government as well as non-‐government organizations within Argentina. On a global

level, the project depends on an $840 million loan from the World Bank. It is the

largest, most well funded sanitation development project of its kind that is taking

place in the world today. Agua y Saneamientos Argentinos (AySA), the National

water company of Argentina, was recently privatized and is currently 90% state-‐

and 10% worker-‐owned. This company is a critical player in the clean-‐up effort, and

this research investigation will focus on two specific project efforts initiated by

AySA in recent years.

The two research projects completed by the 2012 AySA International Field

Program (IFP) team from the New School encompass several overlapping as well as

separate important issues related to the clean-‐up effort in and around the Matanza-‐

Riachuelo. The first investigation undertaken by the IFP team was a theoretical

analysis of the Side Elevated Pool Aeration water filtration systems, (SEPAs), which

have yet to be fully constructed by AySA but are nearly into the implementation

stages. The SEPAs were conceived and modeled directly after the SEPAs project in

Chicago, Illinois. In preparation for the installation of the SEPAs, according to

engineer Emilio Villanueva at AySA, parts of the river have been redirected in order

to prepare for the success of the filtration systems. The tentative completion date

for all of the SEPAs is the year 2020.

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The SEPAs project also continues the work of the 2011 IFP team and

similarly builds upon the theoretical framework of Robert Fernandez to develop and

define economic and environmental indicators as related to the future success of the

SEPAs. These indicators are meant to demonstrate, over time, how the SEPAs are

working to reverse the negative effects of rapid Urbanization in the River Basin.

There will be seven SEPAs constructed in all, and each may require specific

consideration due to various locations; for example, some are very near to

populated neighborhoods while some are farther removed from people, which

means different indicators should be applied to measure the relative economic and

environmental success of each SEPA.

Second, an evaluative research investigation was carried out in the

neighborhood Altos del Dorado, Quilmes. While this neighborhood is technically

outside the limits of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo, it is a valuable evaluative study in

relation to the clean-‐up project because the fate of the neighborhood is inextricably

connected to that of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo. Quilmes is a major flood zone of the

Matanza area, which means that when there is a heavy rain or flooding, Altos del

Dorado is flooded with the same contaminated waters of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo

basin, therefore potentially experiencing identical negative side effects related to

health and the environment. Also, it is the first neighborhood in Argentina to receive

sewerage services provided by AySA’s cooperative project Cloacas+Trabajo.

In 2008, while the Agua+Trabajo framework was already established, the

neighbors of Altos del Dorado knew that without connection to a sewerage network,

the water connection would be far less impactful. For several years, Altos del

5

Dorado resident Alicia, along with several other neighborhood leaders, fought

tirelessly for this basic, much-‐needed service. According to a local newspaper, the

conditions became so bad that the parish priest joined the mass protest for these

services in the streets (Diario el Sol 2009). Ultimately, the neighbors won the battle

and AySA agreed to take on the project. According to the same 2009 article in Diario

El Sol of Quilmes, 24 manholes to reduce flooding and 3,020 meters of new piping

were installed benefitting around 1,220 inhabitants of the neighborhood (Diario el

Sol 2009). This work was completed by the cooperative Pilgrim Limited at a cost of

3,000,000 pesos, and covers the area between Laprida, Blas Parera, Esquiú and

Necochea (Diario el Sol 2009).

As a point of comparison and in order to understand the differences between

a neighborhood with and without access to these basic services, a short

investigation was also conducted in the neighborhood La Paz, Quilmes. This

neighborhood is currently in the process of receiving connection to water and

sewerage through the Agua y Cloacas+Trabajo program.

II. Objectives and Hypotheses

In regards to the SEPAs project, our objective is to develop several

theoretical indicators based on the framework of Fernandez and other relevant

theories such as Broken Windows, which states that disorder and untended spaces

in a community leads to further disorder and possible escalations to more serious

crime (Wilson & Kelling 2). We believe that the Fernandez framework will provide

key background information for the development of environmental and economic

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productivity indicators. Because none of the SEPAs are complete at this time, a set of

theoretical indicators that will measure the success of the SEPAs and green spaces

around them over time will be necessary.

As for Altos del Dorado, our objective is to measure the impact of the Agua y

Cloacas + Trabajo projects in the neighborhood according to three distinct

dimensions: (1) Health, (2) Economics (3) Socio-‐urban. We will measure changes in

overall health by asking neighbors specific health-‐related questions, as well as about

environmental conditions that effect health and hygiene. Second, we will examine

whether or not the costs associated with water and sewerage have changed in the

neighborhood after access to services. Finally, the socio-‐urban dimension intends to

indicate changes in living conditions for people in the neighborhood. This dimension

is meant to measure increases in social activity and changes in social life in the

neighborhood and in individual households.

Overall, we believe that the quality of life and living conditions in Altos del

Dorado is significantly improved post-‐sewerage connection. We believe that a

combination of improved sanitation, water quality and hygiene in the neighborhood

led to an overall improved state of health, particularly in relation to specific

symptoms that are the direct result of poor water quality. We also believe that lower

costs associated with access to improved water and sanitation services means that

the people in the neighborhood are financially more comfortable. Finally, the socio-‐

urban dimension should indicate positive changes in the social lives of people in the

neighborhood, as well as potential access to more urban services after the

connection to the sewerage network.

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III. Methodology

This research project used a mixed-‐methods approach. The combined methods included

direct observations, photography, semi-‐structured interviews, and a survey. Each

method has inherent strengths and weaknesses, but combined, they provide a more

complete picture of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo project.

Our intention with the survey was to understand the differences before and after

the water and sewage connections in the neighborhood Altos del Dorado, Quilmes,

specifically along the lines of the aforementioned dimensions of development. Surveys

are particularly suitable for measuring trends and generalities, because they are highly

standardized and allow information to be easily quantified (Axinn, 4). In addition,

surveys are relatively quick to perform and can be administered to more people than

interviews (ibid.). However, due to the fundamental structure of surveys, questions

about perceptions and feelings are limited in the details they can provide. Also,

language barriers can cause misinterpretations.

Over the course of several weeks, the IFP team visited the neighborhood Altos

del Dorado and surveyed 13 neighbors. We walked door-‐to-‐door and read the survey

aloud to each participant. As a point of comparison, we spent one day in La Paz, a

neighborhood which does not have connection to water and cloacas. We surveyed 7

neighbors to gauge their quality of life without these basic services.

Our objective with the semi-‐structured interviews was to expand our

comprehension of the effects of the projects in Altos del Dorado, and to understand the

potential global impact of projects like this one. The flexibility of a semi-‐structured

interview permits the interviewee to determine the course of the conversation, and

bring up new ideas that the researcher had not perceived (Axinn 6). Also, in-‐person

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interviews allow the researcher to pick up on non-‐verbal cues and body language. With

surveys, this may not be possible in the same way. However, similarly with surveys,

language can cause misunderstandings.

We conducted semi-‐structured interviews with the following stakeholders:

• Emilio Villanueva, AySA, Subsecretario, Project-‐SEPAs

• Ignacio R. Carracelas, Asesor, Agua, Cloacas y Saneamiento Hídrico, Municipio de

Quilmes

• Alicia Hurstel, Presidente de Cooperativa El Peregrino

• Jorge Alverez and Susana Sanchez, Community Leaders, Villa Tranquila

• Blanca Palavecino, Community Leader, Altos del Dorado

Direct observation and photography was also useful in establishing a framework

for our narrative. We took photos and field notes throughout the process. Much like the

interviews, observational methods “have the potential to produce a unique source of

understanding and introspection” (Axinn, 8). Of course, a limitation with observational

methods is that they cannot provide insight into what the people in the neighborhood

feel about their surroundings.

In addition to our primary research, we also investigated similar projects in

other regions as a point of comparison. This was particularly useful in the SEPA project,

since it is a theoretical exploration based on similar sites. Comparisons were also used

in framing our research for the Altos del Dorado project.

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IV. SEPA Environmental and Productivity indicators

In the early 19th century, the banks of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo were first

industrialized with salteries and meat-‐processing plants. As the city grew, residential

areas moved north while the south of the city, along the river basin, developed as the

industrial center. There are now about 4,100 industries along the river (World Bank, 6).

About 1,600 are connected to AySA’s sewage network, while about 2,500 are still

dumping untreated waste directly into the river (Ibid.). Approximately 50 industries

make up about ninety-‐five percent of the organic waste dumped into the river, and

about 170 industries provide most of the chemical waste (Ibid.). Approximately 82,000

cubic meters of untreated industrial waste enters the river daily (ACUMAR/Argentina

Independent). Contaminants include: heavy metals, unprocessed solid waste, and

pesticides (Ibid). Large petroleum terminals spill an estimated 8.3 tons of oil per day

into the water (Ibid.). The Matanza-‐Riacheulo has levels of lead, zinc and chrome fifty

times higher than the legal limit in Argentina; twenty-‐five percent of this stems from

industrial sewage and waste, the remaining seventy-‐five percent originates from

domestic sources (Engle, 29).

The Matanza-‐Riachuelo basin is home to one of Argentina’s largest

concentrations of urban poor (World Bank, 1). Over the last thirty years government

policies favoring industrialization over social services, combined with global and

national financial crises, have resulted in a rise in informal settlements along the river.

These settlements were mostly established on poor quality land, such as garbage dumps

and flood plains, and most lack access to basic public infrastructure. Sixty-‐five percent

of people living in the Matanza-‐Riachuelo basin don’t have a formal sewage system

(Ibid.). Thirty-‐five percent lack fresh drinking water (Ibid.). As a result, domestic waste

10

is often dumped directly into the river. The poorest populations living alongside the

river are in constant contact with numerous contaminants ranging from untreated

organic waste to toxic industrial chemicals. Child mortality in the M-‐R basin is twice as

high as in the rest of Buenos Aires (International Red Cross). Children in the region have

five times the standard norm of chrome and lead levels in their bodies (Ibid.)

Today the Matanza-‐Riachuelo is considered one of the most polluted bodies of

water in the world. The pollution level is so high that it is considered an open sewer

(Engle, 29). The SEPAs work to increase the quality of the river water through a system

of aeration. Additionally, the surrounding green public spaces intend to provide an

important local attraction. The SEPAs and the surrounding green spaces aim to be an

environmentally sustainable solution that will contribute to the overall human

development of the region and the country. For Fernandez, sustainable urban

development requires economic, social, political, and ecological sustainability. Natural

capital is an essential component for human development. Through human technology,

some of the negative effects associated with urbanization can be reduced and natural

capital can be developed or sustained (Ibid.,10).

Our intention is to aid in the understanding of the potential environmental

impacts of the SEPAS. We have outlined three possible indicators of environmental

development in connection with this project. These indicators are based on theoretical

constructs, as well as the SEPA project in Chicago’s Calumet river, which this project

was based on.

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Indicator One: Increased oxygen levels

The primary function of the SEPAs is to increase the quality of the river water

through increasing its oxygen levels. The SEPA station concept involves pumping a

portion of water from the river into an elevated pool. The water is then aerated by

flowing over a series of cascades, returning to the stream. Dissolved oxygen, oxygen

molecules dissolved in water, is a major indicator of water quality. When it drops below

levels necessary for sustaining aquatic life, it becomes a significant water quality

impairment (Butts, et al.). Pollutants in the water consume dissolved oxygen, killing fish

and plant life in the river. ACUMAR established a goal to achieve dissolved oxygen (DO)

levels greater than two mg/L ninety percent of the time. While each proposed SEPA site

is different, all sites suffer from extremely reduced, or non-‐existent, oxygen levels.

Between 1975 and 1995, the SEPAs in Chicago’s Calumet river worked to increase the

dissolved oxygen levels by about fifty-‐nine percent (Martin, 44).

Indicator Two: Increase plant and animal life in and around the SEPAs

One sign of sustainable ecological development is an increase in plant and

animal life in and around the river. The survival of aquatic life depends on water quality.

Increasing the dissolved oxygen levels will increase the aquatic life within the river

(Minesota Pollution Control Agency). The rise in dissolved oxygen in Chicago’s Calumet

river resulted in an increase in the number of fish species from seven to sixteen, while

the total number of fish increased twenty-‐fold (Martin, 44). Aquatic vegetation also

helps maintain oxygen levels in the river (Minnesota Pollution Control Agency). Along

the banks of the river, plant and animal life work to maintain a healthy environment.

Green infrastructure can capture runoff, thereby both augmenting water supply,

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reducing downstream flooding, and it can even capture pollution before it enters the

river flow (Engle, 7).

Indicator Three: Reduced trash in the river

The most visible sign of environmental sustainability is a reduction in the

amount of trash in and around the river. In line with the “Broken Window Theory,” by

James Wilson and George Kelling, the continued presence of garbage and the lack of

green spaces in the neighborhoods perpetuates the problem. For Wilson and Kelling,

some social norms are defined by the environment. A clean and maintained

environment sends the signal that dumping trash in public spaces will not be tolerated.

Conversely, an area littered with trash sends the signal that dumping trash is

acceptable. However, many communities along the river lack access to waste

management facilities, leaving residents with little choice of what to do with their

garbage. (Engle, 29) Additionally, a clean river and green spaces surrounding the SEPAs

may work toward lifting the negative connotation associated with the river and

adjacent neighborhoods. When people feel better about their neighborhood, they may

be more willing to keep it clean. An increased perception of the area by the community

relates to less trash in and around the river.

The Matanza-‐Riachuelo river basin is disproportionately home to many of the

low-‐income communities surrounding the city of Buenos Aires and the province of

Buenos Aires. Sustainable economic development for these marginalized populations is

important in the over growth of the region. The unemployment rate for the

municipality of Avellaneda is 24 percent. (INDEC) Ideally, along with an increase in

environmental sustainability, the installation of SEPAs and public spaces will increase

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the economic activity in the area surrounding the future SEPA plant sites.

The primary function of the SEPAs will be to oxygenate the water. Included in

the building of the SEPAs is the building for parks and public green spaces. Based on

the model of the SEPAs constructed in Chicago, Illinois, another crucial purpose behind

the creation of the parks is to give the surrounding community additional desired public

spaces. To measure the success of this type of development project, it is important to

identify theoretical indicators associated with productivity.

Indicator One: Extension of tourism

With the creation of these public green spaces, the first indicator will be an

increase in local tourism to the area. Tourism, in this context, is defined as an increase

in the amount of people that travel to these parks as a place of interest to enjoy their

leisure time. Hopefully, an increase in tourism will lead to productivity growth for the

communities surrounding the public spaces.

This will lead to an increase in local family owned businesses. As more people

use these public spaces for recreational use, small service related businesses would

open in the surrounding areas. Stores, kioscos, cafés, newspaper stands, and street food

vendors provide desired service for residents using these parks. Growth in small

privately owned businesses will contribute to an increase in economic productivity for

the Matanza-‐Riachuelo river basin communities.

Indicator Two: Increase in access and connection of urban areas surrounding SEPAs

The second indicator to measure an increase in productivity is a rise in

transportation to these new desirable locations. An overall better connection of this

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landscape will link the large sectored off urban areas, making it easier to travel

throughout the river basin. The gradual increase in new bus routes that provide easy

access to these public spaces illustrates their importance in local communities.

Indicator Three: Improvement in employment conditions

The third indicator for measuring the success of the AySA SEPA project would be

an increase in sustainable employment for the region. Small privately owned businesses

and additional bus routes will certainly increase employment for the region. Industrial

effluents is the largest contributor to pollution for the entire river basin. The region is

dependent on these industries for employment and as a result, the river quality has

been severely depleted. As strides have been made to penalize polluting industries, it is

also important to replace and develop a different form of economic growth for the

residents of the region.

The first SEPA plant and public space is scheduled for constructed in the

municipality of Avellaneda in Villa Tranquila, a low-‐income community located on the

banks on the Matanza-‐Riachuelo. Jorge a local community leader and radio host is

hopeful that the SEPA sites will bring more business to his neighborhood. Villa

Tranquila is positioned within many industrial factories and he is optimism that, once

the SEPA sights and built, more industries will want to return to his community. He is

also open to new types of businesses and tourism developing in his

neighborhood. Welcoming people to enjoy the newly created public spaced and see a

different part of Buenos Aires.

According to Roberto Fernandez, productivity can only happen with assistance

from external economic factors. Both private investments as well as public funds

15

provide an increase in external interest. (Fernandez, 13) In the case of the Matanza-‐

Riachuelo river basin, there are many external actors that have contributed in the

creation of these SEPA plants and public spaces, community organizations, local

municipal governments, the Argentine national government, The World Bank, and other

international organizations. Monetary investment from all these actors and community

involving will insure the increased productivity for the region surrounding the SEPA

plants and public spaces.

V. Results and Analysis for Health, Economic, and Socio-‐ Urban development in Altos del

Dorado

Basic Information

We surveyed 21 residents in Altos del Dorado and La Paz. Although we did not

ask the participants their age, we visually noted their age range. In La Paz, on average,

we spoke to residents that were younger, men or women in their 30s or 40s with

younger children. The majority of residents we spoke with had only been living in the

neighborhood for 4 or 5 years. According to a resident, the neighborhood is only 25

years old in comparison to Altos del Dorado, which is much older.

In Altos del Dorado, the age range of our survey participants was much

greater. We spoke with retired women as well as women with young children. The

average age range for the residents we spoke with in Altos del Dorado was heads of

household in their 40s or 50s. The neighborhood of Altos del Dorado is over 50 years

old, and this is reflected in the older age range of the population. The average years

lived in the neighborhood was 25.5 years. The only outliers were 2 women that had

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only been in Altos del Dorado for 8 years. They had both married into families where

their husbands have been living in the neighborhood their entire lives.

The average household size was 5 in Altos del Dorado and 4 in La Paz. When ask

if residents made a conscious decision to grow their families in the last four years, since

the water and sanitation project was completed, many of the residents with small

children, said having potable water and sewage did not play a role in their decision

making process. During her extended interview Blanca did say she has observed a

population increase over the past 4 years. She noticed there were more children in the

neighborhood. With our limited investigation, it is no clear association between

population growth and water and sewage connection.

Within the survey, the Altos del Dorado residents were ask to rate their

level of pride for their neighborhood on a scale of 1 to 5, before and after the addition of

water and sewage systems. The average level of pride in the neighborhood before the

connection was 1.25. After the connection, with all the residents agreeing that their

quality of life is considerably better, the average level of pride in the neighborhood rose

to 4.9.

Health:

Many of the Millenium Development Goals have an environmental health

component. A key target of one of the Millenium Development Goals (MDG 7) is halving

the proportion of people without sustainable access to potable water and sanitation (A.

Prüss-‐Üstün and C. Corvalán, 14). The poorest members of society shoulder a

disproportionate burden of disease from environmental factors. Environmental

degradation combined with a lack of public infrastructure creates a serious health risk

17

for an already vulnerable social group. An estimated twenty-‐four percent of the global

disease burden and twenty-‐three percent of all deaths can be attributed to

environmental factors. In developed countries, only seventeen percent of deaths are

attributed to such causes. (Ibid., 9) Modifiable factors, such as water and sewage

networks, can significantly reduce the disease burden of a country. Access to safe water

reduced infant mortality rate in Cameroon and Uganda by twenty percent. Sewage

systems in Egypt and Peru reduced the risk of infant mortality more than thirty percent

(ibid.).

The diseases with the largest absolute burden attributable to water, sanitation

and hygiene are: diarrhea, lower respiratory infections, skin irritations, and malaria

(Ibid). An estimated ninety-‐four percent of diarrhoeal disease is attributable to the

environment, and associated with risk factors such as unsafe drinking-‐water and poor

sanitation and hygiene. Diarrheal diseases alone are responsible for approximately 1.7

million deaths of children under the age of five every year worldwide, a death toll

exceeding the combined under-‐five mortality rate attributed to malaria and HIV (Engle,

9). Continuous attacks of diarrhea also contribute to malnutrition, which can cause

serious long-‐term health problems. (Prüss-‐Üstün and Corvalán, 9). Argentina is

currently experiencing the biggest epidemic of dengue fever since its re-‐emergence in

the late 1990s (Pahomav, 87). It is estimated that ninety-‐five percent of dengue fever

could be prevented by good management of water bodies in and around houses, which

are breeding sites for the main mosquito vector (Prüss-‐Üstün and Corvalán, 39). In fact,

very little disease is transmitted through pathways other than those associated with

water, sanitation and hygiene, or food (Ibid., 4).

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Transmission routes are affected by interactions between the physical

environment and human behaviour. Diseases associated with water, sanitation, and

hygiene can be divided into four categories (Canziani, 39):

1. Direct ingestion of pathogens, such as fecal matter. Fecal contamination of drinking

water is often associated with untreated sewage runoff seeping into the ground.

Polluted groundwater can enter the water system through leaking and cracked pipes

(often because of illegal connections) and can cause shallow wells to become

contaminated (Engle, 45).

2. Person-‐to-‐person transmission. If sanitation or related hygiene is poor because of

inadequate handwashing facilities or improper waste disposal, pathogens, such as fecal

matter, can directly contaminate hands, which can then contaminate foods or other

people (Ibid.).

3. Waterborne diseases like schistosomiasis which have part of their lifecycle in water.

These are are often associated with still water.

4. Diseases like malaria or dengue, transmitted through water-‐related vectors.

When a population doesn’t have a sewage connection or a proper drainage

system, wastewater is disposed of in local areas. This creates significant pollution and

sanitation problems, which is exacerbated by heavy rains. Inadequate, or non-‐existent,

drainage systems are unable to absorb storm water, and floods release pathogens, such

as human feces, chemicals, etc., throughout the neighborhood (Ibid.). Those living in the

flood path are in direct contact with the pathogens. Low-‐lying Altos del Dorado is prone

to severe flooding.

The following section evaluates the health impact of the Altos del Dorado water

and sanitation project. Over the course of four weeks, we completed two in-‐depth

19

interviews and fourteen questionnaires with residents of Altos del Dorado. Additionally,

we completed seven questionnaires with residents of La Paz, a nearby neighborhood

which lacks formal water and sanitation services, as a point of comparison.

In order to ascertain the impact that the water and sewage connection has had

on diseases transmitted through water-‐related vectors, such as dengue, we asked

residents if they have noticed a change in the number of insects and/or rats present in

the neighborhood now than before the installations. Out of fourteen respondents, the

majority (ten) said that there are fewer insects and/or rats now than before the water

and sewage connections. With a proper water and sanitation system, residents don't

need to dispose their household wastewater into public areas or shallow trenches,

which can attract rats and insects. The presence of less rats and/or insects means less

opportunity for diseases such as dengue fever. However, our study did not specifically

ask about mosquitos, which would have told us more conclusively if people were

exposed to fewer water-‐related vectors.

Improved personal hygiene can greatly reduce the risk of disease from

pathogens ingested directly or transmitted between people. We asked residents if they

wash their hands more or less frequently now than before the water and sanitation

project was completed. The majority of respondents (five out of seven) said that they

wash their hands more now than they did before the connections. One resident said that

they were a lot more comfortable using the water (to wash their hands) because the

quality is a lot better.

In our final pair of health-‐related questions, we asked about general health

before and after the water and sanitation project. We first asked people to tell us if they,

or their family, had any health issues before the connections. Out of the six respondents

20

who answered the question, five said that their family had health problems before the

connections. Of these five cases mentioned, four were children. Indeed, children are

particularly vulnerable to diseases associated with water and sanitation. Children in

developing countries lose eight times more healthy life years, per capita, than their

counterparts in developed countries from environmentally-‐caused diseases (Prüss-‐

ÜstCorvalán, 14). The specific diseases mentioned were: respiratory problems, skin

irritations, colic, diarrhea, and water intoxication. Each of these diseases are consistent

with those associated with water, sanitation, and hygiene. Moreover, two parents

mentioned that their children fell ill directly after eating. Pathogens, such as fecal

matter, may contaminate food through groundwater or poor sanitation. However,

without more in-‐depth information on each case, environmental factors can not be

conclusively linked it to these diseases.

Finally, we asked people if they, or their family, had any health problems now.

Out of ten total respondents, seven said that their family’s health has improved since

the water and sewage connections. Four participants noted a decrease in respiratory

problems. “Respiratory problems are the most important...now things are better,” said

one respondent. A decrease in the incidence of respiratory problems points to improved

environmental factors. In fact, two respondents specifically mentioned improved water

quality. One person said, “Now that we have clean water, everything is a lot better.”

However, as with the previous question, environmental factors such as water, sewage,

and sanitation, cannot be conclusively linked to these health changes without further

investigation.

While there seems to be a connection between fewer insects and rats, frequency

of handwashing, and health, a cross-‐analysis is inconclusive because of our limited

21

sample size and methodological issues. Of the ten respondents that said that they have

noticed fewer insects and/or rats in the neighborhood since the connections, six said

that their family’s health has improved. Of the five respondents that said that they wash

their hands more now than before the connections, four said that their family’s health

has improved. The remaining person said that their family never gets sick. Of the four

people that said that they have witnessed fewer rats and/or insects and wash their

hands more, three said that their family’s health has improved, while one said they

never have any problems.

As a point of comparison, we spent one day conducting surveys in La Paz, a

nearby neighborhood without a formal water and sewage network. When we arrived in

La Paz, the differences between the two neighborhoods were immediately clear. We

were first struck by a noticeable smell of sewage, which was absent in Altos del Dorado.

The trenches in which people dump their waste water run through the neighborhood,

on both sides of the main streets, directly in front of the houses. Every trench we saw

was filled with sitting water and garbage. The public spaces in La Paz seemed to be

significantly more littered with garbage than in Altos del Dorado. We also observed that,

in general, the houses and yards of La Paz were more unkempt and thick with mud.

Based on our observations, the water and sewage systems in Altos del Dorado have

created a greater quality of life than in La Paz.

While La Paz has no formal water connection, everyone surveyed gets their

water through illegally connecting into AySA's main water lines. Illegal connections can

often leak and become corroded, allowing pathogens to enter the water system.

Additionally, these connections generally run to a central faucet outside of the house,

increasing the opportunity for contamination.

22

Six out of seven people surveyed said that they throw their household

wastewater into the open trenches. We even saw one person doing it while we were

there. These trenches are shallow and can fill up with wastewater and get blocked with

solid waste, especially in high rains. One person said that when the trench overflows,

the dirty water goes right into her yard. Everyone in our survey said that they get their

septic tank drained when needed. However, one person said that in heavy rains, their

tank floods.

We asked each respondent if they, or their family, has ever been sick after

consuming water. All seven respondents said no, although two said that they buy

potable water for drinking and cooking, and one family has a filtration system. While no

one in our survey reported getting sick from the water, our sample size was extremely

limited. Moreover, we did not ask about any other health problems that may be

associated with water, sewage, and sanitation. Despite the lack of health and sanitation

problems reported in our survey of La Paz, all respondents said that when they have

water and sanitation services, life will be better.

Before a final analysis can be made, methodological issues must be addressed.

The limited sample size makes forming conclusions difficult. Adding to this, some

respondents did not answer every question. While administering the survey, we often

skipped over questions because of time constraints or language barriers. This made it

difficult to compare and quantify answers between people. As mentioned, language was

a problem for some questions, specifically the ranking questions. Misinterpretations

may have affected the accuracy of some responses. Questions pertaining to health were

also very limited in the information they provided, making it difficult to exclude,

without doubt, other factors that may cause disease.

23

Despite the limited sample size and methodological issues, an analysis of the

data collected can still be made. The majority of respondents surveyed in Altos del

Dorado said that their health was better now than before the water and sanitation

project. “All of the problems that come from bad quality water...sickness...skin

irritation...you basically don’t see that anymore,” said Blanca. Additionally, personal

hygiene habits have increased for our sample. “[I see] progress in every house. Things

are better, you can see it. You can see what happens when you have public services...it

encourages people to keep things clean. There are a lot of people whose lives just got

better,” said Blanca. Observations of both neighborhoods reinforce our findings. While

the data may not be conclusive, the combined methods of this research project

substantiate the claim that the water and sewage project has decreased the burden of

disease attributable to environmental factors in Altos del Dorado.

The trench in La Paz runs directly in front of houses

24

Still water can attract water-‐related vectors

Clandestine water pipe in La Paz

25

Economic:

There is no doubt that there is a high cost to being poor. Poor residents of cities

consistently pay higher prices for the same goods and services then their rich

neighbors. The high cost of being poor is visible for the low-‐income communities

surrounding the Matanza-‐ Riachuelo. With no access to potable drinking water or a

sewage system the low-‐income households have more out of pocket expenses then the

middle class. Paying for drinkable water, costs associated with pumping rapidly filling

septic tanks, and high health-‐care cost directly linked to poor water quality and

pollution are just a few examples of expensive costs that are accrued by low-‐income

families.

As a point of comparion to what type of lifestyle was common in Altos del

Dorado before the installation of water and sewage, our team visited, and surveyed a

few residents in Barrio La Paz, a neighborhood that was in the process of receiving the

same water and sewage system as Altos del Dorado. Many of the residents of La Paz

rely on private vendors for their daily water consumption; the urban poor pay up to 50

times more for a liter of water then their richer neighbors. (Engel, 9) Three out of the

seven residents interviewed in La Paz, bought their daily drinking water or had a

filtration system in their house.

The residents of La Paz also have the additional cost of having to have their

septic tanks pumped on a consistent basis. They rely on a private business that empties

their tanks at a cost. One resident said they have a company come in every 3 years to

pump the septic tank. This cost him about 480 pesos, but he knows that the price will

rise and next time it will be more expensive. Another residents stated that he has his

septic tank pumped once a year and he pays about 200 pesos. Another resident told us

26

she has to get her tank emptied every two to three months, at a cost of 80 pesos a

visit. That is a total yearly cost of about 320-‐480 pesos a year. To offset these cost and

minimize septic tank pumping, many residents drain liquids from cooking, bathing,

washing clothes, and other household chores straight into trenches on public

streets. Overflowing septic tanks also pose a problem during heavy rain and

flooding. These 2 facts lead to high levels of poor hygiene and illness.

Unhygienic practices such as the ones listed above leads to higher levels of

illness among community residents without potable water and a sewage

connection. Low-‐income families are more likely to face financial constraints due to

high healthcare cost than higher-‐income families, and they have less money to spend on

health care. (Shen, Mcfeeters, 200 ) 95 percent of the residents interview, in both

neighborhoods, had at least one member of the family employed or were retired. Even

though these families have an income, their limited financial resources might prevent

them from getting needed care. The cost of healthcare for illnesses related to poor

sanitation make low-‐income families financially less stables then other residents in

Buenos Aires.

The installation of a potable water and sewage network in Altos del Dorado, in

2008, has left the residents feeling more comfortable in their homes and they have

noticed an improvement in their over health and hygiene. Without having to buy

bottled water, pay for regular septic tank disposal, or have extensive healthcare costs

associated with contaminated water, the economic situation for the community has

indeed improved. AySA’s bi-‐monthly bill for water and sanitation services is 10 to 15

pesos a month. This is a flat rate and leaves residents without having to worry about

27

unexpected expenses. This stability has lead residents to have an overall higher quality

of life.

28

Socio-‐Urban

Socio-‐urban development was evaluated through several direct questions

designed to evaluate social conditions post-‐connection, as well as observations and

extended interviews with two neighborhood leaders in Altos del Dorado. In

particular, the IFP team looked at changes in social life among people in the

neighborhood, access to other services, and further indications of urban

development such as paved roads, streetlights and traffic lights.

Changes in social life were measured through a question that asked whether

or not neighbors in Altos del Dorado had experienced any changes to their social

life, and were then asked to explain what kinds of changes (if any) had occurred.

During the IFP team’s first interview with neighborhood leader Alicia, she noted

that one of the major differences in the neighborhood after the connection to

sewerage is that people are more comfortable having parties and social gatherings

in their homes. This increase is due to overall more comfortable conditions, i.e.,

more cleanliness because of the availability of water. Of the thirteen neighbors

interviewed, seven reported positive and noticeable changes to their social lives;

five said that their social life did not change, but nonetheless reported that overall

their quality of life and living conditions are much better. The seven neighbors that

reported noticeable and positive changes, when asked why these changes occurred,

simply answered that it was because conditions are more comfortable and it was

much easier to have parties and social gatherings.

The IFP team also measured potential changes in gender equality within the

household by asking, in the opinion of those interviewed, whether or not they felt

29

more equality between men and women exists in the household post-‐connection.

The IFP team believed this would be the case because, during the first interview

with Alicia, she stated that women are typically tasked with household chores, and

many household chores involve water. If these chores take less time and require less

strenuous labor, this indicates that women have more leisure time and/or the

opportunity to work outside the home. Even if they do not work outside the home

with their free time, this development nonetheless signifies a deep cultural shift and

a change in the way households in this neighborhood function. Of the thirteen

participants interviewed, seven said that there is definitely more gender equality

within the household post-‐connection.

Six participants said that there was not more gender equality or that it did

not change, however, in four of those six cases, the participants specified that this

had been because the household labor had always been equally shared. In one case,

it was because only women live in the household. In each case, the neighbors

reported that regardless who was completing the chores before and after the

connection, it was inarguably much easier and far less time-‐consuming post-‐

connection to complete household chores that require water.

Before access to reliable water services and sewerage, most neighbors

reported that chores that required water took the entire day. Usually, this was

because water was shared between neighbors, the water pressure was very bad and

often it took a long time to have enough water to complete the necessary chores.

After the water connection, the conditions are almost entirely the opposite—access

30

to water is immediate and available 24/7, neighbors do not have to share water, and

the water pressure is significantly improved.

The progress of urban development in this neighborhood post-‐sewerage

connection was examined through the in-‐depth interviews with neighborhood

leaders (Alicia and Blanca), who each detailed the ways in which the neighborhood

has evolved since the project. The IFP team also observed significant differences

within this neighborhood as compared to La Paz, a neighborhood in Quilmes that

does not yet have water and sewerage connections through the AySA network. In La

Paz, the streets are unpaved and the zanjas (a ditch-‐style gutter system that runs

throughout the neighborhood) is usually filled nearly to street level with

wastewater. When it rains, the zanjas overflow into the street and the wastewater

spills into yards, playgrounds, and even houses.

Inarguably, the most profound evolution for Altos del Dorado post-‐

connection is the fact that, according to neighborhood leader Blanca, the newly

gained access to services put them on the map. Previously, the municipality paid

very little attention to the neighborhood and it was more or less ignored. “Yes, we

exist now,” said Blanca in an extended interview in her home. Previously, she said,

they were a neighborhood in the middle of Quilmes, which had nothing, but now

there is not only more respect within the community for itself—there is more

respect for the municipality as a whole and more respect for the neighborhood from

people living outside of it. This confirms that in order for further development to

happen, the neighborhoods most in need must be seen, acknowledged and deemed

worthy of those developments by those in control of the resources necessary to

31

facilitate them. The water and sewerage + work programs at AySA made this

possible for Altos del Dorado, and since then there has been a consistent wave of

further developments in the neighborhood in recent years.

As a community leader Blanca has the community’s best interest in mind

when deciding which projects to support. Since the addition of a water and

sanitation network, Altos del Dorado has also received a stoplight and paved roads

by the municipal government. With these two additional services their

neighborhood has been a lot safer. Until very recently, the neighborhood was

impenetrable because of high levels mud resulting from flooding. The paved roads

make it easier for ambulances, police patrol cars, and school busses to enter into the

neighborhood.

32

VI. Conclusion

The consistent wave of developments in Altos del Dorado post-‐connection

demonstrates that the project completed by AySA was a starting point for further

progress in the neighborhood. The location of Altos del Dorado in Quilmes makes it

critical for the neighborhood to be connected to basic urban services, and if the

connection to one leads to another, then the people in the neighborhood can see that

their struggle was well worth the effort. Furthermore, they will be willing to continue

demanding access to more services without accepting ‘no’ for an answer. Throughout

our research, the voice of the community and community organizations are prominent.

The importance of community leaders and the willingness of the neighbors to fight for

these services and the resultant benefits, which spill over into all areas of life in the

community, cannot be understated.

When asked what other kinds of development their community needs, street

cleaning and trash removal are a large concern for the majority of the

residents. Our survey participants said that there is sporadic cleaning but many

trenches did still contain garbage and branches from a recent storm had been piled

up for weeks with no sign of removal. Many of the residents say that there needs to

be a change in the culture of the community to dispose of trash currently.

A majority of residents also talked about security and the importance of

streetlights. Streetlights are a very important to the health of a community. With

improved visibility, potential offenders are more exposed and less likely to commit

crimes. Enhanced lighting can signal more community investment, pride, and

cohesiveness, which also can discourage crime. Improved street lighting can also

33

make a community feel safer. They reduce vehicle accidents by allowing safer

driving at night. Better lighting can also promote nighttime operation of businesses

and increased pedestrian traffic after dark (Pacific Institute). Having residents feel

they can work later, or leave for work earlier, and spend more time outside can lead

to a more active, enhanced neighborhood.

34

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Desarrollo Humano e infraestructura en la Cuenca Matanza-Riachuelo

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