Deriving (uni)directionality - Stanford Universitykiparsky/Papers/berlin-anaph-new.pdf · ABabcdfghiejkl Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect

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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 1 / 54

Deriving (uni)directionality

Paul Kiparsky

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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 2 / 54

Outline

1 Grammaticalization

2 Formal grammaticalization

3 Non-convergence

4 Anaphora

5 Aspect to tense

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What is grammaticalization?

1 DEF: a change “by which the parts of aconstructional schema come to have strongerinternal dependencies” (Haspelmath 2002).

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2 DEF: “The change whereby lexical items andconstructions come in certain contexts to servegrammatical functions, and, once grammaticalized,continue to develop new grammatical functions”

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Hopper & Traugott 2003: 18, cf. Kuryłowicz 1958,Traugott 1991, Heine, Claudi, and Hünnemeyer1991).

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Hopper & Traugott 2003: 18, cf. Kuryłowicz 1958,Traugott 1991, Heine, Claudi, and Hünnemeyer1991).

3 DEF: a change which gives rise to a new grammaticalcategory [a category previously unexpressed in thelanguage]. (Meillet 1912)

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Jerzy Kuryłowicz Antoine Meillet

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Grammaticalization puzzles

1 What do “grammaticalization” processes have incommon?

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2 What causes grammaticalization, and why is itunidirectional?

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3 What explains the order in which grammaticalizeditems “continue to develop new grammaticalfunctions”?

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4 If grammaticalization is unidirectional, why haven’t alllanguages converged by now?

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4 If grammaticalization is unidirectional, why haven’t alllanguages converged by now?

5 What accounts for the exceptions to unidirectionality?

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The (apparent) heterogeneity ofgrammaticalization

Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.

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Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.Functional grammaticalization:e.g. deontic > epistemic modals, changes in bindingproperties of anaphors,leading to more/new grammatical functions, but notnecessarily to stronger internal dependencies.

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Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.Functional grammaticalization:e.g. deontic > epistemic modals, changes in bindingproperties of anaphors,leading to more/new grammatical functions, but notnecessarily to stronger internal dependencies.Grammaticalizations that do not seem to fit eitherdefinition: aspect > tense (e.g. perfect > past).

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Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.Functional grammaticalization:e.g. deontic > epistemic modals, changes in bindingproperties of anaphors,leading to more/new grammatical functions, but notnecessarily to stronger internal dependencies.Grammaticalizations that do not seem to fit eitherdefinition: aspect > tense (e.g. perfect > past).

We’ll look at a representative case of each type andpropose a way to unify them theoretically.

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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 7 / 54

Outline



3 Non-convergence

4 Anaphora

5 Aspect to tense

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Origin of a case ending

postpositions > case clitics > case suffixes

1 *kätehand

pälV-kinside-Lative

(Finno-Ugric)

‘to the inside of the hand’

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1 *kätehand


(Finno-Ugric)


2 kéz-behand-Illative

(Hungarian)

‘into the hand’

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1 *kätehand


(Finno-Ugric)


2 kéz-behand-Illative

(Hungarian)

‘into the hand’

3 *pälV-k > *belV-j > *-belé > *-bele > *-be

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Formal grammaticalization

Other things being equal, the learner prefers“stronger internal dependencies”.

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Formal grammaticalization

Other things being equal, the learner prefers“stronger internal dependencies”.

This preference drives formal grammaticalization.

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Minimalist morphology

Two components:

1 A generative component specifies the potentialexpressions of the language.

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Two components:


Affixation operates freely, provided the feature contentof the affix unifies with the feature content of the stem.

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Two components:



2 The competition between the potential expressionswhose meaning is compatible with a given inputmeaning (the ‘intended’ meaning) is resolved by theinteraction of (FAITHFULNESS) and (MARKEDNESS)(BLOCKING, Wunderlich 1996, Kiparsky 2004).

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Two components:




FAITHFULNESS: Express the meaning of the input.

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Two components:




FAITHFULNESS: Express the meaning of the input.MARKEDNESS: Avoid complexity.

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A toy example: why best is best

Assume that the input (or other constraints) specifythat -est is a suffix which denotes the maximaldegree of a property and that most is a word with thesame meaning.

Input: Max(good) FAITHFULNESS MARKEDNESS

1. good *2. ☞ best3. good-est *4. most good **

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Analogy from reduced input

If best is not a candidate, goodest wins:

Input: Max(good) FAITHFULNESS MARKEDNESS

1. good *2. best3. ☞ good-est *4. most good **

Logically, it would be equally possible for the complex(synthetic) form to block the simple (analytic) form.But this never seems to happen: the distributionalgeneralizations are always most perspicuously statedon the simple form.

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Grammaticalization from reduced input

Suppose a learner detects no evidence for the categoryand morphological composition of bele-i. She willconsider two structures of kéz belei : as a noun pluspostposition, or as a noun plus a case affix.

Input: ‘into the hand’ FAITHFULNESS MARKEDNESS

1. [kéz]ω [bele-i]ω *2. ☞ [kéz-belei]ω

MARKEDNESS, under any ranking, guarantees apreference for “stronger internal dependencies”,which drives grammaticalization.

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Grammaticalization respectslanguage-specific constraints

Grammaticalization of most as a prefix in English is notlikely to happen because English inflects only withsuffixes.

Input: Max(good) FAITH RT-HEAD MARKEDNESS

1. ☞ [most]ω[good]ω *2. [most-good]ω *

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Unidirectionality

Under this regime it is strictly impossible to get“upgrading” (e.g. of affixes to clitics or clitics towords).

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Unidirectionality


Thus we derive the origin of the innovations from thesame principles that determine the direction of theirspread.

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Unidirectionality



Moreover, these principles also organize synchronicmorphological systems.

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Unidirectionality



Moreover, these principles also organize synchronicmorphological systems.

Contrast evolutionary theories, which are only aboutselection between existing variants.

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But . . . what about real cases of upgrading?!

In the late 14th century, the genitive suffix -s becamea clitic (the man I met yesterday’s wife).

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Around the same time, the prefix to became anonfinite modal (to quickly say, I want to, to danceand sing).

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☞ Specific constraints trump general constraints.

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☞ Specific constraints trump general constraints.

Apparent degrammaticalizations always turn out toeliminate language-specific complications (Plank1995: response to “Systemstörung”). They areanalogical changes.

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Upgrading as system-internal regularization

The loss of case inflections left English with thegenitive as sole case suffix. Such systems are highlymarked (no instances in Arkadiev’s 2006 survey ofminimal case systems). So genitive case inflectionwas eliminated.

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The modals lacked non-finite forms. This gap wasfilled by recategorizing to as a non-finite modal. Thisis part of a much larger morphosyntacticreorganization in Late Middle English.

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☞The “counterexamples” to unidirectionality are opti-mizations. They follow from the same principles asunidirectionality itself.

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☞The “counterexamples” to unidirectionality are opti-mizations. They follow from the same principles asunidirectionality itself.

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Grammaticalization as optimization

analogical change(optimization)

exemplar-based non-exemplar-based(grammaticalization)

proportional non-proportionalanalogy analogy

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Outline



3 Non-convergence

4 Anaphora

5 Aspect to tense

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Why grammaticalization causes noconvergence

The original structure is eventually renewed from otherresources. Language is a STABLE DYNAMIC SYSTEM: i.e.,linguistic change is not linguistic evolution.

Short cycles: e.g. Jespersen’s negation cycle

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Short cycles: e.g. Jespersen’s negation cycleLong cycles

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Latin future *ama=bhw-o > ama-b-o ‘I will love’,renewed in Romance: amare habeo > aimerai,and again in French: je vais aimer.

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Latin future *ama=bhw-o > ama-b-o ‘I will love’,renewed in Romance: amare habeo > aimerai,and again in French: je vais aimer.

Superlong cycles: e.g. agglutination > fusion >

isolation > agglutination . . .

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Otto Jespersen

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Otto Jespersen Jespersen’s cycle

. . . “the original negative ad-verb is first weakened, thenfound insufficient and there-fore strengthened, gener-ally through some additionalword, and this in its turn maybe felt as the negative properand may then in the course oftime be subject to the samedevelopment as the originalword.” (Jespersen 1917:4)

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Jespersen’s cycle in English

PLAIN STRENGTHENING WEAKENING

I. ne −→ ne a ‘not ever’ −→ na ‘not’

II. ne −→ ne . . . na ‘not ever’ −→ ne . . . na ‘not’

III. ne . . . na −→ ne . . . na wiht −→ (ne) . . . naught ‘not’‘not a creature’

IV. not −→ not a bit

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Strengthening and weakening

Morphological/syntactic strengthening: A plainnegation is emphasized with a focused indefinite .

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Semantic weakening (“bleaching”): The emphaticnegation becomes noncompositional, and turns into aplain negation.

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Strengthening adds an expressive resource;weakening eliminates it.

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Strengthening is MORPHOSYNTACTIC change,weakening is SEMANTIC change.

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Strengthening is MORPHOSYNTACTIC change,weakening is SEMANTIC change.

Semantic weakening can be followed by phonologicalreduction or loss of the original head.

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What drives the cycle?

Functions of emphatic negation

1 Denial of a (possibly implicit) assertion.

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2 Denial of a presumption or an expectation.

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3 Strengthening of a negative assertion.

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4 Aspectual disambiguation.

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4 Aspectual disambiguation.

Assumption: All languages distinguish emphatic negationfrom plain negation.(Eckardt (2002, 2006), Condoravdi and Kiparsky 2004)

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Outline



3 Non-convergence

4 Anaphora

5 Aspect to tense

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Pronominal parameters

Pronouns differ systematically in how their referencemay be determined from the context.

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These differences can be characterized in terms ofhierarchically nested sets of constraints.

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The constraints are invariant; pronouns vary in howmuch of the constraint hierarchy they are subject to.

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The binding domain of a pronoun is determined by aranking of markedness and faithfulness constraints.

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The binding domain of a pronoun is determined by aranking of markedness and faithfulness constraints.

UG hypothesis (generative grammar, OT): learner’ssearch space = the typological space.

(Details: Kiparsky 2002, Gast 2006)

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Referential dependence

REFERENTIALLY INDEPENDENT pronouns can (butneed not) introduce something new into thediscourse.

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Deixis (pointing use): It’s him. It’s her.

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Deixis (pointing use): It’s him. It’s her.Restrictive relative clauses: He who hesitates is lost.

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REFERENTIALLY DEPENDENT pronouns require adiscourse antecedent.

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*It’s it!

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*It’s it!*It which does not kill you makes you stronger.

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How far can referentially dependentpronouns go for their antecedent?

The discourse topic (non-reflexive referentiallydependent pronouns, e.g. it, German er, sie (forinanimates), Greek o idhios, Turkish kendisi, Marathiaapan

˙

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˙Within the sentence (very long-distance reflexives,e.g. Icelandic sig)

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Within the finite domain (long-distance reflexives, e.g.Swedish sig, Russian sebja)

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Within the finite domain (long-distance reflexives, e.g.Swedish sig, Russian sebja)

First accessible subject (local reflexives, e.g. himself,German sich)

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The antecedent domain hierarchy

locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref.indep.

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Obviation

Some pronouns can’t be coreferential with a coargument(except for certain predicates like “shave”, “wash”).Swedish sig in an obviative long-distance reflexive.

Generalen igeneral-the

tvingadeforced

översten jcolonel-the

attto

beask

löjtnanten klieutenant-the

attto

hjälpahelp

sig i ,?j ,∗kself

‘The general forced the colonel to ask the lieutenant tohelp him.’

For the local domain, obviation meanssubject-orientation.

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The antecedent domain hierarchy forobviative pronouns

German sich Sw. sig Icel. sig Gk. o idhios him

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Unidirectionality of change

Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).

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Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).The domain in which referentially dependentpronouns must find their antecedent becomesnarrower over time.

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discourse > finite domain > non-finite domain > localdomain

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Non-obviative pronouns become obviative.

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Reflexives become subject-oriented.

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☞ The binding properties of pronouns become MORE

RESTRICTIVE in time.

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☞ The binding properties of pronouns become MORE

RESTRICTIVE in time.

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Finno-Ugric

1 Reflexive: itse & cognates

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Finno-Ugric


2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates

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Finno-Ugric



3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates

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Finno-Ugric




Antecedentdomain

local non-finite

finite disc. None (ref.indep.)

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Finno-Ugric




Antecedentdomain

local non-finite


Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron

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Finno-Ugric




Antecedentdomain

local non-finite


Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ Dem

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Finno-Ugric




Antecedentdomain

local non-finite


Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ DemSW Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Dem

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Finno-Ugric




Antecedentdomain

local non-finite


Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ DemSW Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron DemTornio Finnish Refl Pron Pron Dem Dem

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Finno-Ugric




Antecedentdomain

local non-finite


Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ DemSW Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron DemTornio Finnish Refl Pron Pron Dem DemEstonian Pron Pron Dem Dem Dem

(Viinikka-Kallinen & Trosterud 1999)

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Referentially independent > referentiallyindependent

Indo-European k′e- (demonstrative) > OE he(referentially dependent)

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Indo-European *ey-, -i (demonstrative) > Latin is, ea,id (referentially dependent), also Avestan a-

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Indo-European *ey-, -i (demonstrative) > Latin is, ea,id (referentially dependent), also Avestan a-

Indo-European *swe- (pronominal adjective meaning“own”) has been recruited as an reflexive in manybranches. The predicted intermediate stage, areferentially dependent pronoun, is attested inRigvedic (with logophoric function).

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Nonreflexive > reflexive

Classical Greek ho- was a referentially dependentpronoun in Homeric, only a (long-distance) reflexivein later Greek.

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Nonreflexive > reflexive

Classical Greek ho- was a referentially dependentpronoun in Homeric, only a (long-distance) reflexivein later Greek.

Old Chinese ji, zìjia (apparently a referentiallydependent pronoun) has developed into the modernChinese reflexive zìji.

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Long-distance reflexive > local reflexive

Middle High German to Modern German

. . .

. . .batasked

er ihe

sih iself

ketrencanlet-drink

dazthe

uuip jwoman

‘. . . he asked the woman to give him something todrink’. . . bat eri das Weibj ihni zu “tränken” (ModernGerman)

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Long-distance reflexive > local reflexive

Middle High German to Modern German

. . .

. . .batasked

er ihe

sih iself

ketrencanlet-drink

dazthe

uuip jwoman

‘. . . he asked the woman to give him something todrink’. . . bat eri das Weibj ihni zu “tränken” (ModernGerman)Latin to Romance

Ariovistus iAriovistus

responditanswered

omnesall-A

GalliaeGaul’s

civitatesstates-A

adto

se iself-A

oppugnandumattack-Grnd

venissecome-Prf-Inf

‘Ariovistus answered that all the states of Gaul hadcome to attack him’

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Non-obviative > obviative

Swedish sig

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Swedish sig

Marathi aapan˙

(from Sanskrit atman, non-obviative)

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Swedish sig

Marathi aapan˙

(from Sanskrit atman, non-obviative)

Rise of subject-orientation (Dogon, data fron C. Culy)

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Explaining the unidirectionality

The binding constraint system includes

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The binding constraint system includesConstraints on binding domains, which form astringency hierarchy, and an OBVIATION constraint.

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The binding constraint system includesConstraints on binding domains, which form astringency hierarchy, and an OBVIATION constraint.A FAITHFULNESS constraint that dictates retention ofarbitrary input binding relations.

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The binding constraint system includesConstraints on binding domains, which form astringency hierarchy, and an OBVIATION constraint.A FAITHFULNESS constraint that dictates retention ofarbitrary input binding relations.

Particular anaphors are characterized by a specificranking of these constraints. FAITHFULNESS

represents a cutoff-point such that constraints aboveit are strictly obeyed and constraints below it areviolable.

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Swedish vs. Icelandic

Input

[ . . . Ai . . . [ . . . Bi . . . ]CP ]CP

DIS

CO

UR

SE

FIN

ITE

FA

ITH

FU

LN

ES

S

NO

N-F

INIT

E

LO

CA

L

[ . . . Ai . . . [ . . . Bi . . . ]CP ]CP * * *[ . . . Ai . . . [ . . . Bj . . . ]CP ]CP * * *

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In the learner’s initial state, markedness constraintsoutrank faithfulness constraints (as in phonology).

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Consequently, learners expect a strict binding system(subject to all locality constraints and to obviation).

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Positive data reveals which markedness constraintsare violated in the language.

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Learners promote FAITHFULNESS to defeat these.

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☞ This learning bias explains the unidirectionality ofchange in binding systems.

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☞ This learning bias explains the unidirectionality ofchange in binding systems.

Because the changes produce no overt change in theoutput, speaker-based accounts are problematic.

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Expressiveness

The maximally unrestricted values of each parametermust be instantiated: every language must have at least areferentially independent pronoun, and a non-obviativepronoun. This ensures the possibility of markingcoreference and non-coreference in any domain.

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Expressiveness forces upgrading

Old English, the personal pronouns were referentiallydependent. They are not used deictically and cannothead restrictive relative clauses. They were recruitedfor reflexive uses when the Germanic reflexivepronoun was lost.

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When the Old English masc. and fem.demonstratives se, seo were lost, he, she becamereferentially independent again (upgrading).

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When the Old English masc. and fem.demonstratives se, seo were lost, he, she becamereferentially independent again (upgrading).

The reflexive function was taken over by thepronoun+self.

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1 þonnethen

woldewould

heoshe

ealraof all

nyhstlatest

hyher

baþianbathe

&and

þweanwash

‘then she would last of all bathe and wash herself’[having first washed the others] (Bede 4 19.318.20)

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1 þonnethen

woldewould

heoshe

ealraof all

nyhstlatest

hyher

baþianbathe

&and

þweanwash


2 acand

midwith

inneweardreinmost

heortanheart

monicoften

midwith

hinehim

sprecendespeaking

smeadereflected-3Sg

‘in his innermost heart he often argued with himself’(Bede 2 8.124.22)

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1 þonnethen

woldewould

heoshe

ealraof all

nyhstlatest

hyher

baþianbathe

&and

þweanwash


2 acand

midwith

inneweardreinmost

heortanheart

monicoften

midwith

hinehim

sprecendespeaking

smeadereflected-3Sg

‘in his innermost heart he often argued with himself’(Bede 2 8.124.22)

3 þættethat

nænigno

biscopabishop

hinehim

oðrumothers-DAT

forbæreadvance-SUBJ3P

‘that no bishop shall put himself above others’ (Bede4 5.278.27)

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Two consequences

Because the neuter demonstrative þæt was retained,it remains referentially dependent.

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Two consequences

Because the neuter demonstrative þæt was retained,it remains referentially dependent.

Because him, her became obviative, him+self,her+self became non-compositional, and thecomplex reflexives were reanalyzed as morphologicalunits.

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Outline



3 Non-convergence

4 Anaphora

5 Aspect to tense

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Unidirectional grammaticalization paths

RESULTATIVE > PERFECT > PERFECTIVE/PAST

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Kru, Chinese, Ewe, French, Italian, German (Dahl1985, 2000; Bybee et al 1994)

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(LOCATIVE) > FOCALIZED PROGRESSIVE >

PROGRESSIVE > IMPERFECTIVE/PRESENT

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(LOCATIVE) > FOCALIZED PROGRESSIVE >

PROGRESSIVE > IMPERFECTIVE/PRESENT

Yoruba, Scots Gaelic, Turkish, Maa, Margi, Kui(Comrie 1976; Bybee et al. 1994)

On focalized progressives, see Bertinetto 2000.

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Focalized progressive

The focalized progressive yields the set of points inthe run-time of the event.

τ (e)•

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τ (e)•

Ol-i-nbe-1Sg

luke-ma-ssaread-Ptc-Iness

kirja-abook-Part

(*2(2-Acc

tunti-a)hour-Part)

‘I was reading the/a book (for 2 hours)’ (Finnish)

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τ (e)•

Ol-i-nbe-1Sg


kirja-abook-Part

(*2(2-Acc

tunti-a)hour-Part)


A focalized progressive denotes a point of time,therefore does not allow phrases denoting extent oftime.

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τ (e)•

Ol-i-nbe-1Sg


kirja-abook-Part

(*2(2-Acc

tunti-a)hour-Part)


A focalized progressive denotes a point of time,therefore does not allow phrases denoting extent oftime.

The Focalized Progressive in Finnish is formed withthe Inessive (internal locative) case of the SecondInfinitive -ma (roughly ‘in -ing’).

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Incompatibility with stative predicates

*Pyykkilaundry

o-nbe-3Sg

loju-ma-ssalie-Ptc-Iness

lattia-llafloor-Adess

‘The laundry is lying on the floor’ (Finnish)

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Incompatibility with stative predicates

*Pyykkilaundry

o-nbe-3Sg

loju-ma-ssalie-Ptc-Iness

lattia-llafloor-Adess

‘The laundry is lying on the floor’ (Finnish)

Stative predicates (whether episodic or non-episodic)do not denote points of time, therefore do not allowfocalized progressives.

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Stativity and episodicity

predicates

stative non-stative episodic

non-episodic episodic

Stative predicates (whether episodic or non-episodic)do not denote points of time.

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Stativity and episodicity

predicates

stative non-stative episodic

non-episodic episodic

Stative predicates (whether episodic or non-episodic)do not denote points of time.

Non-episodic stative predicates are not located intime.

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Durative progressive

The durative progressive yields the set of intervals inthe run-time of the event.

τ (e)t′i

ti

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τ (e)t′i

ti

I was reading the/a book for 2 hours.

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τ (e)t′i

ti

I was reading the/a book for 2 hours.*The earth is being round.

ABabcdfghiejkl




τ (e)t′i

ti

I was reading the/a book for 2 hours.*The earth is being round.

Non-episodic stative predicates are not located intime, therefore do not allow durative progressives.

ABabcdfghiejkl


Imperfective: Deo’s analysis

The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.

tiτ (e)

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)

t′jt′i

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)

t′jt′i t′k

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)

t′jt′i t′k t′l

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)

t′jt′i t′k t′ltj

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)

t′jt′i t′k t′ltj tk

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)


☞

The denotation of the imperfective is a superset ofthe denotation of the progressive. Thus the imper-fective arises by a further step in the aspect-to-tensetrajectory.

Ashwini Deo, Tense and Aspect in Indo-Aryan languages: variation and diachrony(Stanford Diss. 2006)

ABabcdfghiejkl




tiτ (e)


☞

The denotation of the imperfective is a superset ofthe denotation of the progressive. Thus the imper-fective arises by a further step in the aspect-to-tensetrajectory.

Ashwini Deo, Tense and Aspect in Indo-Aryan languages: variation and diachrony(Stanford Diss. 2006)

ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change

Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.

ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change


locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect

ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change



ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change



ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change



ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change



Anaphors lose their idiosyncratic properties.

ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change




locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref. indep.

ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change





ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change





ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change





ABabcdfghiejkl


Direction of change





ABabcdfghiejkl


Conclusion

Grammaticalization eliminates structurally arbitrary(albeit historically motivated) grammatical restrictions.

ABabcdfghiejkl


Conclusion

Grammaticalization eliminates structurally arbitrary(albeit historically motivated) grammatical restrictions.

It is non-exemplar-based analogical change.

ABabcdfghiejkl


Deriving (uni)directionality - Stanford Universitykiparsky/Papers/berlin-anaph-new.pdf · ABabcdfghiejkl Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect

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