Democratic Institutions and Social Capital: Experimental Evidence on School-Based Management from Burkina Faso Yasuyuki Sawada * Takeshi Aida Andrew S. Griffen Eiji Kozuka Haruko Noguchi Yasuyuki Todo September 18, 2019 Abstract We estimate the effects of school-based management (COGES) on social cap- ital formation in Burkina Faso using a large-scale RCT of COGES combined with lab-in-the-field experiments to measure social capital. We find that the implemen- tation of COGES significantly increased social capital in the form of public goods game contributions. Several novel aspects of the social experiment, field experi- ments, and data collection provide insight into the mechanisms behind the impact. * Sawada: Chief Economist, Asian Development Bank, 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City, 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines, and University of Tokyo, 7-3-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-0033, Japan (e-mail: [email protected]); Aida: Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Or- ganization 3-2- 2, Wakaba, Mihama-ku, Chiba-shi, Chiba 261-8545 (e-mail: [email protected]); Griffen: University of Tokyo, 7-3-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-0033, Japan (e-mail: [email protected]tokyo.ac.jp); Kozuka: Japan International Cooperation Agency, Nibancho Center Building 5-25, Niban- cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102-8012, Japan, (e-mail: [email protected]); Noguchi: Waseda Univer- sity, 1-6-1 Nishi-Waseda, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 169-0051 (e-mail: [email protected]); Todo: Waseda University, 1-6-1 Nishi-Waseda, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 169-0051 (e-mail: [email protected]). This paper, previously titled “Election, Implementation, and Social Capital in School-Based Management: Evidence from a Randomized Field Experiment on the COGES Project in Burkina Faso,” has been prepared as a part of a research project of the Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute (JICA- RI) entitled “Impact Evaluation Analyses for the JICA Projects,” led by Yasuyuki Sawada. We thank our collaborators at the Institut National de la Statistique et de la Dmographie (INSD), JICA Burkina Faso office, and the JICA Research Institute for their valuable cooperation in implementing our survey and experiments. We also thank Oriana Bandiera, Abhijit Banerjee, Moussa Blimpo, Nazmul Chaud- hury, Gordon Dahl, Esther Duflo, Deon Filmer, Jun Goto, Hidehiko Ichimura, Hideshi Itoh, Emmanuel Jimenez, Harounan Kazianga, Mushfiq Mobarak, Keijiro Otsuka, Albert Park, Menno Pradhan, Nancy Qian, Imran Rasul, Halsey Rogers, Chika Yamauchi, and the participants of the COGES-SABER seminar held in Ouagadougou on February 9, 2015 for useful comments. The usual disclaimers apply.
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Democratic Institutions and Social Capital:Experimental Evidence on School-Based
Management from Burkina Faso
Yasuyuki Sawada∗ Takeshi Aida Andrew S. GriffenEiji Kozuka Haruko Noguchi Yasuyuki Todo
September 18, 2019
Abstract
We estimate the effects of school-based management (COGES) on social cap-ital formation in Burkina Faso using a large-scale RCT of COGES combined withlab-in-the-field experiments to measure social capital. We find that the implemen-tation of COGES significantly increased social capital in the form of public goodsgame contributions. Several novel aspects of the social experiment, field experi-ments, and data collection provide insight into the mechanisms behind the impact.
∗Sawada: Chief Economist, Asian Development Bank, 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City, 1550Metro Manila, Philippines, and University of Tokyo, 7-3-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-0033, Japan(e-mail: [email protected]); Aida: Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Or-ganization 3-2- 2, Wakaba, Mihama-ku, Chiba-shi, Chiba 261-8545 (e-mail: [email protected]);Griffen: University of Tokyo, 7-3-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-0033, Japan (e-mail: [email protected]); Kozuka: Japan International Cooperation Agency, Nibancho Center Building 5-25, Niban-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102-8012, Japan, (e-mail: [email protected]); Noguchi: Waseda Univer-sity, 1-6-1 Nishi-Waseda, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 169-0051 (e-mail: [email protected]); Todo: WasedaUniversity, 1-6-1 Nishi-Waseda, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 169-0051 (e-mail: [email protected]). This paper,previously titled “Election, Implementation, and Social Capital in School-Based Management: Evidencefrom a Randomized Field Experiment on the COGES Project in Burkina Faso,” has been prepared asa part of a research project of the Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute (JICA-RI) entitled “Impact Evaluation Analyses for the JICA Projects,” led by Yasuyuki Sawada. We thankour collaborators at the Institut National de la Statistique et de la Dmographie (INSD), JICA BurkinaFaso office, and the JICA Research Institute for their valuable cooperation in implementing our surveyand experiments. We also thank Oriana Bandiera, Abhijit Banerjee, Moussa Blimpo, Nazmul Chaud-hury, Gordon Dahl, Esther Duflo, Deon Filmer, Jun Goto, Hidehiko Ichimura, Hideshi Itoh, EmmanuelJimenez, Harounan Kazianga, Mushfiq Mobarak, Keijiro Otsuka, Albert Park, Menno Pradhan, NancyQian, Imran Rasul, Halsey Rogers, Chika Yamauchi, and the participants of the COGES-SABER seminarheld in Ouagadougou on February 9, 2015 for useful comments. The usual disclaimers apply.
A large literature spanning several areas of social science has sought to understand the
roles of social capital and institutions in affecting outcomes in society. Social capital has
been linked with democracy, growth, health, happiness, education, and the provision of
public goods (Putnam et al., 2001; Putnam, 2000; Knack and Keefer, 1997; Szreter and
Woolcock, 2004) and good institutions are believed to be a fundamental driver of long-
run economic performance (North, 1991; Acemoglu et al., 2001, 2019; Dell, 2010; Dell
et al., 2018). These findings have naturally led to calls for policies to strengthen both so-
cial capital (Putnam, 1993) and institutions (World Bank, 2004). However, the design of
external interventions to improve social capital is difficult (Ostrom, 2000) and evidence
on the death of institutions suggests that simply copying institutional successes with-
out accompanying strong norms is not guaranteed to work (Levitsky and Ziblatt, 2018).
There are also important theoretical and empirical links between social capital and in-
stitutions (Alesina and Giuliano, 2015): high levels of social capital are hypothesized
to be able to correct institutional failures (Hayami, 2009; Mansuri and Rao, 2013) and
there are concerns that formal, externally imposed institutions may crowd-out informal,
evolved solutions to collective-action problems (Ostrom, 1990, 2000).
A recent wave in development policy designed to improve institutions has focused
on decentralization, which is motivated by the theory that more local control will deliver
more responsive institutions (Mansuri and Rao, 2013). Such decentralization policies
fall under the rubric of “community driven development” for more general projects
and “school-based management” (SBM) for reforms that target schools (Mansuri and
Rao, 2004). However, the details and results of such interventions vary tremendously
across projects and contexts and the evidence on their effectiveness is mixed (Casey,
2018; Kremer and Holla, 2009). In contrast to the substitutes view of institutions and
social capital, some empirical studies have actually found complementarities between
social capital and the introduction of formal institutions (Putnam et al., 2001; Dell et
al., 2018; Martinez-Bravo et al., 2017; Pradhan et al., 2014) suggesting that institutions
both increase social capital and higher social capital increases the effectiveness of in-
2
stitutions. These studies point to the importance of understanding the conditions under
and mechanisms through which external interventions designed to affect social capital
and institutions actually work, which is critical for policy design.
To investigate this interplay between SBM institutions and the dynamics of social
capital in rural communities, we conducted a randomized control trial (RCT) of a SBM
program in Burkina Faso called COGES1. The village level treatment consisted of a se-
cret community-wide democratic election of COGES members followed by implemen-
tation of an action plan for proposed changes within the local school by the COGES
using feedback from the community. A unique aspect of the intervention is the ran-
domization of a complete institutional structure including democratic mechanisms for
electing SBM members. Previous experimental papers in the SBM literature have eval-
uated policy variation within existing SBM institutions (Pradhan et al., 2014; Barr et
al., 2012; Beasley and Huillery, 2017; Blimpo et al., 2015). As an outcome, we col-
lected data from lab-in-the-field public goods game contributions, which we interpret as
a measure of social capital (Anderson et al., 2004).
We exploit the timing of the randomization and data collection to separately iden-
tify effects of the election of COGES committee members and the implementation of
projects by COGES. According to our pre-analysis plan, we also intentionally con-
ducted the public goods game experiment with different configurations of community
members to investigate how COGES affected bonding, bridging, and linking forms of
social capital (Woolcock, 2001). These different aspects of the experiment and data
collection give a rich characterization of the channels through which the introduction of
COGES influenced social capital in the villages.
The experimental results show that implementation of COGES had a large and sta-
tistically significant impact on social capital. In the schools treated with COGES, aver-
age contributions in the public goods game increased between 8.1% and 9.7%. We did
not find any variation in impact by group configuration, suggesting the impacts did not
operate through a specific type of social capital but more generally. We complement
1This acronym is derived from the French name of the project: projet d’appui COmits de Gestion dansdes EcoleS primaires.
3
our main experimental findings by examining impacts on attitudinal measures of trust,
fairness, and help borrowed from the General Social Survey (GSS), and by examining
the impact of COGES on real-world decisions observed in the schools. We find impacts
along both dimensions.
Our paper is related to several literatures spanning development economics, insti-
tutional economics, and experimental economics. In development economics, there is
an emerging literature on the effects of decentralization policies in both schools and
communities (Casey, 2018). For SBM, the literature typically examines test scores and
school enrollment given the aim of SBM to improve schools. However, some papers
have considered more intermediate outcomes such as the composition of the SBM com-
mittees or involvement of parents within schools (Kremer and Holla, 2009). Although
SBM is pushed as an important development strategy to improve schools, the estimated
impacts of SBM are mixed; some studies have found positive impacts (Barr et al., 2012;
Barrera-Osorio et al., 2009; Beasley and Huillery, 2017; Blimpo et al., 2015; Bruns et
al., 2011; Gertler et al., 2012; Duflo et al., 2015; Pradhan et al., 2014; Kozuka et al.,
2016), while others report negligible effects (Banerjee et al., 2010; De Laat et al., 2008;
Kremer and Holla, 2009). Reviewing this literature, Kremer and Holla (2009) suggest
effects are likely modulated by important contextual factors such as control of funding,
firing and hiring, and nepotism. In that sense, our paper investigates the impact of a
particular SBM design (democratic elections, community input for projects, and no ex-
ternal transfer of resources) on social capital as one such important contextual factor.
In addition, there are only a few rigorous evaluations of SBM in developing countries
(Westhorp et al., 2014) so our paper makes an important contribution to understanding
of the design of these programs.
By examining social capital, our paper is connected to the literature on institutions
and society, which is quite broad (Alesina and Giuliano, 2015). However, despite evi-
dence about the importance of institutions for long-run development (Acemoglu et al.,
2001; Dell, 2010; Dell et al., 2018), there are very few randomized evaluations of insti-
tutions and especially of elections, which is a function of the difficulty of implementing
4
such types of RCTs. The closest paper is Pradhan et al. (2014) who use an RCT to
examine the impact of within SBM policy changes (including introducing elections) in
Indonesia.2 They find large, positive impacts on test scores through election of com-
mittee members and through reforms that provide “linkage” of SBM institutions with
powerful village committees. They infer the impact operated through social capital type
mechanisms based on treatments that impacted intermediate outcomes measuring social
capital and that connected the schools more directly to the community.
The contribution of our work is to examine the impact of such institutions in a dif-
ferent setting (Burkina Faso), using more direct measures of social capital (experimen-
tal and attitudinal), and by examining the role of institution vs. no-institution impacts
instead of policy impacts within an existing institutional framework. Both types of
impacts are important for understanding policy design but answer different policy ques-
tions. Environments without existing institutions may have less capacity to implement
such institutions. Or, conversely, setting up institutions from scratch may provide an
opportunity to “get it right” from the beginning. In addition, the positive impacts found
in our study in a completely different context provide evidence on the external valid-
ity of the policy (Deaton, 2010). Relative to the quasi-experimental evidence on his-
torical reforms that examine long-run impacts, these RCT papers provide evidence on
more modern reforms that may be implemented by current policymakers (e.g., related to
schools) and also allow a richer characterization of the mechanisms through the collec-
tion of contemporaneous measures. The downside is the typically short-run measured
impacts of such reforms, which may take many years to operate.
Our work also fits within studies that have examined interactions between institu-
tions and traditional societies in Africa (Ensminger, 1996) and an experimental eco-
nomics literature on cross-culture determinants of lab-in-the-field outcomes (Henrich et
al., 2001), which is important given the bias in the literature towards nonrepresentative
WEIRD samples (Henrich et al., 2010). Our work is also connected to the effects of
2Another important paper related to our work is Martinez-Bravo et al. (2017), which examines theimpact of elections using quasi-experimental introduction of elections in China and finds complementarybetween elections and existing social capital in the form of temples. Although our paper finds directimpacts of the institutions on social capital, we do not find any evidence of such complementary.
5
institutions on behavior in laboratory experiments (Dal Bo et al., 2010; Dal Bo, 2014)
except with lab-in-the-field experiments and expanded to encompass real-world institu-
tions.
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 discusses the COGES
project, the social experiment, the lab-in-the-field experiments, the data, and the identi-
Burkina Faso lags behind much of the rest of the world in achieving universal pri-
mary education.3 To address this deficiency, the government of Burkina Faso adopted a
Poverty Reduction Strategy in 2000 in which an important goal was to “guarantee that
the poor have access to basic social services”. To achieve this goal in the education sec-
tor, the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy (MEBA) drew up a Basic Education
Ten-Year Development Plan (PDDEB), which was divided into phase I (2000-2006) and
phase II (2007-2010).4 During phase II, strong emphasis was placed on improving ac-
cess to and the quality of education through a decentralization process, which delegated
additional authority to the lowest administrative level for education, the Circonscription
d’Education de Base (CEB). Each CEB oversaw approximately 14 elementary schools
in which they facilitated teacher training programs and received the right to manage
preschool infrastructure, basic education, and literacy programs. Although post-reform
enrollments increased by 9.7% annually at public primary schools, additional problems
still remained including widening gender enrollment gaps, dropouts, and grade repeti-
tion. To tackle these problems, the government, with technical assistance from the Japan
International Cooperation Agency (JICA), started the “Support for the Improvement of
3The education system of Burkina Faso comprises three years of preschool, six years of primary, fouryears of lower secondary, and three years of upper secondary education, followed by tertiary education.Multi-grade classrooms are also common, especially in rural schools.
4The official acronyms are based on the French names, which we have translated into English. MEBArefers to Ministre de l’Enseignement de Base et de l’Alphabtisation and PDDEB refers to Plan Decennalde Dveloppement de l’Education de Base.
6
School Management through a Community Participation Project” in 2008, which in-
cluded the COGES project.
2.2 COGES
COGES involved setting up a SBM committee in each primary school. The COGES
members would have a central role in setting and implementing an annual school action
plan and the idea was for COGES to use input from the local community about how
to improve the schools. A distinctive feature used to facilitate this process was that
new COGES members would be democratically elected through secret ballot voting by
the community. Although some COGES members had been previously appointed by
government decree, the newly elected COGES members had important roles including
the presidency of COGES as well as members in charge of community participation,
girls’ enrollment, monitoring, accounting, and auditing5.
To help facilitate the COGES elections and the development and implementation
of the action plan, several types of training were conducted for stakeholders. The se-
quence of training is described in Figure 1. School principals initially attended two days
of training on how to organize community meetings and hold elections. Two community
meetings were subsequently held in the same month: the first for sharing information
about the upcoming COGES and the second for the election of COGES members. After
the election, the school principals, the COGES president and accountant, and repre-
sentatives from the municipal offices participated in two additional days of training on
making an action plan for the schools, including its implementation, monitoring, and
evaluation. Typical action plans included things like providing separate toilets for fe-
male students, constructing or repairing school facilities (e.g., classrooms, desks, and
chairs), providing school lunch for students, arranging housing for teachers, and pur-
chasing learning materials. After the action plan was proposed, another community
meeting was then held to discuss and approve the action plan. Because most schools
5Previously appointed COGES members included the local mayor, the Presidents of the Parents’ andMothers’ Associations, the school principal, as well as teacher, NGOs and union representatives. Parents’Associations (APE) and Mothers’ Associations (AME) among parents of students have also existed asschool councils in Burkina Faso since the 1960s but they had limited roles in actual school management.
7
Figure 1: Timing of the COGES Project.
could not expect external resources from the central government, COGES needed to
mobilize financial and non-financial resources within the community. Further meetings
were held to monitor the ongoing action plan and then to evaluate the previous year’s
action plan. The same cycle would then be repeated every year; at the beginning of the
new school year COGES and the community members would make a new action plan,
including a procedure to implement, monitor, and evaluate the action plan using their
own resources.
2.3 Randomized Controlled Trial
To identify the causal effect of the COGES project, we conducted an RCT in the form of
a randomized “roll-out” of the COGES project in all elementary schools in Ganzourgou
Province, Burkina Faso. Using a list of all schools in the province provided by MEBA,
we first partitioned the 279 schools into 30 strata: 10 CEB by 3 school types (public
schools, private Islamic schools, and private Catholic schools). Using random assign-
ment within each stratum, 141 schools were assigned to be first-year COGES schools
(treatment group) and 138 schools were assigned to be second-year COGES schools
(control group).6 The COGES project was offered to the first-year COGES schools dur-
ing the 2009-10 academic year and the second-year COGES schools received a delayed
offer of treatment during the subsequent 2010-11 academic year.
We conducted detailed surveys of all the major stakeholders in the school: the school
principal, a randomly selected teacher from each grade, five randomly selected students
6During data collection, we discovered that some schools did not exist or had been closed, whichreduced the number of the schools to 134 and 132 for the first-year and second-year COGES schools.
Notes: * denotes a statistically significant differ-ence in means between treatment and control at the5% level.
of each randomly selected teacher, and the household head of each of the five randomly
selected students. The first round baseline surveys were conducted December 2009 -
January 2010 and the second round endline surveys were conducted in January - Febru-
ary 2011.
For the lab-in-the-field experiments discussed below, we selected a random subset
of the 279 baseline schools, which gave us 41 first-year COGES schools and 40 second-
year COGES schools at baseline. We then recruited participants within the schools
belonging to 5 different groups: elected COGES members, teachers, parents, and com-
munity members. Table 1 reports tests of pre-treatment balance in observables for the
participants by treatment status. We cannot reject the null hypothesis of no mean dif-
ference between treatment and control in any pre-treatment covariate. Because of bud-
getary reasons, we further selected a random subset of the 81 baseline schools for the
endline experiments in November and December of 2010, which gave us 21 first-year
and 21 second-year COGES schools at endline.
9
2.4 Lab-in-the-field experiments
For our main outcome data, we conducted a public goods game among school princi-
pals, teachers, parents, community members, and elected COGES members. The public
goods game is a standard laboratory experiment used to measure voluntary cooperation
among subjects (Camerer and Fehr, 2004; Cardenas and Carpenter, 2008; Levitt and
List, 2007). However, contributions are also regarded as a measure of social capital
(Anderson et al., 2004) and this is the interpretation we use in this paper.
In our public goods games, each participant was placed in a group containing N
nonanonymous members and given an initial endowment, E. Each participant then had
to decide on an amount Yi of their endowment to secretly contribute to the public good.
The contributions were then totaled, multiplied by a factor ρ with 1 < ρ < N, and
divided equally among the N group members. Group members did not observe the
contributions of the other members but only their individual payoff, which is given by:
πi = E−Yi +ρ
N
N
∑i=1
Yi (1)
When 1 < ρ < N, ∂πi∂Yi
= −1+ ρ
N < 0 so that Yi = 0 is a dominant strategy for each
participant. Therefore, a pure-strategy Nash equilibrium is Yi = 0 for all i and any
amount Yi > 0 represents a deviation from the individually rational Nash equilibrium.
Following the literature we interpret Yi as a measure of participant i’s social capital.
In the experimental implementation, we designated groups of four members N = 4,
an endowment E = 500 FCFA, and set ρ = 2 so that the combined individual contribu-
tions were doubled before dividing them.7 We formed five different types of groups: the
fathers of students (fathers group), the mothers of the students (mothers group), either
four men or four women from the community who did not send children to the school
7On January 21, 2016, 1 US dollar was equivalent to 602 FCFA. FCFA refers to the Franc CommunautFinancire Africaine, which is a currency backed by the French Treasury and used in Burkina Faso andmany other West African Francophone countries. To understand the magnitude of these transfers notethat the official minimum wage rate in Burkina Faso is 1,050 FCFA per day. However, it is common toset a daily wage rate at 300 to 500 FCFA in rural agricultural and urban service sectors. So keeping theentire transfer and contributing nothing would be the equivalent of approximately one day of work formany individuals in our sample.
10
(community group), a group consisting of the school principal, one teacher, one father,
and one mother (mixed group), and a group with the four elected COGES members
(COGES group).8 Each group played the public goods game twice with an immediate
monetary reward after each round. The repeated play was to check whether, similar to
existing experimental findings, public goods contributions would decline towards the
free riding Nash equilibrium over time (Andreoni, 1988).
A potential concern with using public goods game contributions is that they could
instead be driven by altruism instead of capturing social capital or the propensity for
voluntary cooperation. To separate out potential effects of altruism, we followed An-
derson et al. (1998) and used the dictator game contributions among our subjects as an
additional control9. The dictator game was conduct as a hypothetical (without monetary
incentives) survey question among the public goods game participants. Each participant
was asked to imagine that they were randomly matched with another group member
from their public goods game experimental session and asked for a hypothetical trans-
fer amount out of a hypothetical endowment of 500 FCFA. They were assured their
answers would be confidential. The choice set for the transfer was {0,100,200,300,400,
500} FCFA.
2.5 Data
Table 2 displays summary statistics. We use three data sets in our analysis. The first
is individual level data from the field experiment data combined with survey measures
on GSS questions and community participation. The second and third are school-level
panel data sets on activities within the schools (school director survey) and on COGES
activities (project records data). These data come from the larger set of 279 schools
(with some schools missing data).
In the field experiment data, individuals contributed on average 321.2 FCFA in the
8For the community group, if the school id number was even, we chose four women and otherwisewe chose four men.
9Although a positive transfer in the dictator game is usually interpreted as a measure of altruism,other potential interpretations such as image self-construction are again possible (Camerer and Fehr,2004; Levitt and List, 2007). These interpretations of the dictator game are fine in our context as long asit nets out other drivers of public goods game contributions.
11
Table 2: Summary Statistics
Field experiment Mean SDPublic goods game contribution (FCFA) 321.2 137.4Hypothetical dicator game contribution (FCFA) 277.0 109.8GSS trust 0.60 -GSS fair 0.74 -GSS help 0.74 -COGES random assignment % 0.51 -COGES implementation % 0.47 -Father group % 0.21 -Mother group % 0.23 -Community group % 0.21 -Mixed group % 0.22 -COGES group % 0.14 -2nd round % 0.50 -Observations 4,460Number of individuals 1,745Number of schools 81
School director survey Mean SDTuition fee (FCFA per year) 1,352 3,964Textbook fee (FCFA per year) 31.07 326.0Financial contribution (FCFA per year) 3,791 7,815School meal frequency (days per month) 18.15 4.51School meal (%) 0.69 -Functional toilet (%) 0.72 -Observations 531Number of schools 271
Project records data Mean SDNumber of projects 2.79 3.09Total budget (FCFA per year) 32,768 142,073Observations 523Number of schools 270
Notes:
public goods game (64% of the endowment) and 277.0 FCFA in the hypothetical dictator
game (55% of the endowment). Although these are higher than average contributions
as a percent of the endowment reported in meta-analyses: 37.7% for the public goods
game (Zelmer, 2003) and 28% in the dictator game (Engel, 2011), they are not outside
the range of contributions, especially in non-WEIRD societies (Henrich et al., 2004).
Levels of GSS trust, fair, and help are also high. In our survey, 60% think most peo-
12
ple can be trusted, 74% think people would try to be fair, and 74% think people would
try to be helpful.10 Compared to the 5th wave of the World Values Survey 2005-2009,
our sample would be at the 71st percentile for trust11. Our sample also reports sub-
stantially higher values than US respondents in the 2010 GSS with analogous responses
35% for trust, 58% for fair, and 52% for help12.
From the school director survey, children were required to pay tuition fees (1,352
FCFA per year), textbook fees (31 FCFA per year), and the parents also needed to
make a financial contribution to the school (3,791 FCFA per year). Most schools of-
fered school meals (69%) on average 18 days per month and most had functional toilets
(72%). From the project records data, schools on average implemented 2.79 projects
per school year and spent more than 32,000 FCFA total on average. However, there is
substantial between school variation in all of these variables.
2.6 Econometric Model
We estimate the impact of the COGES project on social capital Y as measured by public
goods game contributions. We first conducted the public goods game in February 2010
after the COGES elections in the first-year COGES (treated) schools. The second public
goods experiments were conducted in November and December of 2010 after the 2010
school year during which treated schools had implemented their COGES action plans.
This was also after the COGES elections in the second-year COGES schools (Figure 1).
Because the COGES project involved a particular sequence of experimental intervention
and data collection, the timing of events is important for interpreting what is being
identified in the econometric model.
The data from the public goods games can be classified into four cases according
to treatment status (D = 1 or D = 0) and whether the data were collected at time t
10We used standard questions from the GSS. The GSS trust question reads “Generally speaking, wouldyou say that most people can be trusted or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people?”, the GSSfair question reads “Do you think most people would try to take advantage of you if they got a chance, orwould they try to be fair?” and the GSS help question reads “Would you say that most of the time peopletry to be helpful, or that they are mostly just looking out for themselves?”. For each question, we codedthe answer as 1 if it was “positive” (people can be trusted, are helpful, or are fair), and 0 otherwise.
11Authors’ calculations.12Authors’ calculations.
13
“before” (t = b) or after (t = a). If we employ the “before” data collected in February
2010, the average outcome difference between the first-year and second-year COGES
schools, Y D=1b − Y D=0
b , identifies the impact of the COGES election. This is because
the election had occurred in the first-year COGES (treated) schools but it had not yet
occurred in the second-year COGES (control) schools. The COGES project itself had
also yet to be implemented in either the treatment or the control schools. We call this
an “election effect”, which is defined as the effect arising from the randomization of
the democratic elections. With the after data from November and December of 2010,
the outcome difference between the first-year and second-year COGES schools, Y D=1a −
Y D=0a , identifies the impact of the implementation of the COGES action plan in the first-
year COGES schools. This is because the second-year schools had then been exposed
to the election, while the first-year schools had been exposed to both the election and to
the implementation of the school action plan. We call this the “implementation effect”,
which is defined as the accumulated impact of the COGES implementation net of the
direct election effect13. The total impact of the COGES project can be estimated by
summing the election and the implementation effects.
We use the following linear regression model to estimate the Intent to Treat (ITT)
impact of the COGES project,
Yirst = αt +βtDs +uist , (2)
where Yirst is public goods game contribution for individual i in school s in round r at
time t. Given that Ds was randomly assigned, when t=b the treatment effect βb identifies
the effect generated by the election. Alternatively, when t=a, the treatment effect βa
identifies the effect generated by the implementation of the COGES project. Because
of the timing of the data collection in our context, the difference-in-difference estimator
13An additional possibility is that there is fade-out of the election effects in the first-year COGESschools. In this case, the impacts in the after data are estimating the difference between the implementeffect in the first-year COGES schools and the election effects in the second-year COGES schools. Inthis situation the after data impact serves as a lower bound on the true implement effect because it netsout the (presumably nonnegative) election effect. However, in our empirical results the election effectsare mostly zero in the first-year COGES schools, so if the second-year COGES schools also have a zeroelection effect then the impact on the after data identifies the implementation effect.
14
captures the difference between these two effects.14 We also show the estimation results
with covariates because their inclusion can potentially help increase the precision of the
treatment impact estimate. 15
3 Estimation Results
3.1 Social Capital
Table 3 summarizes the estimation results for the election and implementation effects
on public goods game contributions (social capital). In columns (1), (2), and (3), we
estimated Equation 2 using the “before” data, which identifies the election effect. Al-
though positive, the coefficients on the treatment variable, D, are insignificant, which
indicates that a community-wide democratic election of COGES members did not in-
crease social capital on average. However, when we estimate equation (2) using the
after data to identify the implementation effect of COGES on social capital, the esti-
mates are positive and statistically significant. These results are shown in columns (4),
(5), and (6) in which each column adds additional controls. With the implementation
of the COGES project, the average amount of voluntary contributions to public goods
increased between 8.1% and 9.7%. These effects are large. In a survey of public goods
game results, Ledyard (1995) reports that average contributions across studies ranged
between 40% to 60% of the endowment so the effect size of our intervention moves
approximately halfway between the range of contributions reported in the literature.
Because each participant played the public goods game twice, we report the estima-
tion results using data pooled from the two rounds of the game. In all specifications,
the second round public goods game actually stimulated a significantly larger amount
of voluntary contribution to the public goods than the first round.16 Although there
14(Y D=1
a − Y D=1b
)−(Y D=0
a − Y D=0b
)=(Y D=1
a − Y D=0a
)−(Y D=1
b − Y D=0b
)= βa−βb
15Because of the existence of some second-year COGES schools that implemented COGES projectsduring the first-year (always-takers) and some second-year COGES schools implemented COGESprojects during the first-year (always-takers), we also estimated IV models using COGES randomiza-tion as instrument for COGES implementation, which identifies a local average treatment effect (LATE)on the subpopulation of compliers (Imbens and Angrist, 1994). However, the magnitude of impacts isvery similar to the ITT estime so we relegated these results to the appendix.
16Estimating the models separately for the first and second round public goods game data gives thesame overall pattern of results.
15
Table 3: COGES Election and Implementation Effects on PGG (ITT)
Notes: The dependent variable is the amount contributed in the public goods game from an initial stakeof 500 FCFA. Robust standard errors clustered at the school x group level are reported in parentheses.Control variables are age, years of schooling, and indicator variables for male, private school, Islamicschool, school director, teacher, AME member, and APE member. ‡ p<0.01, † p<0.05, * p<0.1.
was a publicly announced fixed ending time of the game, this finding is not necessarily
in conflict with theoretical possibilities such as learning about free-riding or voluntary
contribution arising from an infinitely repeated game (Andreoni, 1988).
As discussed, our results may also be driven by social norms or other-regarding
preferences such as altruism. To address this possibility, in columns (3) and (6) of
Table 3, we add the amount sent in the dictator game as measure of altruism. Although
the dictator game contribution is a strong predictor of public goods game contributions,
the impact estimate of COGES changes very little compared to the baseline specification
in columns (1) and (4).
16
Table 4: COGES Election and Implementation Effects on GSS Questions (ITT)
Election Effect Implementation EffectTrust Fair Help Trust Fair Help
Notes: The dependent variable is the amount contributed in the public goods gamefrom an initial stake of 500 FCFA. Robust standard errors clustered at the school xgroup level are reported in parentheses. Control variables are age, years of schooling,and indicator variables for male, private school, Islamic school, school director, teacher,AME member, and APE member. ‡ p<0.01, † p<0.05, * p<0.1.
3.2 GSS Questions
In Table 4, we estimate ITT impacts on the GSS measures using the same specification
as Equation 2. We find positive implementation effects of COGES on the GSS fair and
GSS help measures with both increasing by 6 percentage points. The COGES demo-
cratic institution seems to be engendering fairer and more community oriented behavior
(e.g., most people are not just looking out for themselves) but not necessarily individual
trust. This is also interesting because only GSS trust and not GSS help or fair predict
PGG contributions. Although a complete theory of how or why this particular institu-
tion affected these different measures of social capital is beyond the current paper, we
report these impact estimates to give a broad characterization of what we think happened
17
Table 5: COGES Impacts on School Inputs (ITT)
Table 9: COGES Impacts on School InputsTuition Textbook Financial School School Meal Functional
Data years 2009-11 2009-10 2009-11 2009-10Estimation DND Reverse OLS DND Reverse OLS
N 523 254 523 254R2 0.22 0.40 0.12 0.08
Notes: ‡ p<0.01, † p<0.05, * p<0.1.
treatment and control. Such a model can be set-up as follows:
Yst = ζ0 +ζ1(1−Ds)+ζ2At +ζ3At(1−Ds)+ust . (4)
The estimation results are displayed in Table 6 in columns (1) and (3). The results
show that COGES generated 2.38 school projects on average and also caused a large
and statistically significant increase in the annual school budget of FCFA 107,042 (ap-
proximately 180 USD), an almost 400% increase in the school budget compared to
second-year COGES schools. In addition to the difference-in-difference model a sim-
ple mean difference between treatment and control in columns (2) and (4) using only
the first-year data delivers similar impact estimates of 3.27 (number of projects) and
110,039 FCFA (project budget). This is intuitive given the randomization. In terms of
interpretation, since all children attending school arguably benefit from improved school
services, these results indicate that COGES improved contributions to public goods not
only in the laboratory setting.
20
3.3.3 Tontine
A final piece of supporting evidence comes from a complementary paper in our re-
search group. Using the same RCT, Todo et al. (2016) find that the COGES project
increased the use of village Tontines, which are rotating savings and credit associations
(ROSCAs) common in Burkina Faso. Because ROSCAs require social capital to self-
select reliable participants and enable mutual monitoring (Armendariz and Morduch,
2010; Zeller, 1998), the results are consistent with the idea that COGES generated real-
world increases in social capital in a broader sense beyond both the laboratory and the
school setting.
4 Conclusion
This paper evaluates the impact of the randomized introduction of a democratic insti-
tution in the form of SBM on social capital in rural Burkina Faso. We found large
impacts on social capital as measured by public goods game contributions and the main
experimental result was complemented by impacts on attitudinal measures of fairness
and help within the communities and on real-world outcomes observed in the schools.
These findings are important in identifying how promoting democratic structures and
community participation in a country with otherwise weak governance (House, 2009)
can improve the local provision of services. A potential implication of these findings
is that SBMs may improve cost recovery by increasing community members’ willing-
ness to contribute to local public goods. This could lead to better fiscal sustainability in
schools in which local stakeholders have more control. More broadly the results speak
to important positive interactions between institutions and social capital and suggests
that some forms of institutions can be successfully externally introduced. Successful
institutions seem not to be those that simply receive money but those that have demo-
cratic mechanisms and that operate through existing social capital networks (Pradhan et
al., 2014), which is consistent with the idea that institutional structures function better
when resources are raised and used with the consent of the governed (Deaton, 2013).
Our findings also add to work that seeks to understand the formation of social capital
21
(Glaeser, 2001) and the impact we found running from institutions to social capital is
consistent with positive feedback loops and multiple equilibria that characterize models
of social capital formation (Bowles and Gintis, 2002). Unfortunately understanding the
cumulative impact of COGES is not possible because of the randomized roll-out and
this is an important limitation of our study because some authors have found only short-
run impacts of community-based interventions (Kremer and Miguel, 2007; Casey et al.,
2012; Casey, 2018). Although our results are consistent with the COGES pilot study
(Sawada and Ishii, 2012) and results from Indonesia (Pradhan et al., 2014), further val-
idation in different contexts is important. JICA has been supporting other COGES-like
projects in West Africa (in Niger from 2004, in Senegal from 2007, and in Mali from
2008) so careful investigation of their effectiveness can generate important evidence on
SBM more generally.
22
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