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Democide:
Nazi Genocide
and Mass Murder By R.J. Rummel
New Brunswick, N.J.:
Transaction Publishers, 1992
Truth always strange--stranger than fiction ----Byron. Don Juan
XIV.ci
CONTENTS
Figures and Tables Preface Acknowledgments
1. 20,946,000 Victims : Nazi Germany 1933 to 1945
2. The Holocaust
3. The Slavs
4. Genocide, Genocide, Genocide
5. "Euthanasia," Politicide, and Mass Murder
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6. Concentration and Death Camps
7. Slave Labor
8. Lethal Professionalism
9. Why?
Appendix: Estimates, Calculations, and Sources
References
Index
TABLES AND FIGURES
TABLES
Table 1.1 . Nazi Democide
Table 1.2 . Nazi Democide Rates
Table 1.3 . Comparison of Nazi Democide to That of Other
Regimes
Table A . Estimates, Calculations, and Sources
FIGURES
Figure 1.1 . Nazi Democide Range
Figure 1.2 . Nazi Democide Compared to That of Others.
PREFACE*
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This book is part of a comprehensive effort begun in 1986 to
determine how much genocide and mass murder--what I call
democide--have occurred in this century and why.
From 1984 to 1985, I did a preliminary and very limited
assessment of democide, arriving at a total of 119,394,000 people
killed by government (now seen as underestimating the toll by
possibly as much as half again).1 In 1988 I received a grant from
the United States Institute of Peace to do a more detailed work on
democide and to further test the theory that democracies were the
least violent of all political systems. I had found this true for
international and domestic war;2 and in the preliminary study I
found this true as well for democide. The proposed study also would
thoroughly test this theory against comparative democide
statistics. If the theory continues to hold true, then the
conclusion would be inescapable that democracy is not only a method
of governance stressing individual freedom and rights, but also an
effective method of nonviolence and conflict resolution. That is,
within the limitations of any predictions based on the past,
democracy would be a path to a warless and least violent world.
The idea was to collect statistics and contextual material on
democide and write them up as chapters for a projected monograph,
one country or case of democide at a time. Once I completed the
case studies I would aggregate their statistics, analyze them, and
draw conclusions. The research started with what I call the
megamurderers, those political regimes that have killed at least
1,000,000 of their own people in cold blood. The first of these was
the Armenian genocide by the Turkish government during World War I.
After I completed research on this, the statistics and description
of the genocide were easy to contain in one chapter.3
However, when I finished research on the next case, the Soviet
Union since 1917, the essential estimates, calculations, and
contextual material were just too much to include in one
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chapter. The Soviets had committed an incredible democide of
61,911,000 citizens and foreigners, and for the reader to
understand this I had to put it all into a book, Lethal Politics:
Soviet Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1917. The same thing was true
of the material I collected on the Chinese warlord, nationalist and
communist democide of 53,879,000 people--another book, China's
Bloody Century: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900..
When I turned to Nazi Germany I was sure that since Nazi
genocide and mass murder was so well known and researched I would
easily be able to confine the essential material on this democide
to a chapter. It didn't work out that way, as this book attests.
The appendix and its table of estimates, calculations, and sources
alone turned out to be longer by far than any appendix tables
included in the books on Soviet or Chinese democide. Also, making
sufficient sense of the different kinds of genocide and other forms
of democide for the interested reader still demanded more space
than that available in a chapter, even though the many popular
historical, descriptive, and fictional accounts of Nazi Germany and
the Holocaust made much background unnecessary. So, again, another
book.
There is another reason for putting this material into a book.
Regardless of all the work done on the Nazi period in Germany, the
histories, the studies of Nazi aggression and occupation policies
and terror during World War II, and the Holocaust, I know of no
systematic accounting of the total number that the Nazis killed in
cold blood.4 There are many studies, of course, that try to
determine the toll among Jews, and there are some that do the same
for Gypsies, Poles, homosexuals, or concentration camp prisoners.
But these have yet to be totalled together, to include, for
example, hostages shot, reprisal murders, forced labor dead, or
those starved to death in intentional famines. The closest to this
is Bohdan Wytwycky's The Other Holocaust: Many Circles of Hell.5 He
pulls together mortality statistics on the number of
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Jews, Gypsies, Poles, Byelorussians, Ukrainians, and Soviet
prisoners to arrive at a figure of 15,450,000 to 16,300,000 lost.6
This figure alone is already huge, even though it omits other
groups killed, including French, Dutch, Greeks, Serbs, and even
Germans themselves.7 Were Wytwycky's study extended to include all
the circles of Hell, we would find that probably 20,946,000 people
were murdered by the Nazis.
Chapter 1 provides an executive summary of this killing. In the
following three chapters I briefly sketch the well-known and
documented Jewish Holocaust, treat more fully the less heard-of
genocide of the Slavs, and outline the least known genocides of the
Gypsies and homosexuals. In Chapter 5 I cover the Nazi's
"euthanasia" program, killing of critics or opponents (politicide),
and mass murder and reprisals in occupied countries. These
substantive chapters describe the who of Nazi democide. The next
two chapters look at two Nazi institutions through which much of
this killing was carried out: the concentration and death camp
system and the massive slave labor program. The two concluding
chapters try to help in understanding all this murder, particularly
the how and why. Finally I present all the estimates, calculations,
and sources in an appendix. The methods and perspective on the
statistics are the same here as my previous books on democide, as
described in their methodological appendices. Since I presented
that in both books, I saw no need to repeat them here. I should,
however, similarly qualify the Nazi totals.
No one knows or can give the precise democide figure. Probably
even that for the Jewish Holocaust is wrong. Experts who have
painfully sifted through the Nazi archives, extensively interviewed
survivors, and taken detailed depositions of witnesses have been
unable to agree among themselves on the final total. In his
thoroughly documented and comprehensive work, Raul Hilberg
concluded that 5,100,000 Jews died;8 based on her detailed
country-by-country analysis Lucy Dawidowicz arrived at a figure of
5,933,900 annihilated.9 Gerald Reitlinger calculated the toll
at
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4,204,400 to 4,575,400 Jews.10 Taking all such studies into
account and making his own calculations for his Atlas of the
Holocaust, Martin Gilbert arrived at a total of just over 5,750,000
deaths.11 In the latest such work, the appendix to the Encyclopedia
of the Holocaust, Israel Gutman and Robert Rozett estimated total
losses at from 5,596,029 to 5,860,129.12
Just among these five thorough studies of the available evidence
and statistics, the variation from the lowest to the highest figure
is 41 percent. This is for a genocide carefully administered by a
regime that was better than most about keeping records and
statistics, whose surviving archives and secrets were completely
available after the Nazi defeat, and about which there has been for
nearly half a century many historians dedicated to uncovering the
truth. If then the estimate of the Jewish Holocaust can vary so
much, we should hardly expect to get the true figure on other
genocides or mass murder; nor, of course, the overall democide.
The statistical problem is clear, if not easily resolvable. It
is how to determine within some range of error the most likely Nazi
democide, given different published estimates, different kinds of
killing, different events, and different time periods. The approach
has to be one of reasonable approximation. This involves
successively narrowing the range of estimates to what a
hypothetical, reasonable analyst would arrive at from the available
information, and then defining within this range a prudent figure
that somewhat reflects the central thrust of the statistics and
historical events.
Thus, I present a low-high democide range, with a probable
mid-range estimate, for all the calculated totals and most
consolidations in appendix table A. The low of a range results from
aggregating all the lows of the various estimates; the high comes
from similarly accumulating the highs. Since it is exceedingly
unlikely that all the lows or highs will be correct,
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this approach gives us a low-high bracketing of the most likely
true democide figure.
As this is apparently a first effort to determine an overall
democide total for the Nazi regime, I have tried to present in the
appendix all the material a researcher might need to judge,
replicate, or build on this study, including presenting, where
needed, the reasoning involved in calculating the various totals. I
hope that this will facilitate and encourage future research on
this incredible democide.
The various chapters describing the genocides and mass murder
are not meant to be historically comprehensive in detail or
outline. Much literature is already available on these events. In
these chapters I only intend to provide sufficient detail and
coverage for the general reader to understand the how, what, and
why of such a statistic as "10,547,000 Slavs murdered," and provide
some examples of the killing that contributes to such totals.
NOTES
* This is a pre-publisher edited version of the "Preface" in
R.J. Rummel's Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder, New
Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992.
1. Rummel (1987, 1988).
2. Rummel (Understanding Conflict and War, "Libertarianism and
International Violence", "Libertarianism, Violence Within States,
and the Polarity Principle", "Libertarian Propositions on Violence
Within and Between Nations: A Test Against Published Research
Results").
3. I will include this in my Death By Government (1994), which
will pull all this together and present the analysis.
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4. From his own research on genocide, including that in the
German literature, Professor Manfred Henningsen of the University
of Hawaii has also found this true (personal communication). He
checked at The Institut fr. Zeitgeschichte in Munich and could find
no reference there, nor did the librarian know of any work on the
overall number of people killed by the Nazis.
5. Wytwycky (1980).
6. Ibid., pp. 91-92.
7. For a regime so thoroughly studied, on which the horror of
genocide has become so indelibly written, it is indeed remarkable
that no work on its overall democide has been done. The reason for
this scholarly hole is worthy of a study in itself. Perhaps this is
a reflection of the postwar loss of memory in Germany and among
Western elites over this democide and refusal to recognize the
historical failure to stop it. On postwar Germany, see Henningsen
(1988, 1989).
8. Hilberg (1961, p. 767).
9. Dawidowicz (1975, p. 403).
10. Reitlinger (1968, p. 546).
11. Gilbert (1982, p. 245).
12. Gutman and Rozett (1990, p. 1799).
For citations see the Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder
REFERENCES
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am indebted to the United States Institute of Peace for a
grant to my project on comparative genocide, of which this book is
a part. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not
necessarily reflect those of the Institute of its officers.
I also wish to thank Manifred Henningsen for his thorough
reading and helpful comments on the draft manuscript; and George
Kent and Douglas Bond for their critiques of certain chapters. I
owe many thanks to my wife Grace for her honesty, comfort, and
thorough editing. I must add that I alone am responsible for what
follows.
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Chapter 1
20,946,000 Victims:
Nazi Germany
1933 To 1945*
By R.J. Rummel
Hitler told Himmler that it was not enough for the Jews simply
to die; they must die in agony. What was the best way to prolong
their agony? Himmler turned the problem over to his advisers, who
concluded that a slow, agonizing death could be brought about by
placing Jewish prisoners in freight cars in which the floors were
coated with...quicklime...which produced excruciating burns. The
advisers estimated that it would take four days for the prisoners
to die, and for that whole time the freight cars could be left
standing on some forgotten siding.... Finally it was decided that
the freight cars should be used in addition to the extermination
camps. ----Robert Payne, The Life and Death of Adolf Hitler
By genocide, the murder of hostages, reprisal raids, forced
labor, "euthanasia," starvation, exposure, medical experiments, and
terror bombing, and in the concentration and death camps, the Nazis
murdered from 15,003,000 to 31,595,000 people, most likely
20,946,000 men, women, handicapped, aged, sick, prisoners of war,
forced laborers, camp inmates, critics, homosexuals, Jews,
Slavs,
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Serbs, Germans, Czechs, Italians, Poles, French, Ukrainians, and
many others. Among them 1,000,000 were children under eighteen
years of age.1 And none of these monstrous figures even include
civilian and military combat or war-deaths.
Figure 1.1 presents the range in this democide--genocide and
mass murder--and the most probable figure; table 1.1 subdivides the
democide in various ways, sorts them, and compares this democide to
the war-dead for
Germany and other European nations. The table first lists the
various major genocides carried out by the Nazis and the numbers
likely murdered: 16,315,000 victims overall. Then is shown the
11,283,000 people the Nazis killed through institutional practices,
such as forced "euthanasia," forced labor, and the processing of
prisoners of war; or in Nazi institutions, particularly prisoner of
war and concentration or death camps. Much of this
institutionalized killing was pursuant to one Nazi democide program
or another, and the totals therefore overlap with those for
genocide. Finally, the table lists those occupied nations that
suffered democide. Clearly the Soviet Union and then Poland endured
the most.
Shown at the bottom of the table is the number of civilians and
military killed in the war, presumably exclusive of democide.2 In
total, the war killed 28,736,000 Europeans, a fantastic number. But
the democide of Hitler alone adds 20,946,000 more. Were Stalin's
democide during the war of 13,053,000 people3 to be included, the
number of people murdered by just the Nazis and Soviets alone would
exceed the total European war-dead.
When we think of Nazi killing, genocide immediately comes to
mind, particularly that of "6,000,00 Jews." But they also murdered
for reasons other than race or religion. For one, the Nazis slew
those who opposed or hindered them, whether actually or
potentially. This was why Hitler assassinated hundreds of top Nazi
SA's (Sturmabteilung)4 in June and July 1934, who under Ernst Rohm
were becoming a strong competitor to the SS (Schutzstaffel); or
executed perhaps 5,000 Germans after the 1944 plot on his life and
attempted coup d'etat. Indeed, it is why critics, pacifists,
conscientious objectors, campus
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rebels, dissidents, and others throughout the twelve-year
history of the regime in Germany, were executed, disappeared, or
slowly died in concentration camps. The Nazis thus killed some
288,000 Germans, not counting Jews, homosexuals, and those forcibly
"euthanized." If these are included, then the Nazis murdered at
least 498,000 Germans, probably 762,000. As shown in table 1.2,
this was one out of every hundred Germans.
If one includes the 5,200,000 German civilian and military
war-dead, the average German's likelihood of dying from the regime
was slightly better than one out of eleven--extremely low odds for
a life.
As high as this human cost of the Nazis was for the Germans, it
was higher for the countries they invaded and occupied,
particularly in the East. Not only did the Nazis eliminate actual
critics and opponents as a matter of course, but they also
prevented any serious potential opposition by simply exterminating
the top leadership, intellectuals, and professionals. Besides Jews,
the Germans murdered near 2,400,000 Poles, 3,000,000 Ukrainians,
1,593,000 Russians, and 1,400,000 Byelorussians, many of these
among the best and the brightest men and women. The Nazis killed in
cold blood nearly one out of every six Polish or Soviet citizens,
including Jews, under their rule.
Moreover, the Nazis murdered as an administrative device. They
used terror and mass reprisals to maintain their control, prevent
sabotage, and safeguard their soldiers. For the partisans or
underground to kill a German soldier could mean that the Nazis
would round up and execute all the men in a nearby village, burn
the village to the ground, and send all the women and children off
to concentration camps. In retaliation for sabotage, they would
shoot dozens and even hundreds of hostages.
In some occupied areas in which the Nazis had to contend with
well organized and active guerrilla units, they applied a simple
rule: they would massacre one hundred nearby civilians for every
German soldier killed; fifty for every one wounded. Often this was
a minimum that might be doubled or tripled. They thus killed vast
numbers of innocent peasants and townsfolk, possibly as many as
8,000 in Kraguyevats,5
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1,755 in Kraljevo,6 and overall 80,000 in Jajinci,7 to name just
in a few places in Yugoslavia alone. Most executions were small in
number, but day by day they added up. From an official German war
diary: 16 December 1942, "In Belgrade, 8 arrests, 60 Mihailovich
[the guerrilla Chetnik leader] supporters shot;" 27 December, "In
Belgrade, 11 arrests, 250 Mihailovich supporters shot as
retaliation."8 A German placard from Belgrade announced that the
Nazis shot fifty hostages in retaliation for the dynamiting of a
bridge. On 25 May 1943 the Nazis shot 150 hostages in Kraljevo; in
October they shot 150 hostages in Belgrade;9 fifty hostages in
Belgrade in August 1943;10 150 Serbs at Cacak in October;11 and so
on. In Greece, as another example, the Nazis may have burned and
destroyed as many as 1,600 villages each with populations of 500 to
1,000 people,12 no doubt massacring many of the inhabitants
beforehand. Overall, the Nazis thus slaughtered hundreds of
thousands in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Greece, and France; and
millions overall in Poland and the Soviet Union.
But many other regimes have also killed opponents and critics,
or used reprisals to maintain power. What distinguished the Nazis
above virtually all others was their staggering genocide: people
were machine gunned in batches, shot in the head at the edge of
trenches, burned alive while crowded into churches, gassed in vans
or fake shower rooms, starved or frozen to death, worked to death
in camps, or beaten or tortured to death simply because of their
race, religion, handicap, or sexual preference.
Most Nazis were absolute racists, especially among the top
echelon; they believed utterly in the superiority of the "Aryan"
race. They had no doubt that they were the pinnacle of racial
evolution, that eugenically they were the best. So science proved,
as many German and non-German scientists told them. And therefore
they could not allow inferior groups to pollute their racial
strain. Inferior races were like diseased appendixes that had to be
surgically removed for the health of the body. Therefore they must
exterminate the Jew and Gypsy. So also must they liquidate the
homosexual and handicapped. So eventually they must also eliminate
the Slavs, after exploiting their slave labor. Slavs were not only
biologically inferior, but also inhabited
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territory that Germany needed for the superior race to expand
and grow.
But then the Nazi program ran into the problem of numbers.
Exterminating millions of Jews would be hard enough. But the Slavs
numbered in the tens of millions. Therefore they envisioned a
two-part approach: reduce their number through execution,
starvation, and disease. And then after the war that the Nazis
would of course win, deport the remaining 30,000,000 or 40,000,000
Slavs to Siberia.
These genocides cost the lives of probably 16,315,000 people.
Most likely the Nazis wiped out 5,291,000 Jews, 258,000 Gypsies,
10,547,000 Slavs, and 220,000 homosexuals. They also "euthanized"
173,500 handicapped Germans. Then in repression, terrorism,
reprisals, and other cold-blooded killings done to impose and
maintain their rule throughout Europe, the Nazis murdered more
millions including French, Dutch, Serbs, Slovenes, Czechs, and
others. In total, they likely annihilated 20,946,000 human
beings.
Annually, as shown in table 1.2, the Nazis killed six to seven
people out of every hundred in occupied Europe. The odds of a
European dying under Nazi occupation were about one in fifteen.13
As table 1.2 points out, this is twice the odds of an American
dying from one of the nine worst diseases, specifically stroke,
heart disease, diabetes, chronic obstructive lung disease, lung
cancer, breast cancer, cervical cancer, colorectal cancer, and
liver disease.14
Moreover, even though the Nazis hardly matched the democide of
the Soviets and Communist Chinese as shown in table 1.3 , they
proportionally killed more. Figure 1.2 illustrates this. The annual
odds of being killed by the Nazis during their occupation were
almost two-and-a-half times that of Soviet citizens being slain by
their government since1917; over nine times that for Chinese living
in Communist China after 1949. In competition for who can murder
proportionally the most human beings, the Japanese militarists come
closest. The annual odds of being killed by the Japanese during
their occupation of China, Korea, Indonesia, Burma, Indochina, and
elsewhere in Asia was one in 101. Given the years and population
available to this gang of
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megamurderers, the Nazis have been the most lethal murderers;
and Japanese militarists next deadliest. �
NOTES
* From Chapter 1 in R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and
Mass Murder, 1993. For full reference this book, the list of its
contents, and the text of its preface, click book.
1. Feig (1990, p. 174).
2. According to the source, the civilian component of World War
II deaths given in table 1.1 resulted "directly from the war . . .
and war-borne epidemics" (Wright, 1965, p. 1543).
3. Rummel (1990, Chapter 7).
4. This was a private, quasi-military organization of storm
troopers that Hitler began to organize as his private army in 1921,
long before he came to power.
5. Seton-Watson (1961, pp. 120-21).
6. Browning (1990, p. 70).
7. Martin (1978, p. 48).
8. Quoted in ibid., p. 47.
9. Ibid., pp. 47-48.
10. Ibid., p. 70.
11. Ibid., p. 78.
12. Macksey (1975, p. 158).
13. I am trying to express these odds in the most understandable
way. Technically, since the probability of a European dying from
Nazi
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occupation is .065 and that of surviving is .935, then the odds
of dying are 65 to 935, or 1 to 14.38; the odds of surviving are
14.38 to 1. The 1 in 15 shown in the table is simply determined
from the finding that 6.5 people died out of every 100, or 1 in
15.38.
14. As reported in a study by the national Centers for Disease
Control, 427 Americans out of every 100,000 died from these nine
diseases in 1986 (Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 28 November 1990, p.
1).
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NOTES
* For the list of this book's contents, and the text of its
preface, click note [3]