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Slide 1
DECLINE OF PORT INDUSTRIAL ECONOMY OF HUGLI RIVER BELT
Slide 2
INTRODUCTION The Hooghly River is an approximately 260
kilometers long distributary of the Ganges River in West Bengal,
India. It splits from the Ganges as a canal in Murshidabad District
at the Farakka Barrage. The town of Hugli- Chinsura, is located on
the river, in the Hooghly. The Farakka Barrage is a dam that
diverts water of the Ganges. It supplies the Hooghly with adequate
water even in the dry season. It parallels the Ganges. The river
takes its own course just south of Jahangirpur. The river then
flows south past Katwa, Navadwip and Kalna. It flows past
Halisahar, Chunchura, Konnagar, and Kamarhati. Then just before
entering the twin cities of Kolkata and Howrah, it turns to the
southwest. At Nurpur it enters an old channel of the Ganges and
empty into the Bay of Bengal. Two of its well known tributaries are
Damodar and Rupnarayan.
Slide 3
HISTORY The river was an important transportation channel in
the early history of Bengal and later it became one of the major
colonial trading ports. The river's presence is one of the reasons
chosen by the British to settle there at Calcutta. In 1974, the
Farakka Barrage began diverting water into the Hooghly during the
dry season so as to reduce the silting difficulties at Kolkata's
port.
Slide 4
KOLKATA PORT Kolkata Port was set up by the British East India
Company after the company received trading rights from the Mughal
emperor Aurangzeb. It is a riverine port, located around 126 miles
from the sea. It is the oldest operating port in India constructed
by the British East India Company. The Port has two distinct dock
systems - Kolkata Docks at Kolkata and a deep water dock at Haldia
Dock Complex, Haldia. In the 19th century Kolkata Port was the
premier port in British India. After independence its importance
decreased because of factors including the Partition of Bengal,
reduction in size of the port hinterland and economic stagnation in
eastern India. It has a vast hinterland comprising the entire
Eastern India and two landlocked neighboring countries of Nepal and
Bhutan. With the turn of the century the volume of throughput has
again started increasing steadily.
Slide 5
IMPORTANCE OF KOLKATA PORT The growth of the City of Calcutta
is linked to the growth of the Port of Calcutta. The Port of
Calcutta had always lagged behind the economic demands that
propelled the growth of the city. The hinterland of Calcutta opened
up for coal mining. tea plantations. production of jute as a cash
crop and railroads. The postal and telegraph services were
functioning to facilitate speedy decision making by the merchants.
The merchants had come to operate the jute textile industries that
were springing up along the bank of the Bhagirathi river. Raw jute
came from eastern Bengal in country boats or on flats pulled by
steamers and was unloaded at the individual jetties constructed by
these mills without the help of the Port of Calcutta. The same was
happening with tea from northeast unloaded at the Armenian jetty
constructed by the tea exporters. In addition, industrial
revolution in England promoted exports of cotton textiles and other
manufactures to Assam, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and
Bengal through the Port of Calcutta.
Slide 6
KOLKATA PORT
Slide 7
Slide 8
MANUFACTURING SECTOR IN WEST BENGAL In 1960, West Bengal was
one of the 3 richest states in India. And it owed this wealth to
the social and physical infrastructure that came with Calcuttas
past as the long standing capital of the British Empire which
helped it develop a strong manufacturing tradition. In the mid
1960s, when West Bengal started losing its prominence in the
industrial scenario of India. The state witnessed two spells of
left-dominated coalition government in 1967 and 1969 and
experienced labour militancy on a grand scale and after five years
of non-leftist government which included the period of emergency
during 1975 to 1977 West Bengal, witnessed the return of the
leftists in 1977, continuing, uninterrupted, till May, 2011. During
the period from 1960s to the 1990s, the state witnessed a steady
decline of the manufacturing sector evident from its insignificant
contribution to the GSDP. Some resurgence though has been witnessed
in this sector since the year 2000. Economic reforms and
competition among states to attract investments have led to renewed
interest of business groups in investing in West Bengal. The
revival in interest is evident from the trend in Index of
Industrial Production (IIP).
Slide 9
STRUCTURE OF NATIONAL AND STATE PRODUCTS YearShare of
Agriculture (%) Share of Manufacturing (%) Share of Unorganized
Sector in Manufacturing (%) WBINDIAWBINDIAWBINDIA 198081
283721154245 199091 283018164538 200001 272413146138 200304
232211146536
Slide 10
THE ECONOMICS OF CONTROL AND THE POLITICS OF ENTITLEMENT This
phase is important from a political theory perspective for a couple
of reasons, however from a political development perspective, the
year 1967 is most important this year experienced an apparent
breakdown of the institutional framework within which the various
organizations were expected to operate. The state of West Bengal
ushered in a new era when a non-Congress ministry dominated by the
Left, came to power. From 1967 to the present day, the political
history of West Bengal appears to be a story of polarization
between the Left and non-Left forces with the non- Left becoming
marginalized, while the Left has given up its militant strategies
of the 1960s and the 1970s and embraced a policy which could be
described as orientated to the Realist Left. West Bengal had the
eminent position in the industrial map of India at the time of
independence, West Bengal had about 20 per cent of Indian industry
at the time of independence with about a 10 per cent share of
population. From this position of great eminence, it is well-known
now that West Bengals industrial sector declined in importance over
a long period of time.
Slide 11
THE ECONOMICS OF CONTROL AND THE POLITICS OF ENTITLEMENT The
Types of Industries in West Bengal, 19611975 IndustriesNumber of
Industries 196119651967197019721975 Tea 282288265276272265 Cotton
78140164182250241 Jute 888481767374 Chemical 221275272280318334
Iron and Steel 556654 Engineering 166124212586254426032587 Total
213532133374336435213505
Slide 12
TRADE UNION BEHAVIOUR Now turn to the labour issues. How far
can the vulnerable workforce be a factor in determining the
non-performance of large-scale industry giving way to the
unorganized sector? Recent research highlights that the use of
contract labour is increasing in organized manufacturing sector. In
the context of uncertain market conditions, management find it
increasingly easier to adjust their production plans by retaining a
small core of permanent workers alongside a large number of
contract workers under highly flexible conditions of work and lower
wage- cost. Some of the workers of the older firms surveyed
maintained that the practice of not filling up of the permanent
workers positions in the organized manufacturing units started
since the early 1980s. Moreover, frequent declaration of lockouts
in different sectors, mainly jute, led to the absolute decline in
the organized workforce in the state.
Slide 13
STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS IN FACTORIES IN THE STATE OF WEST BENGAL,
19651975 Nature of Industrial Disputes Numbers
196519671969197019711975 Strikes 179N.A 678N.A111 Lockouts 49N.A
128N.A166 Total 228N.A 806N.A277
Slide 14
THE ERA OF ECONOMIC UNCERTAINTY The choice of the years of
19771991 somewhat deliberate, being the period right after the
imposition of an emergency in India. It may be described as an era
of uncertainty for the business community in West Bengal, the
apparent reasons being as follows: first, the right to property: as
described in the Constitution of India as portrayed in the chapter
on Fundamental Rights through the Constitution (forty-fourth)
Amendment Act, 1978; an undoubtedly significant change. Second,
this constitutional change might have appeared to be more
significant in the context of West Bengal as the Left Front became
a politically significant factor at the central level. Third, the
massive majority which the Left Front secured in the four elections
during this period made it politically difficult for any ruling
party at the centre to bring any charges relating to the breakdown
of the constitutional machinery in the state. Fourth, industry
appears in List I of the Seventh Schedule, which is essentially
within the jurisdiction of the state, and given the past record of
militancy, alongside the ideological commitment of the Left, it
should not be considered unusual for investors to shy away.
Slide 15
THE ERA OF ECONOMIC UNCERTAINTY The Left showed is dealing with
question of uncertainty. An interesting phenomenon of this agrarian
reform was that it resulted in expansion of non-agricultural
activities and a substantial growth of small scale unorganized
sector manufacturing and service activity in rural areas of West
Bengal. Left has identified two different approaches to study
institutional dynamics in rational choice institutionalism and
sociological institutionalism: where the former emphasizes rational
strategy on the part of the actors to deal with the institutional
structure, the latter highlights, amongst other agent structure
relations.
Slide 16
PERFORMANCE OF INDUSTRY The 1980s were a period of industrial
decline. During this period industrial growth rate was also low.
Public enterprises of the state started to decline in the mid 1980s
which results in general stagnation. The picture becomes more
pronounced by the growth rates of employment in the organized
industries. In the 1990s, the growth rate of the formal industrial
sector remain low, but the unorganized manufacturing sector
experience a spectacular growth. There was a substantial increase
in the informal sector manufacturing units.
Slide 17
SHARE OF WEST BENGAL IN INDIA FOR ORGANISED INDUSTRIES
YEARPERCENTAGE SHARE 1980-8111.53 1981-8210.17 1982-839.86
1983-848.34 1984-858.42 1985-868.94 1986-879.27 1987-886.97
1988-897.12 1989-905.79
Slide 18
THE ECONOMICS AND POLITICS OF REFORM This phase is
qualitatively different because the government of India started its
much acclaimed economic reform in 1991, the main message was to
encourage market economy to work more prominently in the economy
which was under the dictates of economic planning for about forty
years. One of the major segments of this reform was the revamped
Industrial Policy Statement of the Indian government in July 1991.
This policy is important to our discussion as it removed the need
for industrial licensing for most of the large industries. So in
quick succession, the government of India took away two major
points of criticism from the government of West Bengal and despite
initial rhetoric against the new industrial policy, which allowed
the investors free choice and allowed foreign companies to Indian
soil more easily.
Slide 19
THE ECONOMICS AND POLITICS OF REFORM From the political angle,
in this phase the politics of reform tends to introduce a new phase
of state business relationships in West Bengal. This period has two
different features: first, the government of India changed its
vacillating attitude and embraced the policies of liberalization,
privatization and globalization. The government of West Bengal
realized that West Bengal, which was at one point of time was the
front ranking industrial state, had slipped much behind and in 1985
it had been contributing only 8 per cent of the total industrial
output of the country. The government also realized that the
withdrawal of the state from its welfare activities might have
serious consequences for its pro-poor policy; it was in this
context that the Left Front Government adopted an industrial policy
in 1994. Secondly, India had entered into an era of coalition
politics; the Left continued to play an important political role
either as an opposition or as an ally of the ruling party at the
centre.
Slide 20
FLUVIAL PROCESSES IN THE HUGLI ESTUARY The fluvial processes
operating the in the Hugli estuary is extremely complex. In this
funnel shaped and north-south aligned estuary, the tide dominates
over the diminishing headwater supply even during the peak of
monsoon. The Hugli estuary is unique in nature compared to many
other outlets of the Ganga. It is the only river that reaches the
sea in a southerly direction while all others flow in a
south-easterly direction. The Bhagirathi-Hugli river has a
catchment area an covering about 55617 sq.km and that is drained by
seven major tributaries namely, Pagla, Bansloi, Mayurakshi, Ajoy,
Damodar, Rupnarayan, Haldi, Jalangi and Churni. The lower 281 km.
of river is tidal while the upper 221 km. remains perennial during
lean months mainly by the induced water of the Ganga- Bhagirathi
feeder canal.
Slide 21
HOOGHLY DISTRICT
Slide 22
HOOGHLY RIVER
Slide 23
RESUSCITATE THE DYING BHAGIRATHI CHANNEL The difficult and
dangerous state of navigation in the Hugli estuary was a matter of
deep anxiety of the British, as the navigation was intimately
related to colonial exploitation. In fact, decay of the Bhagirathi-
Hugli river started long before the establishment of Kolkata port.
The construction of barrage across the Ganga and diversion of water
towards the Bhagirathi was first suggested by Sir Arthur Cotton as
far back as in 1853. The proposal to resuscitate the port of
Kolkata was shelved till the independence when the National
Government paid heed on the proposal. In 1957, Government of India
invited Dr. W. Hensen to explore the causes of decay of the Hugli
river and to suggest remedial measures. The construction of Farakka
barrage was started in 1962 and was completed in 1971. The
excavation of the 38km.long feeder canal took about four years and
the project was commissioned on the 21st.May, 1975.
Slide 24
FLUVIAL CAUSES OF DECLINE The water resource engineering in
India during the post-independent era was largely dedicated towards
the expansion of irrigation to ensure the food security. The
irrigation was the prime objective of 96% of 4291 dams built in
India. The Farakka Barrage does not belong to this category and is
unique in status even in the world. It was built with the pious
intension of inducing water into the Hugli river with a view to
flush the sediment load into the deeper part of estuary and
resuscitate the navigational status of the Kolkata port. No other
river-valley project of the world is comparable to the Farakka
Barrage Project in respect of its objective that was based on
arithmetic hydrology without any regard to multi-dimensional
fluvial dynamics of the river. The sediment movement in tidal
estuary of the Hugli is the function of a complex fluvial system
that can hardly be governed by inducing 40000 cusec of water. The
south flowing peak discharge in the Hugli even during monsoon
hardly exceeds 4246 cumec only. This poses most serious constraints
for silt management in the estuary.
Slide 25
SILT MANAGEMENT While constructing barrage across Ganga at
Farakka and even during the last three decades of its operation,
the silt-management in the Farakka pond was given no attention. It
was largely the silt that has been trapped upstream of the barrage
and that caused the disastrous consequences. The river bed upstream
of the barrage is now so clogged with sediment that even a country
boat can not negotiate freely during lean months. The river has
been gnawing its left bank to open a new outlet outflanking the
Farakka Barrage. The Geo-political scenario of the subcontinent has
so changed since 1971 that operation of Farakka Barrage does not
find a smooth passage. Nor the recommended discharge of 1132 cumec
is induced for the port of Kolkata that continues to face the
problem of navigational hazards. The lean season induced discharge
in the river was below the threshold limit fixed for the
maintenance of the navigability of the port of Kolkata. The
catchment area of the Ganga has been drastically modified during
last five decades.
Slide 26
SILT MANAGEMENT The induced water through Ganga-Bhagirathi
feeder canal was supposed to flush the sediment load from the
estuary and keep the navigation channel free from siltation. But
the objective was proved a myth as sedimentation in the estuary
continues unabated. It is admitted in the published document of the
Kolkata Port Trust that induced discharge from Farakka Barrage has
had not been able to negate the estuarine sedimentation. The annual
quantum of dredging has increased from 6.40m.m3 during pre-farakka
days to 13.24m.m3 during post-farakka days. This has further been
increased to 21.18m.m3 per annum during 1999-2003.
Slide 27
Slide 28
SHARING OF THE GANGES WATERS It is a long-standing issue
between India and Bangladesh over the appropriate allocation and
development of the water resources of the Ganges River that flows
from northern India into Bangladesh. The issue has remained a
subject of conflict for almost 35 years, with several bilateral
agreements and rounds of talks failing to produce results. The
treaty established a 30-year water-sharing arrangement and
recognized Bangladesh's rights as a lower-level riparian. The ex
Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Bangladesh's founding
leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed the wide-ranging
Indo-Bangladeshi Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Peace on
March 19, 1972; as per the treaty, the two nations established a
Joint River Commission to work for the common interests and sharing
of water resources, irrigation, floods and cyclones control.
Slide 29
FARAKKA BARRAGE The Farakka Barrage is a dam on the Bhagirathi
river located in the Indian state of West Bengal. India uses it to
control the flow of the Ganges river. The dam was built to divert
the Ganges River water into the Hooghly River during the dry
season, from January to June, in order to flush out the
accumulating silt which in the 1950s and 1960s was a problem at the
Kolkata Port on the Hooghly River. Bangladesh claims that its
rivers were drying up because of excess drawing of water by India.
In May 1974 a joint declaration was issued to resolve the
watersharing issue before the Farakka Barrage began operation. This
was followed by an interim agreement in 1975 to allow India to
operate feeder canals of the barrage for short periods. However,
India withdrew from the process of negotiations by September 1976
as both nations grew apart after the killing of Sheikh Mujib and
establishment of military rule. Bangladesh protested India's
unilateral action at a summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and
at the 31st session of the U.N. General Assembly. At the urging of
other nations and the U.N., both India and Bangladesh agreed to
resume dialogue, but with no results.
Slide 30
THE DRAINAGE MAP AROUND FARAKKA BARRAGE
Slide 31
NAVIGABILITY OF THE PORT Calcutta Port Trust acquired the
largest fleet of dredging vessels to maintain the channel to meet
the increasing drafts of the incoming vessels. The length of these
ships also increased to meet the economic needs of shipping charges
for transports of merchandise in increasing bulks. The sharp bends
increasingly made it difficult for the long haul ships to
negotiate. The same rationale led to the creation of a modem dock
complex at Haldia. Further shift of port facilities at further
downstream locations are being explored. The Sagar Roads is being
contemplated as the location to set up the facilities for a modern
port. This shifting is unavoidable, because neither the dredgers
nor diversion of water from the Ganges through the Farakka Barrage
are seen quite adequate to keep the section of the channel upstream
of Sagar Island suitable for the modern ships to negotiate.
Slide 32
NAVIGABILITY OF THE PORT The river is suffering from reducing
draft, the economy of the hinterland of the Port of Calcutta has
also declined. But the counter argument is that India needs
increasing trading ties with the overseas countries. But no other
port exists on the eastern coast of India that can match the
natural advantage of Calcutta. The Ganges and the Brahmaputra
valleys can be most easily accessed from Calcutta. There is also no
reason to believe that economy of Eastern India will never revive.
Granting the claim that a modem port must unavoidably come up at
the Sagar Island, It would only be a further extension of the
Calcutta Port Complex along the river. What remains to be seen is
how the Hooghly River Port Complex that has emerged through
historical processes meet this challenge. To keep all the port
installation active by using one seaway that demands cautious
guidance from pilots and concerted dredging of continual deposition
of silt will certainly need centralized control. But the distance
between these individual installations and the specialized nature
of their designed functions would need decentralized decision
making.
Slide 33
NAVIGABILITY OF THE PORT How the Port Complex of Calcutta
balances these two types of managerial culture would be an
interesting point for debate. Haldia Port Complex was necessary for
two specific reasons. One was the declining draft in the river. The
other appeared as a compulsion if Calcutta Port wished to continue
participating in the overseas trade. The change came the shape of
preference for bulk cargo handling. It reduced the need for labour
deployment in preference for ever increasing mechanization of cargo
handling practices. The Haldia port was designed for this purpose.
It could handle coal, iron ore. The coal berths in Kidderpore Dock
became defunct. The petroleum refinery at Haldia gave a fillip to
import of crude petroleum. The same installation could also be used
for increased import of downstream products of petroleum. Although
the prospect of bulk export of iron-ore from Haldia did not
materialize, the gears installed for this purpose were quickly
modified to deal with bulk handling of coal. Similarly the failed
move for fertilizer production was compensated by bulk import of
coking coal. Each one of these items of merchandise needed plants
and machineries of the kind that was not available in the earlier
laid complexes of the Port of Calcutta. In all such areas, the
technological differences enforced division of labour between the
Haldia and the old complex at Calcutta. But in the area of
containerized traffic, the need for similar division of jobs and
responsibilities did not happen easily.
Slide 34
GEOMORPHIC PROCESSES OF BANK FAILURE The deltaic rivers have
the tendency to oscillate with wide limit. The swatch of meander
sweep is proportional to the discharge flowing through of the
river. The principal river also throws off distributaries to
facilitate delta-building operation. The distributaries may be
alternately rejuvenated and decayed with the passage of time. In an
uncontrolled situation, the rivers enjoy the opportunity of free
swing. But in this densely populated part of the World, the human
intervention exerts immense influence on the river system and
interrupts its natural behaviour. The Ganga system in West Bengal
has some unique characteristics in respect of its fluctuating
discharge, sediment load, tidal intrusion in the lower reach, role
of western tributaries, diminishing slope of the thalweg,
reversible hydraulic gradient with high and low tide and
neotectonic of the delta. The various river training works exert
large influence on the fluvial dynamics of the delta. The
flood-control embankments, bank revetment with boulders,
construction of the spurs to deflect the impinging current,
enormous exploitation of the ground water causing interrupt the
fluvial dynamic of the delta.