Daoism in the Twentieth Century

Edited by David A. Palmer and Xun Liu
Published in association with the University of California Press
“This pioneering work not only explores the ways in
which Daoism was able to adapt and reinvent itself
during China’s modern era, but sheds new light on
how Daoism helped structure the development of
Chinese religious culture. The authors also demon-
strate Daoism’s role as a world religion, particularly in terms of emigration and
identity. The book’s sophisticated approach transcends previous debates over
how to define the term ‘Daoism,’ and should help inspire a new wave of research
on Chinese religious movements.” PAUL R. KATZ, Academia Sinica, Taiwan
In Daoism in the Twentieth Century an interdisciplinary group of scholars ex-
plores the social history and anthropology of Daoism from the late nineteenth
century to the present, focusing on the evolution of traditional forms of practice
and community, as well as modern reforms and reinventions both within China
and on the global stage. Essays investigate ritual specialists, body cultivation
and meditation traditions, monasticism, new religious movements, state-spon-
sored institutionalization, and transnational networks.
DAVID A. PALMER is a professor of sociology at Hong Kong University. XUN LIU is a profes-
sor of history at Rutgers University
CONTRIBUTORS: Kenneth Dean, Fan Guangchun, Vincent Goossaert, Adeline Herrou, Lai
Chi-tim, Lee Fongmao, Xun Liu, Lü Xichen, David A. Palmer, Kristofer Schipper, Elijah
Siegler, Yang Der-ruey
Daoism in the Twentieth Century
New Perspectives on Chinese Culture and Society
A series sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies and made possible through a grant from the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange
1. Joan Judge and Hu Ying, eds., Beyond Exemplar Tales: Women’s Biography in Chinese History
2. David A. Palmer and Xun Liu, eds., Daoism in the Twentieth Century: Between Eternity and Modernity
Daoism in the Twentieth Century Between Eternity and Modernity
Edited by
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Acknowledgments vii
Introduction: The Daoist Encounter with Modernity 1
David A. PALMER and Xun LIU
part I. Daoist Clerics and Temples in Changing
Sociopolitical Contexts
1. Zhengyi Daoist Masters in the Pearl River Delta: Ruptures and Continuities in the Transmission of Tradition 23
LAI Chi-tim
2. Revolution of Temporality: The Modern Schooling of Daoist Priests in Shanghai at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century 47
YANG Der-ruey
3. Daoist Monasticism at the Turn of the Twenty- First Century: An Ethnography of a Quanzhen Community in Shaanxi Province 82
Adeline HERROU
4. Urban Daoism, Commodity Markets, and Tourism: The Restoration of the Xi’an City God Temple 108
FAN Guangchun
Self-Cultivation Traditions
5. Daoists in the Modern Chinese Self-Cultivation Market: The Case of Beijing, 1850–1949 123
Vincent GOOSSAERT
6. Scientizing the Body for the Nation: Chen Yingning and the Reinvention of Daoist Inner Alchemy in 1930s Shanghai 154
Xun LIU
7. Dao and Nation: Li Yujie—May Fourth Activist, Daoist Cultivator, and Redemptive Society Patriarch in Mainland China and Taiwan 173
David A. PALMER
8. Transmission and Innovation: The Modernization of Daoist Inner Alchemy in Postwar Taiwan 196
LEE Fongmao
9. Yuanjidao: From Daoist Lineage to Prisoner Reform in Post-Mao China 228
LÜ Xichen
10. Daoism, Local Religious Movements, and Transnational Chinese Society: The Circulation of Daoist Priests, Three-in-One Self-Cultivators, and Spirit Mediums between Fujian and Southeast Asia 251
Kenneth DEAN
11. Daoism beyond Modernity: The “Healing Tao” as Postmodern Movement 274
Elijah SIEGLER
Notes 293
Bibliography 327
Contributors 359
Index 361
vii
Acknowledgments
This book has its origins in a conference held June 13–15, 2006, co- sponsored by the Harvard Fairbank Center for East Asian Research and the École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO), with financial support from the American Council of Learned Societies /Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation, as well as the Library of the Western Belvedere of Fuzhou University, which brought together scholars from three continents working in the fields of Sinology, Daoist studies, modern Chinese history, the sociology and anthropology of Chinese religion, and religious studies. We would like to thank all those who made the conference a success: Franciscus Verellen and Wilt Idema, who as directors of the EFEO and of the Fairbank Center, respectively, enthusiastically supported our plan. Kristofer Schipper and Peter van der Veer gave inspiring keynote speeches. The following scholars, as paper or film presenters or as discussants, made invaluable contributions to the discussions, either during our preparatory meeting held in 2005 or during the conference itself: Alain Arrault, Adam Chau, Prasenjit Duara, Patrice Fava, Gai Jianming, Paul Katz, Livia Kohn, Li Dahua, Li Yuanguo, Liu Zhongyu, Rebecca Nedostup, Michael Puett, Elena Valussi, Wang Ka, Robert Weller, Mayfair Yang, and Everett Zhang. We also would like to express our gratitude to the two anonymous reviewers of this manuscript for their valuable suggestions. Our thanks also go to Ron Suleski and the staff of the Fairbank Center for their logistical support, to Dr. Stephen Wheatley of the ACLS for its funding support for both the initial confer- ence and the publication of the present volume, to Michele Wong, who compiled and edited the bibliography and the glossary, and to Vito Yu, who prepared the index. And we are most grateful to Nathan MacBrien of the Institute of International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley,
viii / Acknowledgments
for his careful copyediting and for shepherding the book through produc- tion. We take responsibility for any errors that remain.
A note on romanization and Chinese characters: We use hanyu pinyin for transliterations, except in cases where alternative spellings are more common (for example, Chiang Kai-shek and Kuomintang/KMT). The Chi- nese characters for proper names and specialized terms are given upon first occurrence in each chapter.
D.A.P. and X.L.
ix
It is as if the alternation between the positive and the negative—the prin- ciple of Daoist cosmology—also is a key for understanding its history. For instance: when the early ecclesia of the Heavenly Master was banished from its homeland in northern Sichuan, its dioceses spread all over China, and what was at first a disaster transformed itself into triumph. Later, when in the fourth century ce North China was massively converted to Buddhism, the ecclesia began to flourish in the South. But when the North reverted to Daoism, the South changed also and embraced Buddhism.
The Tang saw the revival of the classical ru learning and hencefor- ward it was the “Three Teachings” that interacted, borrowed from one another, and alternatively occupied the limelight. Daoism’s fortunes for a time were high under the Yuan, only to end in the persecution of 1282. Then Buddhism rose to eminence, but the founding of the national Ming dynasty—by a former Buddhist monk—advanced the ru. Over time, a certain homeostasis developed among the three. Although their fortunes alternated, each one retained its own niche, with that of Daoism being local society. The Three Teachings became to be seen as the three legs of the tripod symbolizing the state: none should be lacking. When we refer to “Chinese religion,” it is this composite institution we have in mind.
The very stability of these religious institutions rendered all forms of innovation difficult. The leaders of the recognized Three Teachings branded all new organizations heterodox and prevented them from obtaining legal status. The resulting immobility created a situation of sclerosis and cor- ruption that contributed greatly to the crisis of state institutions at the end of the Ming. The accidental victory of the “Manchus” in 1644 brought an even more conservative rule, and this caused the system to degenerate at an ever quicker pace. When, then, the Western powers finally appeared
Foreword
x / Kristofer Schipper
with their opium “trade” and their militarily backed “religion,” modern China was born in the torment of material and cultural genocide.
Temples used to be the very heart of Chinese society and culture. Every village had one or several, every township hundreds and hundreds. Some temples in northern China were more than two thousand years old. The vast majority of temples were built and managed by local lay communi- ties (hui ). They were dedicated to one of the many gods and saints of the Chinese pantheon, while in principle they were home to all of them. Temples were established and mutually affiliated through the institution of the “division of incense” (fenxiang ). The resulting networks had ramifications throughout the nation. All of the temples, old or new, big or small, were the guardians and repositories of the nation’s history, of its ethics, of its culture in all its forms. For the individual, they offered free access for worship and established direct contact with the gods and saints through divination. Temples also organized or sponsored many commu- nal activities.
For the consecration of the temples, the celebration of their festivals, the installation of their leadership, and for all other important community events, the hui invited their “Master,” the local Daoist scholar (daoshi ). As “Heaven’s Agent of Transformation” (daitian xinghua ), this Master provided guidance to the community and presided over the performance of the highly elaborate rituals. This was the ke , the same word as in kexue , “science,” but here meaning not only “to classify” but “to give a grade” or “to promote” in harmony with the natural evo- lution of all beings. Through this ke, the temple and its community was received within the realm of the Dao. Without it, a local temple would be considered heterodox.
All this explains why the imperial edict ordering the “destruction of temples in order to create schools” (huimiao banxue ) issued by the Hundred Day Reform of 1898 had such a terrible impact. It was sense- less. It led to widespread abuses. Yet the measure was never rescinded and in the long run no temple was spared.
With the ruin of the temples, whether through transformation into schools and government agencies, through the confiscation of their prop- erty, or through organized or wanton destruction, the Daoist ke ceased to be meaningful. In due time it was forgotten to the extent that many edu- cated people started to ignore its very existence.
As to Buddhism, the famous decree of 1898 did not spare the great mon- asteries and the imperial shrines. Their leaders turned to the Empress Dow- ager Cixi —a devout Buddhist—for protection. As is well known, Cixi
Foreword / xi
punished the young Guangxu Emperor who had issued the decree by depriving him of all authority. But she could not stem the tide. Many mon- asteries had to close down, and just as with the temples, the trend contin- ued unabatedly during most of the twentieth century. Almost no Buddhist monastery was spared.
In the wake of the abolition of temples came the abolition in 1905 of the official examination system. It put an end to the recruitment of offi- cials on the basis of their proficiency in the classics and meant the end of Confucian scholarship as it had existed in China for more than two thou- sand years.
The adversities that Chinese religion now encountered were different and more profound than any of the previous tribulations that befell one or the other of the three religions. Here it was not just one of the compo- nents that was persecuted, but Chinese religion as a whole was abolished.
Marcel Granet noted that in China religion never became a distinct social function. Whereas some things were definitely more sacrosanct than others, there was nothing in public or in private life that was not sacred in some way. Hence, for the vast majority of people, the suddenly imposed measures toward “modernization” were difficult to understand. The abolition of the examination system, the ruin of the temples, and the closing of the monasteries meant the end of all the social activities these organizations had organized or sponsored. Whatever had made life mean- ingful and had given it purpose was gone. The loot from the temples and monasteries ended up being sold abroad as Chinese antiques. The sacred traditions of China were thrown on the garbage pile of history.
Nevertheless, as the present volume makes evident, Chinese religion, in- cluding its Daoist component, has not completely died. One century has passed, and what was considered definitely lost has somehow survived and is stirring. Once more the law of alternation has demonstrated its work- ings. After going through the severest of crises, Daoism is resurrect- ing. By adopting channels of diffusion other than the traditional ones, by opening up to the world at large, through adaptation and reinvention, and through spontaneous diffusion outside China, Daoism lives again. Moreover, whereas one hundred years ago Daoism could hardly be called a world religion, it now can begin to claim this status.
These chapters cover and discuss the entire historical process of the twentieth century, so here I will touch only on a few points. Efforts to sal- vage the traditions and give them new relevance took different forms. With the demise of the imperial government, the so-called sectarian movements
xii / Kristofer Schipper
finally could come out in the open. As propagators of traditional culture while also proposing personal salvation, they were well suited to bridge the divide between Chinese religion and modernity.
The most prominent among them, the Tongshanshe , founded in 1912, was in fact a successor of the previous existing Xiantiandao . In 1930 with the founding of the Yiguandao by Zhang Tianran , this same organization became the most important religious organi- zation of the land. Many adepts learned the Daoist scripture Taishang lao- jun shuo chang qingjing miaojing by heart.
The Western model of religion that was touted as an example by re- formers favored the emergence of new religions. Especially important was the Daoyuan (the “Church”) and its subsidiary, the philanthropic Red Swastika Society (Hong wanzi hui ), which had the mis- sion of spreading peace and spiritual welfare in a way comparable to what Christian organizations professed.
Many of these new movements also had a political agenda. All of them, at one time or another, had to face interdiction, repression, and persecu- tion. As a result, during most of the second half of the twentieth century on the mainland only traditional Chinese medicine could maintain itself. This allowed for the massive development of qigong , at times assum- ing such proportions that the expression “qigong fever” is by no means exaggerated.
During this same period China as a social, cultural, and religious body broke out of its geographical frontiers. Throughout the twentieth century, a massive emigration movement has brought Chinese to every corner of the world, and this has been a strong, perhaps even the strongest, agent for China’s modernization. The exact nature of Chinese emigration is insuf- ficiently understood. Too often we hear it characterized as a “diaspora.” But the Chinese were not forcefully dispersed over the world because they lost their own country. Nor was this a purely political occurrence. On the contrary: even if among the emigrants there were those who opposed the political evolution of modern China, strong ties were always main- tained with the fatherland, especially with the friends and family mem- bers that remained behind. Instead of a diaspora, it is more correct to speak of an expansion, taking into account that this expansion followed a typi- cal Chinese model.
Emigrants not only diffused a new food culture abroad but also brought many other important traditional values. In almost all of the 35,000 Chi- nese restaurants that serve customers in the United States alone, one can find small altars for the worship of Guanyin , Tudi , or Lord Guan
Foreword / xiii
. As ever so many “little Chinas,” restaurants provide links for travel, medical aid, and self-cultivation teachings. Sectarian movements are very present in overseas communities. But most important perhaps is that the fact of expatriation brought about the search for identity. Many Chinese thus rediscovered their own culture once they were abroad. Chinese emi- gration therefore is not only an economic but also a cultural expansion.
Whereas Chinese cosmology and theology were formerly known only to an elite of scholars and clerics in China, and only to a tiny number of specialists outside, nowadays Tao (Dao ), yin , yang , and taiji have become familiar terms for millions of people everywhere. Trans- lations of Chinese classics such as the Yijing , the Laozi , and the Zhuangzi that were originally made for a very restricted public now are durable and universal bestsellers. Daoism influences people every- where. Again the same law of alternation: Chinese religion was banned in its homeland—to the point that some even denied that there ever was something as a Chinese religion—and consequently was spread out over the entire world.
When in 1968 at the first international conference of Daoist studies I pre- sented a paper on Daoist ritual, this was greeted as a surprising novelty. Holmes Welch, one of the conveners of the conference, remarked that if I had been the first European to take part in a jiao I might also very well be the last. He believed that this liturgical tradition, when not yet totally extinct, was certainly bound to disappear in a near future. It must be said that at the time we only disposed of field data from Taiwan and Hong Kong. It was only some fifteen years later, with the fieldwork of Ken Dean in South Fujian, that the Daoist liturgy there was studied and its essential similarities to what existed in Taiwan confirmed.
Since that time, Daoist rituals from many other areas in China have been studied and important monographs have been published. In the pres- ent volume we find important new materials not only from South Fujian but also from southern Guangdong. This kind of fieldwork offers unique insights into the role of Daoism in contemporary China. Indeed, as all these studies bear out, the liturgy of the Daoist masters remains the essen- tial nexus uniting all levels of local society, thus greatly contributing to the harmonious society that is today the focus of national debate in China.
Temple restoration and temple building has also again become a com- mon occurrence. In many old cities, such as Quanzhou in South Fujian, many famous old temples have been restored, even enlarged, and are again active. The City Temple (Chenghuang miao ) in the his-
xiv / Kristofer Schipper
torical city of Xi’an is reclaiming its place as one of the most important reli- gious centers of the region. Its gradual restoration and the renewal of its activities is a good example of how these historical monuments claim their place in modern Chinese…