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Cultural Influences on the Choice of Rural Sanitation Technology in Islamic Countries
Amirali Karim Pirani
School of Architecture McGill University, Montreal
March, 1989
A thesis submitted ta the Faculty of Graduate Stlldie'\ and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
5.13 Solar heated Double Vault Compo<.,tlng Latrine. HI)
5.14 Contmuous Compo<.,ung tOllet. 1) 1
5.15 The Mimmus Compo~tIng ToIlet. 'J2
5.16 Compmting Latrine of the Multrum type. ln
VII
61
62
6.3
World map ,11Owmg countrie'i WIth 50 percent or more Mushm populatIon.
DI!-.tribution<; and populations of Muslims in rural areas.
Dl,tribution~ and populations of MuslIms in rural areas.
vin
96
98
98
Chaptcr One
CULTURE, HUMAN BEHAVIOUR AND RURAL SANITATION
Rural Sanitation -- An Overview
Rural sanitation could be characterized as a situation where conventlonal <;ewage
disposaI does not exist; in other words, the use of sewerage has been rulcd out bccau<;c il i~
expensive in a given situation or because it is Impractical to introduce Dunng the la..,t threl!
decades, lack of sanitation has become a threat for developing countne<; and a conccrn for
the developing agencies. Does this imply that the problem ha<; emerged dunng the pa">t
severa! years, or that it never existed before? Looking 3.t lt from developmg countne.., pOInt
of view, the problem was never acknowledged or wa~ !lever a pnonty of any Immediate
concern. The situation could be classified in the category of 'non-awarene<,<,' on the part of
the general public, especially the rural communities, where the situation of inadequate
excreta di.,po<,al wa~ rarely considered to he a "problem" by the people themselves. People
In rural arcas gcncrally scek to dispose of their excreta as cheaply as possible, and in those
arca~ whcrc population den~ity is low, this activity is carried out without any large
Invcstments in waste disposaI facIlities.
This SItuation reqUIres more than sunply a techmcal and economical analysis to the
approach of pnmdmg adequate sanitation facllities. There is an element of deep-rooted
cultural values which needs to be responded in this process. Effective rural excreta
dl"pmal reqUlrc) Ihat people should begin 10 lInderstand the health hazards from excreta
and mca~lIrc'" that cOllld he taken to avoid these hazards. This becomes the most important
clement 10 the ,\Dproach towards samtation In the developing countries, where the major
portïon of population 15 of rural inhabitants.
Health problems in the rural areas of developing countries are widely discussed, and it
1<; II1terc~t1l1g to Ilote how much of these are attributed to the problern of madequate
sal1ltation. To dtc an example, in the rural town of Saldpur, Bangladesh, where there are
no ,'xcreta disposaI facilities, gastromtestinal diseases are the major cause of death 111
dl1ldrcn Para~illC mfectlOn of the town's population IS more or less tota1. 1 Taking the
developll1g l'Olll1tnes as a whole. 15 percent of rural people were estimated to have' excreta
dl~posal faCIIltlcs in 1975, as shown in FIgure 1.1. According to the WHO, the above
fIgure of 15 percent was reduced to 13 percent in 1980.2
Accordmg to LI World Bank report on water supply and sanitation, water and excreta are
pronunent factors ln the transmIssion of the more serious diseases in the developing world.
The report further says that gastrointestinal infections are the leading causes of both death
Percent of Rur41 PopulHlon wlth Sdnltolllon
~ 0-20
~ 21-40
0 41 -60
.. 61-80
_ 81-100
,
Fig. 1.1 Reported percentages of the rural populauons of various countncs havlng adcqualc cxcrrta dl ... po<;al facdlues 10 1980. The figures are opumlsllc esl1mates and sorne countncs have ~ower covcragc lhan .. hown
and disability in most deveIoping countries. In many areas, dlsea<;c\ rcIatcd to deJïcienclco.,
in water suppl y and waste disposaI are contnbutory caLl~es of most Infant dcalhs and abo
account for a large proportion of adult slckness.3
According to WorId Bank studies, diseases in dcveIop1l1g countncs typically take ahOlll
a tenth of the average person's potentmlly productive time in additIon to di<;ruptmg
education, physical development and other aspects of life LIfe expectancy ln any country
proves to be a reliable indicator of the overall state of health, IIfe expectancy 1\ now a 1)( )lH
fifty-three years in developing countnes wh Ile 11 is between seventy and ,>cventy-two in
more developed countries. The difference ma1l1Iy refleet\) the high mfant mortaIity rate m
the developing countries which is suspected to be due to inadcquate excreta dl',po~al
3
facilities. The <;eriousness of the problem is demonstrated by the alarming figures,
according ta WhlCh out of 2,000 million people in the developing world, 1,500 million are
without ba<;ic servIces. Of these 1,500, 1,100 to 1,200 million are in the rural areas.4 In
other words, more than 80 percent of the total rural population is without of proper waste
dispo~al and safe dnnkmg water. The pnmary airn of improvIng waste disposaI is to help
overcome the debilitauon and fatal diseases that affliet developing countries.
Safe and effective samtation is generally considered to he one of the two main
reqmrernents to achieve improved cornnlunity health. The purpose of providing adequate
sanitation facility is to improve the overall health conditions of the users. The United
Nations Orgamzatlon (UNO) has proposed to provide adequate sanitatÏon facilities by the
year 1990 WhlCh, 1<; also the end of the InternatIonal Dnnking Water Supply and Sanitati0n
Decade (1980- 1990). ln meetmg the goals during this decade, 1,670 millIon people in the
mral arcas of the world should be provlded Wlth the sanitation facihties,5 that is,
approximately, 600,000 pc'" ,Jle per day must receive new or irnproved facilities. 6
Rural sanllation is Ilot pnmanly a technical problem. There are a number of
incxpensivc and appropnate technologies WIth modIfications available for use in varied
situatlon'i Wagner and LmOlx m their 1958 publication, Excreta DisposaI for Rural
Are:!<; and Small ComrnunItles, have Identified In detail the various rural sanitation
optIOns whH.:h arc In use and have been modified to be used in the rural areas.
Accordmg ta Witold RybczynskI of McGiIl UniversIty, this publication marks a
watershed in mraI samtatlonJ Since then, there have been developments in modifying
the various technologies with the goal of maJang them simpler in installation, use and
maIntenance, and in climll1ating or reducing the handling of fresh excretu. Such
modifIcations were ma.inly necessary to accommodate the variable site situations and
4
requirements. Craincross and Feachem explain that the problem with mral s<lnitation 15
to encourage the rural population to use and maintain the faclhties. ln some countrics
there have been programmes to provide pit latrines in rural areas for at Ieast the past
seventy years. In general, the se projects have been unsuccessful, not becaw.e of a
problem of construction but because having been built, the latrines were either Ilot used
or not main tained. 8
There have been wide applications of sanitation projects in many regiom of the WOI Id,
but the number of successful schemes reported is much srnaller than those that have failed
to achieve only limited success. A central question WhlCh anses in the unplcmentatlOll nI li
new sanitation scherne is whether the people for whom thc.~e facdiuc5 arc IJltcnded, wIllusL'
them? And, how? Sanitation facllities, regtudless of the excellcnce of thcir c()n~tructlOIl
and function, shaH not achieve any objective if they arc not used.
Culture, Human Behavior and Rural Sanitation
Understanding cultural and traditional practices of a community i~ a fundamcntal
element in any sanitation project planmng. The Importance of cultural factor" ha~ hccn
appreciated and IS now bemg taken mto con~lderatIon more than evcr hcfore Il 1\
important that the planners and the agencle~ mvolvcd In ~anltal1()n \chemc \hould have a
sound knowledge of traditional values, cultural belicf\ and human hehavlor. According to
Vijay Kochar of Banaras Hmdu UmversIty, India, thc fullure\ In the pa\t arc due mainly to
the neglect of a whole range of cultural and behavlOral factor') In man-environ ment
relationships, aIl of WhlCh were originally sigmfied by the tcrm sanitation. Kochar furthcr
suggests that in the eyes of the technocrats, the word sal11talion ha') becomc '>yoonymou\
with a few technologicallOterventions, such as latnne'i, wateT ~urply, and more rcccntly,
5
water pollution contro1.9 Mayling Simps'Jn-Hebert, an American anthropologist, supports
thi~ argument. She maintams that it is not only important to identify the cultural elements
mfluencing the sanitation project, but is the mtegration of the knowledge into practice,
which is a big challenge for the planners. lO
Water and sanitation programs are no longer viewed as problems reqUlring engineering
or technical solutIons. If one were to lmplement a sanitation project without taking into
consideration or understanding human behavior, it would be purely an academic exercise.
It is not enough for engineers to know how to build improved sanitation systems, and for
health speCUùlsts to understand the relationship between the multitude of disease related to
water and ~anitation, and for planners and economists to know how to develop schemes
and projccts. 1 t lS particularly important to relate the intricate problems of water and
saoitauon programs to the importance of "software" in successful systems, which is to say
to understand the soclo-cultural factors and include the participation of the communities. 11
Lack of commUIllcatlon between users and planners usually rcsults in the rejection or
mi~use of technologies that are to be adapted to existing local behavior and values. It is
easier to change technology th.lO to change behaviour, and it is more difficult to determine
cultural acccptabIlity than tcchnical feasibility. Dr. DaVId Bradley of the London School of
llygiene and TropIcal Medlcll1e, has stated:
"No matter how much we have learned about the engineering details of alternative samtatIon systems and the related health aspects, unless these findings can he translated to the target population in a way they can understand accept, this IS mostly an academic cxercise."12
Samtation and hygiene arc, more than anythlOg, parts of a way of life. The technology
selccted for rural samtation must be 50 selected and adapted as to become part of the
6
existing rurallifestyle. This can be achieved by incorporating useful components of the
local culture into sanitation programmes. Kochar observes that. in a mml mllIcu. ~al1ltation
is more a matter of ethical, educational and aesthetIc, and ~tatllS values than Il is a mattcr of
epiderniological gains. 13 People are inclined to perceive and cmphasm: cultural v.llllCS
associated with sanitary innovation than its health implicatIons or technology.
What do wc really mean by social and cultural factor~" 1 Iow do thc!:>e valllcs influence
defecation habits? And what is the significance of aIl thlS to sClcntlfic s.lllltatlon
programmes? Many societies have culturally pattern cd bchefs about what 1<; c1can and wh al
is dirty; it is important to understand the localldea of 'cleanlincss' and 'pollutton' The
cultural concepts of cleanliness and dirtme~<;, punty and pollutton 111 many <.,oclcl1e<; may
not necessarily bear any rf>semblance to modem mcdlcal concept<; of clcanhnc!:>!:>; and pUllty
and pollution may simply refer to ritual ~tates rather than phY!:>lcal one!:> The loglC of ritual
purity and danger cioes not coincide wtth the loglc of epldemiology, although 10 !:>OIllC ca\e~
the practices themselves may he compatible In Hmdu culture, frc(jucnt hatlllng, carcful
cooking and other din aVOIdance could probahly corre<.,pond WLlh g()(xl .... clenutïe hygicllc.
By the process of inversion, common III many cultures, dm may he u\cd ln nlual cIcantng
practices. But there IS no agreement betwecn sCIence and muaI on the ,>uhJcct of what .'>
dangerous and polluting. HaIT, nail panng\, and footpnnt~ do not Intcrc~t puhiie health
workers. While in many cultures, feces may not be regarded a,> parttcularly threatenlng. 1t1
How do these values influence defecation habits? Sometime~ thc,>e values empha~l/c
the importance of avoîding contact with excreta, or wlth obJect!:> that have had contact wah
them, the untouchability aspect Someumes they also encourage <.,ccreey and anonymlly III
defecation. The latter may be dlfferent frorn pnvacy in the we'itern <.,en\c, III that the ohjcet
may be to avoid having a sorccrer trace one's fcces and u<;c them agalll~t onc. Biding III
7
the bush during defecation may he a more effective way of doing this than using a pit
latrine, where one's wastes can he easily trace.
Two major world religions, Islam and Hinduism, have their own concepts of
cleanliness and purity as parts of their religious ideologies. In most of the Muslim world,
concepts of clean and dirty, and purity and pollution, are weil developed and have a strong
effeet upon personal and hOllsehold hygiene.
Simpson -Hebert 1Il her studies in Iran, observes that the concepts of dirtiness and
cleanlincs~ involve neatnes~ and orderliness as weil as c1eanliness. Personal hygiene is an
important clement In the concept of cleanliness and requires that the body have no oclour
~Ind that hody halr whlch may relain dm, odour or gIve a dlsorderly appearance be
rcmoved. Flowlf1g water IS consldered to be clean and safe for drinking, even when the
f10w I~ slow and may contain pollutants of one kllld or the other. Stagnant water on the
other hand 15 con~I(lercd to be dmy. The left hand used for anal cleansing IS never used for
olher purpme~ hke eatlOg or ~hakIng hands. ThIS IS., In short, the "dmy" hand no matter
how weIl lt 15 wa~hed. It is eS5entIal, therefore, to look Into traditional categories of
cleanlmess and dirtInes5, purity and pollution before embarking on a carnpmgn to motivate
people to accept a project in Improved water supply and sanitation, or to change their
behavlOr to comply WIth new ~tandards of "c1eanlIness",15
Likewise 1I1 Bangladesh, the definition of cleanliness and din does not derive from a
notion of hygiene, based on germ theory. It is a complex religious concept based on the
symbolic caregones of purity and pollution. The people follow ~tnctly the gUldelines of
personal cleanliness latd down In great detail in Islanuc teachmgs. Toilet training and
8
cleaning are important for the people in the context of ritual purity. Water is lIsed for anal
cleaning with the left hand only.16
In many cultures, taboo factors have considerable influences on the prnctlce of
sanitation and hygiene. The faet that the taboo nature of human exneta inlublts dl~cllssilln
of relevant cultural beliefs which influence tradiuon,ù behavlour, meall!'l that the planncl!'I
cannot penetrate this banier to know more about the cultural belrct" Thl" lack of
communication between commumties and planners usually re!'lults \Il the rCJectlol1 or ml\lI~C
of technologies when these cannot be adapted to existing local behavlOr values 17 In a
World Bank financed proJect, the supervision ml\Slon found that mmt of thc toile!'> had
subsequently fallen into dlsu~e. Architects deahng wnh educatlOn and urh;lIl prnJcct\ havI.'
often observed privies that are blocked by stones, corn eobs, cement bag parer, etc. lIsed
for anal cleansing. It hardly needs to be stated that defecatiol1 1\ a very per~onal aet, habll"
associated with lt are learned early in lIfe; and IS an important flx:al pomt of conccrn
between mother and chlid. The nIral peasant 15 loath to change per\onal hablt~ and Will
resist such pressures as may be brought to hear from OUt',H.\c unIe,,\ he 1\ cnnvlIlced of the
superionty of the alternative method. The bchavloral change rcquircd of the lI~er~ may he
too great to accomphsh in a short penod of ume. The change from lI"mg a field or river ln
using a pit privy for human wastes disposalls much greater than the change from a watef
seal slab to an aqua pnvy.18
Any change in the defecation practices, considered deslrable by the health authontlc~,
must take full account of social attitudes and habits Thl~ 1<; amply IlIu\trated hy the
reluctance of the North Americans, for example, being u<;ed to the <,lttmg ro<'ltlOn, to he
faced with a necessity to squat dunng defccation; or the urbamte who contlnuc\ 10 practiœ
indiscrimmate defecation along the river banh desplte alternative faclhtlc,> bcmg avallahlc Jll
9
hi') home, an occurrence, not uncommon in many parts of Asia. Such nonns are not
changed simply in respon~e to the installation of alternative places to c.iefecate; it takes
considerable length of time and apprectation of reasons bchmd the need for change before
old habits are altered. 19 It 1<; casier to change technology than to change behaviour and it is
more dlfficult to detcrmme cultural acceptabllity than technicaI feasibllity. It IS usually less
fnlltfuI to try to rc-cducatc people than to mexhfy designs so that they suit the users'
rcqUlrcment~ hetter
In U ganda, dunng the late 194Os, people were afraid to use latrines because the Ir fixed
locatIons would provlde sorcerer~ WIth easy access to the excreta for hostile purposes, and
hccau~e the fcce~ of anothcr m contact wlth one's own cou Id bnng about contammatIOn.
DefecatiOn at random In the bush was thcrefore consldered the safer alternative. In dealing
WIth the problcm III It~ cultural context, the Bntl~h MedIcal Services persuadea people to
bore latnnc!'> of !'>uch a depth that the excreta would be out of the sorcerer's reach, and
advlsed covcring the fecal matter ufter each defecanon, to prevent contamInation. In this
way they Incorporatcd thelr knowIcdge of the cultural p:tttem of resistance mto their
s:tmtatlon system wlthout de~troyIng Important cultural behefs. 20
The main concern should he whether new sanitation facihnes WIll bc used or not. The
objective will not be achieved If the facIlIties are not used. Women may praye to be an
Important factor as In certam cases household latrines may be entrrely aVOIded by the maIes
in a society 11l1s may be due to a taboo, or a belief that menstrual blood could be
stcnlizmg to males who u~e the same latrines.21 Mary Elmendorf. an Amencan
anthropologlst, suggests that the location and types of latnnes should be planned after
consultatIOn with the women to cnsure access ta water whlch is needed for a sanitary
facili ty .22
10
The collective experiences of rural water supply and the samtauon schcmes. mostly
from rural areas, suggest mat social and cultural factors m planmng and Hllplementing
projects are indeed Important, but rarely present msumlOuntable oh~tade'\ 10 projcci
success. Failures in the past have been largel) duc to lINlffiC'lcnt UlH.kr.,landl ng of local
culture and social structure.23 Michael McGarry of IDRC, support., thc argulllcnt by '\aylllg
that it is necessary to have an adequate understandmg of the socIal. cullllrai and
organizational characteristÏcs of the commul1lty wlth which onc I~ workmg 2\ IndllclIlg
change within the tradlt10nal society may weIl be a slow and ardUOll., prm:c.,,\, hut I~
possIble. A rapid change may be only superficlal, and thereforc, ~hon-hvcd Thc
introduction of a technology wimout ensuring thm the user understands and acccpt'\ the
reasons he IS expected to alter hiS habIts, IS bound 10 meet wuh fatlure 1\1 the long mn,
desplte an initial burst of enthusiasm or respectful but Ignorant concurrence wuh the Id ca .
Moreover, in many cases, the users and the planners helong to dIffcrenl .,Irata of .,OCICly
Latrines WhiCh may look Ideal 10 a planner may appear mappropnale and 1I11u.,ahlc ln Ihose
for whom they have been provided .
Hypothesis
It is an accepted fact that culture affects the ch01ee of sal1ltatIon leehnology in rural arca.,
and that the integrauon of cultural factors into the ImplementatIon procc~.., of any rural
sanitation project IS of great Importance. In Islam, there IS a grcat deal of cmpha~l~ on
persona! hyglene and punficatlon, both on phy~ICal and ~ymbohc leveh, and religluu",
doctrine covers aspects of personal hygiene In the mo~t mmute delail.
Given mis, a uniforrn attitude toward the practiee of ~anitatJon could he expected in
Muslim cultures, based on the teachings and gUldehne'i of the rehgiou ... doctrine. Thl')
11
the<;is investigates the validity of this assumption and attempts to detennine the extent of
Muslim religious influence on the practice of rorai sanitation.
Mcthodology
Chapter Two incl udes a brief review of the religion of Islam and describes the teachings
and guidelmes for the practIce of personal hygiene and sanitation as sanctioned by the
religion. This chapter also Identifies key elements influencmg the practice of sanitation.
Chapter Three presents case studies and discusses the pracuce of rural san nation ln
selected Mushm countnes, whlch are: Pakistan, Bangladesh and Egypt. Also mcluded in
the chapter is a hmItcd case study of Yemen, where a tradiuonal samtation system is
cxammed. The case studies presented are discussed in the light of Chapter Two by the
fonnulatlon of a checklist, to detennule the extent to WhlCh the mdividual case accords with
- or diverges from - the teachmgs and gUldelines.
Finally, Chapter Four forms the conclusion of the thesls by synthesizing the checklist
of the indlvldual case studles discussed in Chapter Three and retums to a consideration of
the hypothe~ls. It aiso IdentIfies key cultural elements and makes recommendations for
2 Sandy Crurncross and Richard Fcecham, EnVl!'onmcntal H,a1th Englllccnng ID the TnJL)Il·~. An IntroductQry Text (John Wlley and Som, 1978), pg 109
3 David Ho',vell Joncs, ed, Waler Supply and Wa~te Dlspo~al (1 ran\porL.llHm, W,llcr, antl Telccommunlcatlons Department of the World Bank 19HO) pg, \0
4 Ibid pg.9
5 IbId. pg. 10
6 Sandy CmrncT"oss and Richard Fcccham, EnvlronmentaI Health Englllcenng III the TrOUII.::'. An Introductory Text (John Wlley and Sons, 1978), pg 107
7 Wltold Rybc.lynskl, "Onslte Sy~tems for Developmg Area<;", m1ndlvldUJI On\l!t: Wil~l~l,,'r Sy\tl'lIl'" ed ,Nma I. McClclland (Ann Arbor SCIence) pg 111
8 Sandy Cmrncro~s and RIchard Fccch..un, EnvlronmcntallkaIth Englll(:l'flllg III thç TrOIlIl:>, An Introductory Texl (John Wiley and Som, 1978)
9 VIJay Kochar, "Culture and Hygcnc m Rural W~ ... t Bengal' , In Sanlt;\tIO'l III DcveloDlllg COllntn~'~d. Arnold Pacey (John Wilcy and SOI1<;, 1978) pg 176-177
10 Mayhng Simpson-Herbert, "Water and S..IIlltatIOn Cultureal Con'>lderatlon,>", In Water .)fIt! Silllill1!l!l.
ECQnomlC and Soc!ol.Q.g.K.aLP~ (Academlc Pre,>,; loc 19X4) pg. 173
Il Mary Elm"ndorf and Raymond Isley, ' Puhllc and Pnvate Rùle ... of Women III W..Iler Supply .\11<1 SanltallOn Programs", I~ HumJn Qq;anl/:Itlon. Vol 42 (3 Fall 19X1) pg 195
12 TransportatIon, Water and TdccommUil1c,aLIon Dcpartrnent 01 the World Bank SO<.IU-tulturai A~l!~ Water SUDDly and Excret<l DIsDQsal. (World Bank 19XO) pg III
13 VIJay Kochar, "Culture and Hygene In Rural W~,>t Bcngal", In ~!Ion In [)çvçIODll1l!f'()lIntflç~ ~'li. Arnold Pacey (John Wllcy and Son<;, 1978) pg IK2
14 Donald CurtIS, "VaJues of Latnne U,>cP.> and Admtnl'>trator ..... , In SJnIt;JtIQII 11\ Dcv.,;loDlIIg ('.ill.w.W~ Arnold Pucey (John Wllcy and Son,>, 1978) pg 173
15 Mayhng Simpson-Herbert, "Water and Saflltatlon Culturcal Con'>lderatJon~", In Y!J.Ucr and Sallal1on. EconomlC and SoclOloglcal Perspcctlves, (Academlc Prc~~ lnc 19H04) pg.l78
16 JIlka Kotalova, Per50nal and Domcsttc Hygcne In Rural Banglatlc)h (Swcdl<.,h fntcrnal10nal Development Agency, 1984) pg 18
13
i .. 17 Tran'iportatJon, WaLer and TelecommuflIcatJon Dcpartment of Ùle World Bank, Sopo-cultural Aspects of
Waler SuVVly and Excreta DIsposai (World Bank 1980). pg. 1JI
IX TramportaLlon, Water and TelecommunrcatlOn Departme'1t Pubhc UlIhues Notes, BehavlOraI Aspects of PIQlect Work ln Water SUDDly und Waslc DI5po5al (World Bank 1980)
19 MJ(.Jwel Mc.Garry, "W~te CollectJon m Hot Chmates A Tech fliC al and Economical Appraisal", In
Willer, WUS[ç) ,m(\ HcaIth ln HOl Clrmates cd, RIchard Feachem, Mlchaell\1cGarry and Duncan Mara. (John Wrlcy and Son,» pg 241
20 TramporLallOn, Willer and TclccommunlcaUon Dcpartmcnt of the World Bank, SoclO-cultural Aspects of Water SUDply ilnd Excreta DI)[>05,\I. (World Bank 1980). pg 2
21 Maylrng Slmp'\on-Hcrhcrt, "Willer and Sanrtallon. Culturcal ConsideratIons", In \Valer and SaIt~tlon: E<':QnQJnIC and SQUQloglCul Per5DcçJlves. (Academie Press Inc. 1984) pg 175
22 Mdry Elmcndorl and Raymond I.>lcy, " PublIc and Pnvatc Roles of Women In Waler Supply and Sanltallon Program,,", ln Human Qrganllauon. Vol. 42 (3 Fall 1983) pg 200
21 Maylrng Smlp~cn·Herbcrt, "Willer and Sar,Hallon Cu1tureal ConSIderatIOns", m Water and SaltatIOn: ELOnorDic und S!x IQIQ~lçal PerspectIves. (Academie Press {nc. 1984) pg IR7
24 Michael McGarry, "Wa.,>te Collecllon m HOl Chmal('s A Techllleal and Economleal Apprrusal", ln
WIller. Wa~lçs and Health ln Ho~ C1lmate:i. cd., Richard Feaehem, MIchael MeGarry and Duncan fv1ara. (John Vv'llcy dml Son,,) 11g 243
14
Chapter Two
ISLAMIC TEACHINGS ON SANITATION
Introduction
Given the broad geographical spectrum of Islamic countries and the praclIce of
sanitation in the rural areas of thosc countries, it becomes imperati'fe to understand what is
the role of religion in this praetice. Islam IS a complete way of life, and as dlscll~.,cd III
Chapter One, religion and culture have a lot of IOtluence on the practIce of sanItatlOn 111 the
rural areas. This chapter reviews the religIOn of Islam and defines and IdentIfies the
relevant teachings and guidelines for the practlce of samtation and per..,onal hygiene.
Islamic Doctrine
Islam, one of the world's major religions, was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad In
the seventh eentury, in Arabia. ll1e term "Islam" in Arabie literally mean~ "~urrender", and
a Muslim (believer). accepts to surrender in the will of Allah, (God). The religion
comprises an uncompromising monotheism and strict adherence to ~peclfIcd religlou'i
15
practicc~. ft i\ ob~erved bya number of cultures and countries in Africa, Asia and Europe.
In dlffercnt pa .. '"!,> of the world, the religioH encountered different cultures where it created a
~uitablc place for !t<,clf wlthw thc cXIstmg of social and cultural environment.
MlJslim~ can be divldcd into nine differcnt cultures covenng the geographical span from
northwc<,t Afnca to wutheast ASla. Throughout the nine cultural areas, there are three
hac.,Ic way~ of livIng -- nomadlc, rural, and urban -- with obvious overlapping and
interactIon among thc thrce. The socio-economic culture patterns of the three areas are
dlsunct, and the Ifltcrpretatlon;, of Islam differ, particularly between the urban and the rural
sectors. Accordmg to R tchard W ccke~, and American writer, thls division 10 Mushm
~oclety dcfinc<.; two hlams: the Islam of the CIty and the folk Islam of the rural camp)
Thclf dJlfcrencc 1\ most apparent 111 the understanding and practice of relIgion. Among
edl1catcd Muslims throughollt the world, there is awareness of the fonnal structure of Islam
and its ba~lc tCIlI't,>, dcspuc the existence of sectarianism.
Islam I~ a relIgIon and il way of life, extendmg into ail areas of a community's existence
and actlvlty. It !la~ three maIn aspects: religious, politlcal and cultural, which ovcrlap and
mtcract wIth one anolhcr. As a culture, Islam has developed over the centunes a system of
laws and cll~toms to whlch Ils followers are expccted to adhere. The rehglOus Iaws and
lepslatlOn coyer all areas of polltical, eCOn01TIlC, SOCIal and personallife to the minlltest
detail. These laws are considered by most of the c0mmumty ta have been divinely revealed
through the Qllran, and are followed by Muslims af al! tunes and in aIl places.2
The doctrines JO Islam are ba~ed on the Quran . which is the main source of Islamic
doctnne and practlce. According to Islam, the Quran 15: the consummate and final
revelauon of G~xi to man, and must be made the primary source of law and indeed the sole
16
director of human life. In a real sense, the Quran is a unique system of law which has
inspired the Muslims by iis guiding principles and is the cornerstone on which the cdilkc
ofIslamic civilization has been built,3 During the Prophet's lifetime, the rchgious and
political guide for Muslims was provided by him through the QIlI(/fl and by I1lS extra
Qurank words and behaviollf, known as the Sunnalz. After the Prophct's dcath, the Qurall
remained the source of laws and on issues where theQurall was not dcar and ~xphcit.
people referred to the Sunnah; the Prophet's saymgs, actIons and tcaching'i came to be
known as Hadith.
Shari'a
The technical JslamÏc wOfd that best conveys the sense of Islanuc law, \Il b<..1th ils
character and constitution, is Shari'a .. Literally, it means "the way to the water holc" hut
also include~ the meaning of the "right path".4 Primanly, Shan'a IS the palh ordaincd hy
God for man to follow and that path is followed by adhering to the tcadllllg'i and gllldcline ...
in the Quran. Shari'a, theœfore, forms the basis of religIon for Muslil11'i Il comtltute~ a
system of duties Ùlat are incumbent upon a Mu~lim by vlrtuc of lus/hcr rclIgloll~ bdict\.
The Shari'a considers ordinances regarding worship and ntuaI on an cquul footmg wHh
poJitical aild legaI rules.5
Shari'a became the basb for the Sunnah as ernbodicd in the tradition) of lIadil'h It
does not make distinctions between religious and civll matters; lt 1<; the aspect of <,rx:ia!,
polltical, economic and IeJigious life. Its wide scope, wlllch respondc. to <,cveral J<;peCl\ oi
everyday life, has a degree of flexiblhly when dealing wnh diver<;c <,ltualIon<, of t.!I1fcrent
Islamic cultures. Schacht, a German scholar; ob!'crvc ... that thcrc 1<, no lJrlllonnay lfl the
deve10pment of isiami.<.: law at any point of lts history; from the oul'>ct, the "uDlcef matter ()I
which it was createà varied from place to place, and these geographlcal dIfTcrcnec<; ac<:o~nt
17
for much of the diversities that exist.6 Islam spread among many groups and it
encountered a variety of customs which were treated by the people as law. As long as
these customary laws, adat, dld not conflict directly with .Shari'a, Muslim proselytizers
made little effort to change them. Today in nearly a11 Muslim socleties there is bath adat
and Shari'a.7
Concepts of Purity and Cleanliness in Islam
TIte contention that Islam is mNe an orthopraxy -- right practice -- than an orthodoxy -
right belief -- does not mean that matters of doctnne and belicf are unimportant. Rather,
thcy are incorporated mlO performance in a configuration of worship and daily life. Islam
places great importance on punfication and cleanliness which are known as TaJl[Jra.
"Punfication", accordlOg to Prophet Muhammad, His half the faith". He has also said, "the
key to paradisc IS prayer and the key ta prayer is purification".
Purification is eonsldered to be both spiritual and physical. Spiritual purification is
achicved through an aware, dedicated life through whieh kindness, concem forothers,
gratitude and openness to God and sen suivit y to moral issues dominate. Physical
purifie.llIon is achlcved by means of specifie rituahzed aets and is rnruntained by avoidance
of physlcal fonns of lmpurities. Unless one is in astate ofpurity, one may not perform
any religiolls nte~ and ntu~tls. There are varying degrees of impurity and even a minor
contamination bars on~ from the ritual privileges Following are a few ex amples of the
ways in WhlCh punficauon coneems surface in everyday life.
The nght hand is considered to be clean, whereas the left is unclean and genera11y
inausplclOUS. Since it is the !eft hand that ma)' retain actuaI, physieal pollution because of
lts use in toilet operations and other tasks that bring believers in unpleasant but necessary
18
contact with filth. Other beliefs of this kind include that one should enter a privy with the
left foot frrst and leave with the right foot tirst. On the other hand, one enters a mosque
with right foot fIfst and exits with the left foot first.8
Forms of Impurities
Pollution in Shari'a cou Id be described to be of two types. The impurity which is
external to the person is caI!ed fUljasa, and the other one is called Iwdath WlllCh is causcd
by person's engaging in or experiencing certain activities. NlljlL<1a is somc fonn of
impurity that becomes attached ta the skin of a persan or sOli:; the c10thcs or praycr place
It may not be caused by a believer but must be rernoved before ntual punty t'oultl \x~
achieved. Examples of najasa are wet discharges from humam. or ammal .. , likc urll1C,
blood, pus and feces. Sweat, milk, sali va and tears from lIVIng animah arc con .. adcrcd to
be cIean. Vv'ine and all other alcoholic bcverages are najar;a. Discharges from pigs and
dogs are considered impure, although it is acceptable to wash the Impure matter from c10th
or a prayer or the skin, or until the stain and smell are removcd.
Hadath is oftwo types, minor and major. Minor Izadarh is caused by ~leeplllg,
fainting, evacuating urine or feces, brl!aking wind, mtoxicat10n, tOllching of the human
genitals with the palm of the hand and skm contuct bctween mutually rnarriagcablc pcr<,oll<,.
Sleeping and fainting may sound hke strange circumstances, hut they both render the
person vulnerable to hadnth because of lack of control. Major hadath 1"> contractcd hy
seminal emission, whether 0r not intentional; female orga<;m, on)y if wct <,ccrctlOn
accompanies it; sexual mtercourse, whether lIcit or ilhCIt; men~truatIO!l; and pnlit panum
bleeding. It should he underlined that Islam does not considci ~exuality a~ cVII in any way,
in fact, marital sex is con':>idered a fonn of worship.
19
Removing Impurities
Minor hadath is removed by means of ablutions, caUed wudu as prescribed in the
Quran:
o believers, when you stand up to pray wash your faces, and your hands up to the elbows, and wipe your heads, and your feet up to the ankles. If you are defilcd, purify yourselves; but if you are sick or on a journey, or If any of you cornes from the privy, or you have touched women, and you can find no water, then have a recourse to wholesome du~t and wipe your faces and your hands with itY
Major luuJath IS removed by means of a full and careful bath known as ghusl, which
like ablutions proceeds in a regulatcd manner. In addition to a ritualized bath, close
attention is paid to mouth and teeth. There is a special procedure to follow when water is
not available; It l~ called tayammum and means using clean sand, soil or dust. One simply
pats the dry, c1ean materiJ.I and proceeds \Vith the motions of wudu, or minor ablutIon.
Tayammum IS precedes prayer. Unlike ablution with water, it cannot preserve the
worshlpper in a ritually pure state, even in the absence of hadath 10
This conslderauon of purification is preliminary to a consideration of Islam's major
dcvotional duties PunficatIon, then, both loglcally and temporally precedl'!s worship. It
IS, in faet, a sort of cntry lOto sacred tune and space. As one washes. one is symbolically
as weIl a<; physic~ùly, separated from the mundane marks of nonnai living and working and
made new for the consciou!' entry into the preserlce of God.
Teuchings und Guidelines on Sanitation
Thcre are speciflc teachings and gllldelines developed in the Shari'a conceming the
practice of sanitation. The Prophet dunng his lifetime conveyed and preached through his
acttons and sayings. the importance of personal hygiene. There is a degree of variation in
20
the practice and acceptance of teachings due to the local environmental and culrur:.ù
behaviours in various Muslim cultures, influencing the teachings to mcx1ify them tn local
circumstances. In general, the following discussion on personal hygiene wlth regards to
sanitation is an overview of the concepts laid down in the Shan'a as weI 1 a ... tc.1dung\
developed by Islamic theologians. ll1e discuSSIon include~: u~c of watcr :11 ter dcfccatlnn;
orientation during defecation; consideration of location and the pnvacy factor and
cleansing.
(a) Use ofWater
Water has been regarded as the symbol of punty in Islam and there have bcen many
instances where use of water in the practice of sal1ltation has becn emphasiscd.
Mohammad al-Bukhan (810 - 870 AD) the most famous Muslirn scholar l'rom Bukhara,
now part of Iran, is wldely known for his collections of lIadith. for the lise of water.
Bukhari cites the following traditions:
Narrated Ibn Abbas' Once the Prophet emered a lavatory and 1 placcd water for his ablution. He asked, "Who placed it?" He wa~ informcd accordingly and so he smd, "0, ADah' make hlm (Ibn Abbas) a IClU'ned scholar in religion (I~;lam)." Il
Narrated Anas Ibn MalIk: "Whenever Allah\ Apo~ùe wcnt to answcr the cali of nature, 1 aJong with anùther boy used to accompany him with a tumbler full of water. (Hisham commented, 'So that he might wash his private parts wlth iL')." 12
Muhammad ASlm, a Pakistul1l scholar, in his book, FIQhU-<rSunnah. (a compilation of
Sunnah) mentions that it is accepmble to clean oneself WIth water or with any other ~olId
material after defecation. ASlm cites the Hadalz and say.., that it IS ncce<;~:uy to c.;Iean
oneself with three stone~; hc also says that the Prophet u'Icd to clean him'lclf wÎth water.
Asim concludes that lt lS better to use both water and stones, but If one ha<; to select
21
between the two one should use water. 13 Islahi, a Pakistani writer, ernphaslzes water as
the only cleanmg agent. He argues that water is not available, an alternative agent for
cleaning could be earth. 14 As lhscussed earlier, this aet of using materials other than water
to clcan onc~clf IS tcnned as tayammum.
Muhammad Aigamadl, a scholar from Saucli Arabia, suggests that it IS appropriate to
use olhcr matcnals 10 c1ean oneself If one IS un able to find water; his reference to "other
matcnal" sand. ASIn1 a~serts that It IS important to assure the unavailabihty of water before
perfom1mg tbIS practIcc (rayammum ).15 Islahi adds to this by saying that tayammum
becornes invalld once water IS found. 16 In other word~, on findmg water, the person
~hould use it to clean hlmself even though he had performed tayarnmum în lts absence.
Bukhari cites an ex ample where the Prophet hlmself used stone~ to c1ean himself:
Narrated Abu Huraira: 1 followed the Prophet while he was going to answer the caU of nature. He used not LO look this way or that. So, when 1 approached near him he said to me, "Fetch for me sorne stones for cleaning the private parts (or said something sirnilar), and do not bring li bone of a plcce of dung." 50 1 brought the stones in the corner of my gam1cnt and placed them by his slde and 1 then went away from him. When he finished (from answering the caU of nature) he used them.".17
Asim furthcr refces to a verse in the Quran which says that God likes people who keep
themselves cIean; according to him, this verse concems people who use water to clean
lhemselves. 18 There are traditions where water was also used to avoid pollution created by
the insamtary condItions. Bukhari cites as foUows:
Narrated Anas Ibn Malik: The Prophet saw a Bedouin rnaking water in the mosque and told people not to disturb hirn. When he finished, the Prophet asked for some water and poured it over (the urine ).19
22
Narrated Ai~ha the rnother of faithful believers: A child was brought to Allah's Apostle and it urinated on the garment of the Prophet. The Prophet asked for water and poured It over the soiled place.10
Asim explains that one should sprinkle sorne water on the part of cloth in the area of thr
genitalorgan so as to avoid any doubts that the cloth may be soiled.
(b) Orientation
With regards to orientation, Bukhari cites a Hadith WhlCh c1early explams the posuion
of a person while answcring the calI of nnture:
If anyone of you goes to an open space for answenng the call of nature he should neilher face nor tum his back towards the Qibla;21 he should either face the east or the west. 22
Bukhari further explains that there is an exception in the case where where one is
screened by a building or a wall or any other obstructIon. This condition docs not apply,
however, in a toilet which IS located within the home.21 Islahl also ~uggc~t~ that one
should not have the sun nor the moon in front or in back of one\elf whJ\e defecatmg.24
Bukhari cites the following tmehtion whîch has not appeared m the collee lIon of Iladith
Narrated Abdullah bin Umar: People say. whenever you ~lt for answering the calI of nature, you should not face the Qlbla or Baltui-Maqdis (in JerusaJem). 1 toid them, "Once 1 went up the roof of our house and 1 saw AUah's Apostle answering the calI of na~urc while sitting on two bricks facing Bait-uI-Maqdls but there, was a screen covering him."25
(c) Location & Privacy
The place of defacation should he such that the person is not see:n by anybody ehe
during the activity. According to a Hadith, the Prophet used to go far away in the field~ to
23
an~wer the calI of nature so that nobody could see him.26 Bukhari cites a Hadith where
women have heen referrcd regardwg privacy:
Narrated Aisha: The wlves of the Prophet used to go to AI-Mansai; a vast open place (near Baqia at Medina) to answer the call of nature at night. Umar 27 used to say to the Prophet, "Let your wives he veiled," but Allah's Apostle did not do so.28
From the above tradition It appears that the notion of pnvacy is not gender based but is
equally applicable 1O both the males and the females.
For defecaùon one ~hould locate a soft ground cond!ùon where the urine is absorbed by
the soil rather than splashcs on one's body or clothes. Islahi adds to this by saying that the
spnnkles of urine on a per~on would result in a state of impurity. He also adds that one
should not paso; the urme inlo a hole in the ground as that could be the hVIl1g place for an
animal. One ~hould not defecate in places that used by people for other actIviùes; according
to ASlm, d1ls ha~ œcn prohibiled by the Prophet. Islahl confirms this by saymg that one
!'>hould avolù places under the shadow of a tree where people usually sît and m a pond or a
nver from where waler is fctched. One should also aVOId places where people perform
ablution; near a &,'Taveyard or a mosque; on a pathway or a street and in a stagnant body of
water or a Ilowing river. 29
(d) Cleansin~
One should use only the left hand in cleansing one self after defecation. After cIeansing
the hand should be rubbed with eanh to make it dean.3o Bukhari cites a tradition:
Narrated by Abu QaL.1ba: The Prophet said, "Whenever anyone of you make warer he should nOL ... dean his private parts with his right hand ..... ".31
24
(e) Body Position
Asim observes that it is not advisable to urinate in a standing position as there are
possibilities for getting drops of urine on parts of body. and the standlllg posture shol1ld hl'
avoided unless there is a physical probJem wHh squatting.JZ Khalr-ul-Baslm, a Pa"'l~tan
writer in his book Daana-e-Kauneen explains that to pass unne in a '\tanding po-;turc, thcrc
is a possibility of last drops not flowing out aIl at once. Sueh a ~ll11atlon t'rcates a state of
irnpurity for the person}3
Narrated by Hudhaifa: "Once the Prophet went to the dumps of sorne people and passed urine while standing. He then asked for water and 50 1 brought it to him and he perfonned ablution. "y4
Conclusion
This chapter ha,; put forward a number of aspects of sanitatIon which have rcccived
attentIon in the teachings out\tned by Islam. The empha~ls on c1eanlmess, 111 general, IS
very strong. Specific teachings and guidelines on c1ean:ng oneself aCter defccal10n are
explicit. Rules concerning personal behavlOur, body pO~lllon and rcqlllfed pO~lurc indicatc
the exten~ to which the teachmgs influence thiS actlvlty.
The concept of onentation raises a few questions sinee two different opinions have
arisen. Histonans and theologians tend to have developed a rigld fuie 1r1 this regard.
Whereas the traditions cited by Bukhari demonstrate <;ome flexlbtllly. Aceording to Ali
Asani, Assistant Professor for Indo Mushm Culture,> at Harvard Univer<;ity, the onentation
of the toilet has no relevance with the religlOus doctn ne. ft,; connotatIon could be
interpreted as a matter of respect towards the dIrection III whlch Mu,>lim~ pray.3.5 A'> far a,>
the :tetual practice of defecation lS concerned, the follO\.vmg chapter,> wIll Idenufy the
extent to which these teachings are known and followed. The me of water ha~ bccn
25
regarded as an irreplaceable cleaning agent in the practice of correct sanitation. Although in
certain circumstance~ its altemate has been suggested, nevertheless, it maintains its
importance a...<, the prime ingredient in the proper practice of sanitation. For example, if one
1"1 III a state of impunty and ha, to offer prayers, the non-availabihty of water for ablution
should not refram the behever from achleeving punty. A rituaI, wudu with sand or mud
serves the purpose and the person achieves the state of purity for worship until water is
made avaJlable. The notion of privacy discussed here deals the issue of not being seen
while defccatmg; It I~ not mmed to any partIcular gender, and appears to be applicable to
both male and fcmale equally According to the tradItion wlth regards to privacy, the
concern r"ll~ed hy the compal11ons of the Prophet relatmg to privacy for women, dld not get
a favourable rc:-.ponse from the Prophct hlmself. It IS likely that there IS difference of
opl/11On belwccn the thcologJans and the traditions of the Prophet. ThIs tends to indicate
that the concept of pnvacy, e.g , veiling, may not totally be a religious concept and its
applIcatIons may have roots m cultures which have defined thresholds of pnvacy. In the
Middle East, for ex ample, the sec\usion of women fram certalll categories of men is an
Important factor III the ll~C of househakl space and the onentation of dwelling~ wlth respect
to one another, but thls IS not the case with every Muslim society, and Il does exists in
certain non-Mu~hm SOCletIes.
Il should be undcr~tood that Islamic worship, although demanding and frequent, is Ilot
designcd to Impose undue hardslup on the behevers. Tayammum is a good example of the
tlexlble preparation fOI worship For example, if one is in a state of impurity and has to
offcr prayers, the non availabIlity of water for ablution should not refrain the believer from
aclllcvclOg pUflty A ntual wudll , with sand or rnud, serves the purpose and the persan
achieve~ th~ statc of punty for worship until water is made avallable. One of the reasons
for relaung these kmds of detmb is to become aware of, and appreciate the hlamic attention
26
to life. Far from being considered an intrusion into everyday life. regulations likc thosc
connected to the Tahara, enable believers to live their lives fully aware of their relationship
to Goo. Being a servant of God requires that even the humblest activiues have a rirual
meaning, even if that meaning is an expression of avoidance of pollution.
The following chapter examines the rural sanitation practices in the hght of teachings
and guidelines discussed in this chapter.
27
" Reference Notes
1 Rlehard Wcckc'i, Mu~hm Peou1cs -- A World EthnogrUDhlc Survey, (Grcenwood Press, Connecueut).
2 PhIlip Kun Hall, Islam a Way of Ljfe, (UOiverslty of Minnesota, 1970) pg 37.
'3 Yvonne Haddad, "Mu:;llm<; ln Canada," ln Rcli~!Qn and Ethmclly cd. Harold coward and Leslie Kawamumh, (Wllfnd Launcr Umverslty Press, 1978) pg 76
4 Frcdrlck M Denny, An Introducuon 10 Islam, (Macmillan PubhshlOg Co., 1985) pg 216
5 Jean Loul'> Mlchon, "Rcllglou,> InSlJtutlon,>," III The Islamlc City cd R. B. Scrjeant, (UNESCO, 19XO)
6 ]m,cph Schac.,hl. An IntroductIon to IslarOic Law, (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1964).
7 Richard Wcckcs, Mushm PCOlllCS -- A World Ethnographie Survey, (Grcenwood Press, Connecticut).
X Frcdnck M. Dcnny, An Introduction LO Islam, (MacmIllan PubhshlOg Co., 1985) pg 99-100.
IX Muhammad }\",m, FlqIHls-Sunna.h, vol 1, (Maktaba Chlrag Rah, Palmlan), pg 126.
Il) Muhammad al-BlIkhan, Sahlh al·Bukhan, (Arafat PublIcatms, Lahore, 1938) (60:218) pg 142.
20 Hml, (63 222) pg 1,,)4
21 Qlbla IS the dlreCIJOn of Ka'ba, a famous sanctuary of Islam Sltuated 10 the grcat mosque in Mecca. Musluns throughout the world face LOwards Ka'ba while praymg
35 Discussion with Ali Asani, ASSlstsnt Prof. for Indo-Muslim Culture, Harvard Umvcrslty, 19HX.
29
Introduction
Ch&pter Threp
THE PRACTICE OF SANITATIO,'f IN
SELECTED ISLAMIC COUNTHIES
This chapter descnbes hurnan behavior and living patterns related to sanitation and
personaI hygiene 10 ~eIected cornmunities of Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Egypt and a
traditional s~mltal1on system ln Yemen. It also takes into account, in sorne cases,
COl11l11UnltleS' respono;es to new sanitation technologies. ln Bangladesh, two villages are
l'\.amll1ed, one wlth respect to the day-ta-day practice ot samtation, the other as the site of a
sallltallon pIlot proJCLt ll11pIemented in 1981 by the Bangladesh Department of Public
1 kalth Engmeenng (hcreafter, DPHE), UNICEF, and WHO. In Pakistan, four villages
are ex~ml1ned thue were vl~1ted by the author for the purpose of this research. The study
looks 1I1to the settlement patterns and the sarutatlOll facilities of these villages and attempts
to hlghlight users' perceptions of sanitation. Fmally, a general overview of human
30
behavior towards the practice of sanitation is discu'Ised 111 the case of Daq.ùihya, a pt\.winrc
in Egypt, and a brief fevit~W of the sanitatlon system and its u~e in the hou~es of San'a in
Yemen.
,-----_._-----------------
- ----------------Fig. 3.1 World map htghhghtmg counrncs umkr study.
This chapter describes the conc\!pt of personal hygiene as practiced by the people and
reviews existing sanitation systems 10 certain areas. Source~ uf infomwtion have inc!udcJ
persona1 visits, existin:?; documentatio!1, and C'orrespondcflce. In the case of} lki~tan, a,
mentioned earlier, four villages weIe visite,d involving casuai wtervicw\, pholClgraphy, and
observations. It was by no means an easy ta~k to obtam infOIWa110n, a~ Jt 1l1volvcd a,klng
highly embarrassing questIons ~o p('o!Jle HI a fairly con~Jervative SOC!Cly In the ca<;e of
Bangladesh, documentation from the Swedlsh International Developmcnt Agen~y (SIDI\),
a joint document from DPHE-UNICEF-WHO, and corresponde 1CC with Ken Gibb\,
Resident Program Officer, UNICEF, PakIstan, pr~)Vided data. In the (,a~e of Egypt, a
3]
\Vodd BDnk report and cOfrespondence with Dr. Mayling Simpson-Hebert, an American
anthropologht, were the chief sources of information.
It is worth /T.entloning here thM olher "MusEr.1 countries were simultar.eously considered
[or inclusion in thlS stuc!y. The nonavailabiiity of documented information made the
selection very narrow. However the wlde range of infof!11uticn obtuined for the four
countne~l cO/l,)ldered hen~in Ic~è.s to m!eresting conclusions regarding identtfication of
f.lctors cnlCiaj tu îhe slxces!lful Implementation of sanitation projccts. It has Dot been
pO'itable to ~,tm.ldardjze a spel:;fic present;.ttinn format for dl! the case stuilles discussed in
titis chapler, primn.riiy due ro the wide ronge in the types or the required infom1ation.
The review of rural 'iallit:H1on ieCÎmologic:. in Appenàix 1 cover~ one aspect of the
broad field of rural samtation. The practice of personal hygiene and users' perceptions of
the over ail phenornena of rural s':lrliWn01l arc other important aspects of rural sanitation.
The 1970:> <;av..' the beginmng of s~rious consident1on of cultural, along with the socio
cconornic, factors for QIl appropriate choice nf rurQI sanitation technology which introduced
a new dl'î1cnsi.on tü the" process ,)f planning and implementation of s:J.nitatlOn projects.
Exi~,'ng sitlliultlon technologies for rllraI appiications offer a variety of options applicable to
diffcrent environ men laI SItuations. These options have been 111 use in a number of
countries for a long time :md have already been evaluated on their pelfonnance.
Gameranga, Rangladesh
(a) Backgr~211nd
The discus'iion of the samtation practices in the village of Gameranga in Bangladesh is
based on a report published by the Sweclish International Development Agency in April
1984.1 JiL,<a Kotalova, the iluthor of this document, who works with SIDA, describes
32
Gameranga as lia piece of land which is densely cut by canals and richly dotted with pond"
of varied depths and sizes." Gameranga is situated ahollt 60 miles ~olllhwest of Dhaka.
the capital city of Bangladesh. The village has no e1ectncity or ll101orahk Illads; Il'\
populauon IS 1,903 (202 houlieholds) and IS entIrely Mll~hl11 The ma.lür occupatlon<, :II\.'
rice cultivation, fi~hmg, and the tapping of date palms. The village ha~ <,ea<,ol1al ollthrcak ...
of certain communicable diseases hke cholera, scabies, malaria, and lX)ils. Also, intc'Itlllai
infections, wonns and influenza are problems throughout the year .
(b) Water Supplv:
• Khulna
• ChIll1lgong
~ Fig 3.2 Map of Bangladesh show mg !ocatlOn of Gamcranga
Water sourceli for Gameranga commonly are canaJ..., pond.." tllhewclh, and ramwaler
Usage vanes with season, availability, and purpo~e. Though proximlty and quality of
33
water are the decisive factors, selection criteria include taste and appearance. Bactcriology
is not of concern in this process. The evaluation of qualit}' is ba~ed on the symbolic notion
of purity and Impurity which holds an Important place in Islam. Kotaiova quotes a
tradition attributed to the Prophet Mohammed, "Purity is half faith," and states that Islam
provides ilS followers wlth detailed gUldelines for hygienic behavior. For example, In her
observation, running water IS considercd pure by the people. If the water IS fetched from a
pool, the arca of the pool optImaIly should he not less than 100 cubits. If the pool is
smaller than that, the color, die taste and the smell of the water should not vary.
(c) EXcTeta Dispo<;al Facilitics
Accordmg to Kotalova, the village dœs not have uny proper system of excreta
dIsposaI. Therc are fcw latnnes whlch are uscd by the villagers. A latrine basically
conslsts of a bamboo construction over a hole or pit 10 an undergrowth behind a hut.
Sometime~, thi~ type of ~truçture is bUllt over a pond and screened by oid mats. A well-to
do family Will commonly have a outhouse constructed of galvamzed iron sheets or wood.2
From the above dcscnpllon of the latrines, H could be assumed that therc are two types of
tOI lets in use' one IS the ~Implc pit latnne and the later one is the so-called overhang latrine.
Kotalova obscrve~ fhat, to control the smell, the pUIS dismfected by ash or paddy husk
aftcr defecation .
The selectIOn of the site for a latrine depends very much on visibllity and exposure of
the toilet to people other than the owners. Distance from the dwelling unit is of secondary
imponance. The sIte of a Iatrine IS beheved ta be frequenred by bad spirits, and is
therefore consulered d;mgerous. Kotalova ob~erves that the possession of a latrine reflects
the desirc to have a pnvate place for defecation, rather than to Improve hygiene.
34
In 1983, two water .. seallatrines were constructed by the govemment for a pnmary
school. Originally, the orientation of the latrines was such that the persc,n .. \'ollld haVl' 10
squat with his or her back towards Mecca. This was consldered a scnous tlaw wlw:h !cd
to the rebuilding of the latrines. Moreovtr, thcse water seallatrines werc kx:ated III the
middle of the scltool's playground, which proved to he an inlnb:tll1g factor for fem,lk
users, as the y not only disapproved of being seen on thelr way to the tOilet, but asking
their teachers for the key to the t011et was considered embarr,1ssing '\
(d) UrinaIs
UrinaIs are nonnally separate from latrines, bemg simply a small ~nc1osurc of oid mat-;.
usually set up in a secluded space near the house. In enclosed area are a pair \11' bricks
placed apart on the ground to act as footrests. This enclosure IS abo u,>eu by women as a
place for "showering". Kotalova says that the concept of havlI1g a separa te unnal doser ln
the house imphes that unne is not consldered ali defihng as are feccs by the villager-;, sinee
it requires uncovering a sma1Ier portion of the pnvate parts of the body.
(e) Excretion Patterns
According to Kotalova's observation, the people of Garneranga generally bchcve lhal
the feces of lactating infants are less dangcrous in tenns of impurity Impurity increa-;c<;
as soon as the child stans eating adult food. 4 Accordmg to Ken Glbb~ of UNICEF, the
people of Rahamaterpara in Banglade~h have a ~lmilar understanding Ile further ,>tatcs'
The health rmwfications of this cannot be overestimated Young children's excreta is in terms of concentratIon of pathogens, hlghly dangerous; since their digestive system is Immature and unable to break down pathogens 111 the same way as adults do.5
35
The toilet training and after-toilet cleaning of a child are considered important in view
of ritual purity. Water \S llsed for washing a:ter defecation. Washing is always done only
by the left hand since the neht hand IS usoo for activities like eating. Mothers arc very
relaxed about the toilet training of thcir children. Bcfore crawiing age, diapers made of old
clothing are u~ed and reuscd. At the crawlIng age, Infants are encouraged to defecate, in
the mommg or after a meal. lbe infants are held in a sIttmg positIon between their
mothcr's fcet. UrinatlOn IS also encouraged by holdIng the Infant in the air and letting him
paS5 the urine onto the ground. Kotalova says that the urine of chlldren up to 3 years of
age 15 tolerated on the floor and the beds. Four-year-old children are expected to go
01lt5idc the dwellmg umt but to caU thcir mothers to be washed and cleaned. The mother
bcnds the child and clcans hml Wlth her left hand whIle pounng water from a container. A
child is ,ùlowcd to dcfecatc ,mywhere in the open and the mother has to clean the area
where the feccs are dcposItcd, doinB so with rice straw ~r.d by pounng water over the spot
and smeanng the dirt with her foot.
Fig. 3.3 LOla, the most common contamer of water for sanllary purposes ln Pakistan an':! Bangladesh.
36
1--------
The defecation practice for adults -- both for men and women -- is as follows: A pitcher of
water with a spout (knowp as Iota ), as shown in Figure 3.3. is usually carried to the
iatrine for cleaning aftcr defecation. Squatung l'i the nOffilal position for this aCl1vlty and
the c]eansing, as mentioned earlier, is camed out ;';y the left hand wh de watcr I~ pourcd hy
the right. The hem of the gannent is usually used for drymg. nIe 1eft hand is thcn rubbcd
on the ground and thoroughly washed wlth water.
Urination is not restricted to fixed placc~. The undergrùwth behmd the huts is a
popular site. :Men normally squat down facing a trec or a wall, probably keeping in mind
that they must not face Mecca. Women nOffimlly do not relicvc themsclve~ Whlh: away
from home. When they do carry out this acuVIty, Il IS In an extremcly <;urreptHlOUs
manner, even inside their homes. Kotalova refers 10 a Hadith which lI11hcatc:-, that thc
urine of women is more poUuting than that of men This belicf has the con,>cqucncc of
different cleansing techmques bell1g employed by men and womcn Women always u,>c
water to clean themselves after urinatlon, whereas men would <;crapc a hlt of :-'011 to dry
themselves.6 ThIS alternative, adopted by men, is dlscusscd as the concept of TayammufIl
in Chapter Two. Defecation is not restncted to latnne~; random dt'fecatIon along thc hank ...
of rivers or canals is a cornrnon feature.
(f) Observations
According to Kotalt la the idiom of cleanliness and din JO Gameranga doc,> not derivc
from a Western notion of hygiene, based on g~rm theory, but is a complcx concept ha'icd
on symbolic categories of purity and pollutlon Contrary to medical '>Clcncc, ,>uch
categories encompass both physiologlCai and social states A bath or the wa,>hmg of a
particular part of the body is an act of purification from both malcrial and mental
defllements. PollutIon, i.e. din, is "matter out of place" hygicnIcally, ~ocially, and
37
psyehologically. It is associated with wrong doing and fonnlessness, and has the same
endangering cffect on the existll1g social structure as pathogenic organisms may have on
the human body. On the contrary, purity is an expression of righteousness -- the ideal
order and ~tructure of ~ociety.
The ritmù avoidancc of dm, and the required purifications motivated by a purity
pollution bias, may in sorne cases coincIde with Western medical criteria. For example,
the major dUlly ntuai -- mldday Immersion in warer -- IS perceived as purification from
accumulatcd actual dirt, a coohng of one's head, and a symbolic punfication from
presumed SlnS. Aiso the nature of sorne cIeansing agents such as ashes, sun rays, mustard
011, the jUlce of the neem trce rnay he of sorne medlcal value.
Water, along with 011, IS a ubiquitous purifying agent a11 over rural Bangladesh. A
drop of OIIIS as precious as a grain of riee for the people. Mud is also regarded as a
punfymg agent for the villagers. It is a soap substitute for people who cannot afford il or
who use soap as littlc as possible as lt bicng comparatively an expenSlve hem. Though
du~t i5 regarded as a dmy substance, mud is considered to be a punfying material. In the
absence of 011, women apply mud on thelr head a~ a coohng agent. As mentioned earlier, it
15 a1so a cIeanscr for men ufter l'rmation. Mud is a1so used for ablution when water is
unavailablc. Tayammul1l 15 an Immediate substitutIon of usmg mud for bathmg after
scxualll1tcrcour~e. The mud is stored in a corner of the hut for dus purpose In a corner of
the hut. Early in the mornmg, the obligatory bath is taken in a canal or in a pond, or by
pouring water frorn a bucket over the head and the body.
38
WSummary
The observations and studies by Kotalova demonstrate the strength of trad1l1onal bclid:-
and religlous concepts that govern the people ()f Gameranga wlth respect to personal
hygiene and sanitanon In a number of situations, rdevance l'oult! be e~tahli~hed to the
Islamic teachings descnbed IfI Chapter Two, for cxample, the onentatlon of toilet\ ami the
act of Tayammum Lü .. ewlse, there are other ~1l11a1IOn\ whercin tradltlOnal helicl\ l'laya
vital role in the people's understanding of purity and Impurity The notion that a lamne i\
frequented by bad SpiritS result<; ln lts location being away from the dwelling llllU, willeh
cOllld be why latrines do not eXI~t III greater number~. In turn, defecation in fidd~ hy
children could be attrlbutcd to thls lack. Women\ mhlbuion,> again\t rellcving them~d\'L'\
while outside the home and the use of mud and Oll a,> purifylllg agellt,> arc pn:dollunantly
environmental and cultural III nature The concept,> and pef(.:cptlon~ conccrning pcr..,onal
hygiene and cleanhness a \ ob~erved ln the village of Gamcranga can \erve a,> typlcal
examples of the situation throughout that part of rural Banglade~h with \irnilar
by the superstructure and sorne were covered by tin cans to reducc t1y and lllosqU1l0
nuisance. These faets demonstrate a total lack of understanding on the part of the uscrs
who were re~ponsible for building the superstmcture.
Gibbs compares the VIP in Africa to that used in B'Ulgladcsh, saying thal il i~ not
possible for the latter to have deep pHS, as used in Afm:a. In Bangladesh the pits wcrc
shallow and contained water. Theoretically, this should not affcclthe vent performance,
but it will provide an environrnent for greaùy aggravated mosqUlIO brceulIlg. II
(g) Excreticn Patterns
The study closely observed the excretion patterns of the villagcrs keepll1g in Vlew Ihc
socio-cultural and religious behavior of the people. The factor of personal dcanlinc~s, an
integral part of the practice of sanitanon for Mushms, becomc~ a major conccrn whcn .~
latrine type does not respond 10 il. The "plashmg of water frOPllhc fa II mg cxcrcta mIn the
pit led the villagers to voice their dlshke for cert.un types of btnne 12 ClI'itomanly, a
Muslim may not pray unless hb body and clütlung are free of Impllntl~S An cqually
important concern IS the admittance of poultry mlo the Iatnne, a~ poultry l', very much part
of the household. The spread of cxcreta from the pOllItry's fcet i.., an unacceptable
situation. Any latnne which admlts the pouitry I~ of cour..,e, another unacceplablc type.
The factor of onentatIon of 10llets, duly regarded III the orthodox Clrcle'-. of the comrnullIty,
was not stnctly followed In Banglade~h; the latnne~ were round 10 he onented III aIl
directions. I3 It should be nOled that 111 the case of the Vletnamc<;e loilet'i, the orientation
turned out to be an Issue for their u~ers. The report ob ... crved thallhl<' mattcr ~houid only
be viewed as Important when an individual u~er mdicates Jt<; Importance
47
,. Privacy is an important aspect of defecation. The report indicated that a relationship
exists between the super structure quality of of working latrines and their usage by
females, irrespcctive of the latnne type, and it a1so acknowledges the requirement for the
pnvacy m the desIgn of the latrines -me dIrect result of such considerations would be the
maXImum use of the tolld by aduIt women. Moreover, the location could be an influennal
factor, for it IS undeslrable for the women to be seen going to the tOIlet -- which means, the
nearer the toilet I~ to the home, the more hkely it IS to be u~ed. It is unhkely that fmnilies
would accept the latnne inside the home even if the space permlts The report also indicates
th<tl the majority of adult users were fernales. PossIbiliues were that males relieved
themselves at the facilities at work or that those worlung in the agricultural field might weIl
have been mclhled to follow the former custom of relievmg themselves in the bushes on
thcir way to work.
(h) Evaluation
Though this case study has discussed the practice of sanitation in relation to various
technologIes it abo gives infonnation for evaluatlon in light of the religious teachings
dl~Cllsscd 10 Chapter Two. The factor 'orientation' bears a resemblance to the case of
Gamcranga where Il was neglected and th en addressed after the construction of the roilets.
The factors 'body pO~It10n', 'c1eansmg', and 'use of water' appear to be 10 accord with the
tcaclungs whde 'location and pnvacy' ral~es sorne concern. Agam, privacy takes a
connotatIon different from what has been Implied In the teachings and is gender based, as
was the case In Gameranga. Following IS a checklist evaluation of this case study:
48
1 USEOF WATER ORIENTATION UX'ATION 8.: CL fANSI:-.lC; nODY l PRIV AC"t POSIIION
PRACTICED • • • --NOT PRACTlCED
PRACfICE • • VARIES --!""-
INFORl\1ATION NOT A V AIL AB LE
--'
Fig 3.11 Check.lI"t cvaluauon of SJmtauon practlcc ln Rahamatcrpara hl the hght 01 rdlglOus tl'.~\(:IIIIl~';.
Pakistan
(a) Background
The examples from Pakistan involve four village~ located in the Di,>trict of Thatta III
SInd province: Mirpur Sakro, Nav Goth, Ghulamullah and Var. Theo.,e village) were
Vlslted by the author as part of thls research. TI1e vi~its Involved ca~llal interview,> wilh tilt:
local residents and ob<;ervauons of the samtalIon o;yo.,tem~ The Village,> werc <.,clcctt:d ha'>l'd
on the CUITent involvement of the Aga Khan Hou,>mg Board for Pakl,>tan which 1'>
lmproving sanitation conditions ofthese villageo; The Board i,> al,>o IIlvolvcd III improvillg.
housing and samtatIon condition~ in both urban and nlral area,> of Paki ... tan.
The four villages are situated within 1 0 mile~ of cach other and the people arc of '>ll11l1al
socio-economlC background. Keeping thl~ in Vlew, the vIllage,> have hccn dl,>cu,>,>ed
slmultaneomly. Nav Goth, In cornpanson to other three Village,>, ,'> a n:latlvdy IH':W
settlement, and this factor IS reflected In the hou'>Ing and ,>anlttltlon
49
The 'Icttlement pattern In Thatta is charactenzed by 'imall hamlets. The average densIty
of population I~ les~ than 50 persons per sq. km. Approximately 70% of the population
live ln ..,ettlcments whlch have populations of less than 500. 14 The Villages represent a
wldc <'pcctrum of charactemtic<, based on tradlt10nal hfe~tyles; high familialloyalties,
cxtrcmcly low per carIta incorne, heavy dependence on primary raw matenal. and pnmitive
agricultural pracUcc..,. l11ere I~ an extremely high degree of Illiteracy, and a poor hygemc
and <,al11laiion situation These villages have a domInant Muslirn population of 98%, the
lll:ljority of whom IS illvoived In agriculture, while the rest are in retaii trade, a secondary
activlly.
l' ... t, " /
", ,,\ ' 1
.--
-1 1
," Il
"
1 ) .... ;-'
-, (111"'''
t 111!!1!!''''
~ \ r'" 1 R
~: ~~ ~- ~ .... r: ~. . . ,
ri!! :-.12 \1.1(1 ni Pakl~lan ~howtng location 01 \ III.I!!~'''' unda ~llldy
50
Dwellings in the villages have a sinular pattern of space dIstribution. The court yard I~
an integral feature and accommodate!> v~mous funcnons of day-tn-day living. Mulu-
functional spaces dlctate the house forms in the villages House ... Hre alway!> inwanl-
looking. with high walls fornung the bound~ries. The entrance open!>. IIHo the court yard
away from the lIvIng space~ TOIlet and wa~hing faClhtle., an' nonnally located cln ... e to thL'
entrance, whI1e the cookmg area 1S located away from the washlllg an~as If the dwelhng 1"
served by two entrances, the tOilet and washing areas are pom1ally Ilx'ated ncar the
secondaryentrance. Brick, mud, cement concTete and wood arc the 1110\t common
construction materials. Whlch of the~e materials is used denote~ the eCOllOllUC statu., ot the
household.
r. 1
'-. ,
~:;:. ~' i ..,.-,1
t· '-• T
Fig 3 13 A narrow street m the Village of Var.
51
" 1
Fig. 3 14 Open draHl.~ In stree/.'! -- a typll.!! \IIWIIHIIJ
10 many Village, In Palu~tml
(h) Willer Suppl y
TuOc weil, are the eommon ~ources of water suppl Y 10 Nav Goth and var, while
\1lrpur ~akro and Ghulamullah have piped waler. A canal wh;ch runs nearby all these
vIllage,> and acl\ a.., a ~econdari or emergency suppl y of water. The plped water supply l~
n ...... tnctcd tn .... tandpipc .... 111 the communal ~paces of the village. Water is nonnally ~tored In
the dwellIng .... for hou .... ehold use In large earthenware contamers or in tanks. The storage IS
at a nUI1lOcr (lf Icy.:atJOn~ In the hou se depending on use. For example. waler used for
C()()hlllg and dnnkmi,!. i .... found near the cooking space; for use In the toi lets 15 ~tored mSlde
(Ir Ilcar the tollet.
ToIlet.., arc cnmmonly }(X'aled along the exterior wall of the home or. In sorne cases. a ....
an addition ln the hOll~e or l~ an out hou<;e. The location. according to the \'lllagcrs. should
a!lo", l'a..,y :l'Te ........ for melllocr .... of the family, and for guests, without intmdmg upon the
pm ,Il'Y lIt the hou ... ehold. Thi.., ha .... proved very practical whcn the toilet<; were vl\lled in
~ ...
, \ ,
,1 ~ / \ \
Il.'-' ~ 1 ~ \n lHcrlllm mg rllm Mlrpur Sakro from whlch liqwd and sohd \\ .I~(,· 1\ ll"i-'dùl on .t \\l'c"'ly ba.\IS
number of households. The other impurtant reasoning behllld slich a loc:lllon l~ that It 1"
clistornary to have the toilet away from the living spaces of the hou se.
In ail the villages, except for Nav Goth, the mo~t common sy~teTl1 to be l'ound \Va' the
Bucket Latrine. Pit Latrine were no longer in use and when they e\.l~ted, they h:iYr: I1t:L'n
upgraded to pour-tlu~h types. New pOur-flll~h toilet~ have ab!' heen lHtrodllced in the,\.'
villages by the Aga Khan HouslIlg Board for Pakl~tan. Soa"pit~ are located oUI'iidL' a
nllmber of houses. According to the villagers, the~e pits were u'\cd for pit latnnc'\ a long
ume ago. Sorne open draInS StIJl flow into the..;e soakpits from whlch the liquld wa\!\.' 1";
collected weekly or every ten days by the night soil collector'i See Figure .1. 15
(d) Bucket Latrine
According to the villagers, bucket latnne~ have hecn 111 CXl~tcnœ for many ycar\ :Ind
are still in use by many households. In Nav Goth, dm !'>y~tem doc..; not eXl!'>!, pcrhap'
bccause the VIllage is a new settlement. In the other threc vIllage..; the hucke! latnne l' very
common, primarily In poor famtlies.
There are number ofvariauons of the bucket latnne, dependlng ml the type (lI dwellmg
unit and to what extent the famIly is willing to Inve~t 111 the tOIle. ()ne 01 the type\
ob~erved Iii a small room. either attached to or detached l'rom the mal!1 hOll\e, and
accessible from the court yard. It con'\ists of a r~lI~ed platform whlch accormnodatL'\ two
footrests for the squattll1g po~ltion over a \Ioped chute made of concrete 1'h1\ chute \Iope\
down towards the extenor wall on the \treet 'Iide and mcct\ a fla! \l/rface "he wall ha\ an
openmg at the end of the chute whcre the excreta i\ depo\lted for col lcll 1< Hl (hgllre 1 1 (»
The opemng in the street-'Ilde wall varle\ according to the con,trU<.IJlHl of the hOll,e Jt 1\
normallyone meter above grade level and 'Iometimc\ even more, dependlf1g on the pIlTlth
53
... ------------------------------------------
Ievcl of the house. The urine is drained out through the same chute and flows down into an
open draIn which is found in ~treets throughout the village.
-- '7 __ .' __ _
Fig 3 16 Extcnor VICW of tOilet ~ho\\ mg opcnlng III Ù1C wall l'rom whcrc the ~lId wa. ... tc 1\ collcctcd
Th~ otha mo~l common variation of the hucket latnne l'i that with no exterior opening
t'or collection of excreta. ThiS tOllet consists of a room detached from the main dweIlmg
hut \\'lIh1l1 th~ cOllrtyard of the house and bUllt of the ~ame matenal as the house, and not
dl .... l1nglll~hahlc l'rom outside to a vI,itor. The floor IS concrete with a number of footrests
... pac~d apart for comfortable ~quatting positIOns. The floor is sloped to drain along the \vall
\\ hlCh 1<; the extenor wall of the dwelhng and the latrine. and whlch would be the back wall
ft) 1 the liser in a !'-l]u<lttlng position Sohd waste is deposited between the footrests on the
11001' of the tOilet whtl~ hquid wa~te dra1l1s out IntO .111 open drain or into an existing soak
pli \'ta a ,mali open dram lI1~ide the toilet. The t'eces is collected 011 il datly basls by
sweepers. According to the villagers, the provision of more than two footrests allows
different family members to use different spots for defecation. Commonly three footrests
were found in a toilet providing two spots for dcfecation. Water is llsed for ckansing arter
defecation which is drained out. This system, as a villager, obscrved, is not an H.kal one; al
the same time many households do not have the means to improvc thclr systcms duc to
other economic pressures. It appears that people may respond to a better system if it is
simple and cost effective.
"
< ~'.'J-' ,..., ,
f' .. ' $ ~ ;fo..,~
) / r/~~l"
Fig. 3.17 A bucket system toiJet Wlth foot rests ln
Ghulamullah.
55
(c) Pour-Flush Toilets
The pour-flush toilet is a recent introduction to these villages. It comprises a water-seal
pan (sirmlar to the Vietnamese type) and a single pit which is offset in most cases.
Sornctimes two or three toilets are connected ta a Iarger pit. Since the se are very recent
Intf()duction~ 10 the viIlages, the re~ult in terms of operation and use is yet to he deterrnmed.
The tOllet 15 flushed with water which is poured by hand and in sorne cases the
unavailabihty of water for flushmg tl-]e solid waste has created problems for users.
--, 1
Fig 3.18 A pour flush system 10 an outhouse m Var.
56
) ,
;;;;;;:;;;;;;;;;;;;;:;:-----~
Fig.3.19 A pour flush system in Nav Goth.
Most of the pour-flush systems have been installed by uprgrading the existing toiict
system which previously consisted eirher of pit or bucket latrines by using the same toilet
structure in the house. The pits are mainly located outside the lhvdhng unit and, III some
cases, in one corner of the court yard, as the situation dictates. Not al! the pits are propeily
covered; they often become an ideal garbage disposaI receptade.
r-------------~---------------------------------!
• . ,
Fig. 3.20 Extericr walls of dlwellings in Mirpw Salero showmg OJX!nmgs flom where soliil " .. aste is collected and the grOCIVes for the Itqu:d wa<;lC,
(Î) ExcretionYatl~
1
The activity of defcc'arion is not considered an important aspect of dmly life; hence
construction and maintenance of the toilet recelves least Importance in the hou,>e. Y ct thcre
are households that h~Vt: shovvn interest IP improving thei!" samtation faclliuc<." mainly
those with exposure to city life w()u!d likt: ta adopt bettcr lIVIng condllion'~ for thclr
childrtll. Sorne nt;'wly C'onstruc:ted bouse:, have provi~ions to add a pour-fllJ~h sy,>tem to
57
ti,elf toilets whenever possIble. Squatting is the nonnal position for defecation; the use of
fAelds, although not ve!)' common, IS still practIced by villagers, in which case water is not
alway~ camed to the place of defecation. Based on observations in other rural areas of
Pa!<J~tan, field ... arc commonly used a~ places fOI defecatlon, in which case water IS not
alway') used as a c1eaming agent. Especially in the northern parts of Pakistan mudballs are
commonly available as a subsritute for water after defecarion.
Fig 3.21 A pour flush system in Var.
58
Water i~ the prima.-y cleaning agent. after defeeatlol1 In hllllsehold!ol wtllch have lolll'h
It is either stored in the toilet or b canied 111 a ~.mall pal wllh a ~pout commnnly kllnwn a ...
Iota. AddItional water for f1ushing, if required, i~ ('htamed afler ddecatlotl. Tht: kit halld
is used for eleaning whJle water I~ JX)ured through the fora hy the nght ham\. The h;\l1(I ...
are then washed with ~oap III a dlfferent area wluch I~ nonmllly for wa~lllng al'ltlvlty only
The orientation of the tOilet is not stnctly followed.
(g) EvaluatIon
The case study demonstrates ~iJllIlar attitude toward the factor,;; nI' 'ckant,mg' and 'hody
position' WhlCh appear to he 111 accord wlth the teachmg~. 'Use of waler', aIthollgh a
regular practice in the toilet~, IS not consi~lently pracl1ced when field~ are lI"l'd lor
defecation. Moreover the example of northern area ... of Pakbtan where mlld hall" arl'
cornmonly used Imphe~ the vanatlon 111 tlm factor. Privacy i" agall1 a gender ha"ed l'''''lll'
while location for defecat on l~ In confhet with the teachll1g" The f()lIowlllg 1 ... Ihe chl'd,II\1
fIg, 2'\ (hl'd"II~t cvaluallon of sanllauon prall!Ce III Yemen ln me llght of rellglOus tcachlOgs,
Conclusion
The chapter ha ... covered dlfferent cultures in four Mushm countries and ha<; attempted
to ddïne and Idcnnfy clement!. wtllch may bear influence over the choIce ofsamtation
technologie... The ... ilualion of Gameranga detib wnh the very nOliOIl of how vlllagers
IK'rl'ICve 'hygemc' V~ 'unhyglelllC' and the mfluence of taboo and tradition withm the
culture Religion ... eems to have a limilcd mfl uence on thelr practlce if compared to the
ntent of tcachlllg ... ddïned 111 Chapter Two.
ln Rahalll.itcrpara, people re~~onded to the opportUntty to interact wilh technology on
tlll' ha ... l\ of thelr practlcc and lJndcr~tandll1g Jf sanitation, Tradluonal and cultural
IIlflul'ncc\ helpcd them to e:\p:e\~. and at the same ume evaluate, thelr chOlee of wstem
\lnrcpvcr, Idl~lnU\ IIltlucncc ... come 1I1to play v.hen pe~ple's perception... of the teaclung<;
and gUldl'lJ/ll'\ are l'Ie.lr SOll1e[lmC~ [he~e perceptlOns of relJglOu... tcachlng ... are heavJly
IIltluellcl'd hy Ipl\'-' tradlllOll and tahoo ln the ca~e of Pakl~tan, the communlty dlscus~ed 1'"
III thl' prnCl'\\ pf adnptJn~ a \y~tem v. hlCh dlffer ... techmcally and operatIonally from \\ hat Il
The case of Daqalihya gives a very general pictllre of the state of sanital10n 1Il Egypl.
Human behavlOr has been highlighted which might involve the whole issue of the use nI'
the toilet for defecation and an apropriate technology whlch ~hould not attempt to totally
disregard local eus toms and the traditional praCtlcc of sanitatloll. The example nf Yemen
indicates consideration towards the Importance of proper samtatlOIl.
The study and observanon 111 these countncs con vey that although thesc are
predominanùy Mushm cultures, there are Influences other than religlOlls (In the praclH.:e 01
sanitation and personal hygtene. The chapter that follows denves conclu~lon ha~ed on thL'
findings in the case studies.
65
1 Jltka Kota]ova, ReDOn on Persona] and f)orncsuc HY~lCne ID Rural Ban~ladcsh (Swc<lIsh InternatlOnal Dcvcloprncnt Agency. 1984).
2 Ihld P 12.
3 H)J(I p. 12
4 fhHI P 28.
5 Ken Gibbs. ReD0rt on User PerceDIJons and Observed U:.c of Latnnes ID Rahamatenmra (UNICEF, WHO and Dcparuncnt 01 Puhllc Hclath EnglOcenng, Bangladc<,h, 1983)
6 J ILka Kotalova, ){cDOrt on PmQnal and DQmc~tJç HYl!lcne ID Rural Bangladesh (Swedlsh InternatIOnal Dcveloprncnt Agency, 1984)
7 Ken Glbh." RCDort on U:-,er PerccPlIoJïS and Ob5crvcd Use of LatrInes ID RahJmatemara (UNICEF, WHO and Deparuncnt 01 Puhllc Helath Englneermg, BillIgladc~h, 1983).
X Il))(1 P 20
1) Il)1(1 P 25
)()Ilml p 12
Il I1ml p 43
1 ~lhHI P 4X
14 SllIrecn Rl'hmatllllah, ReDOr! on Ml,X!c1 of Integrated Rural cornmumty DevcIoprnenl (Govemrnent of Smd, PaJ...I\Wn, 19X3), p 4
l 'i\Vmltl B,mk, "Souo-ClIltur,11 F.lctors. Impltcatlons for FTcJ~: ..)ct;:g::", ~eptembcr, 1979
lllIhHI P 1-4
17Ihlll Il 5-1 1
lXUno Wlllblad and Wcn Kllama, Sam taUon Wlthout WateT (Macmillan, 1985).
66
Challter Four
CONCLUSION
The summary checklist evaluation included here (FIgure 4 1), pre~ents an mtere~ting
comparison between the samtation practices as discussed in the case ~tLJdlc~ ln Charter
Three, and the teachings and gUldehnes outlmed in Chapter Two. 'Body pO!'>l!ion' anù
'c1eansing' are consIstent to aIl the case ~tudIC~ Whicr. suggests that the<.,c clement,> arc
understood and pracased by the maJonty of Muslims 10 the case studles At the ~amc lime,
the factor of 'onentauon' vanes, and SInce the teachmg<; and gUldehne<; arc not very clcar
on this particular is~ue it has therefore been interpreted bascd on the local under<,tandmg
and knowledge of the people. Slmllarly 'u~e of water' has been found tu he varymg in the
cases of. Pakistan and Gameranga, Banglade'lh, whlch 'iugge~t\ that local \ItualIon\ can
take precedence over teachIngs. The issue of privacy, as dlscussed In Chapter Two, i\ not
67
gender based for the practIce of samtation, and is equally applicable to both men and
women. In the ca~es of Egypt and Banglade~h, pnvacy was of concem for women only
and appeared to he govemed by (:ultural-force~ wlth connotation~ other than religlOus.
~ USE OF WATER LOCATION & CLEANSING
BODY ORIENTATION
PRIVACY POsmON
~ (ïAMERANC;A 0 • 0 • ..
RAHAMA ITRI' ARA • 0 0 • • PAKI~TAN 0 0 0 • •
EGYlll • D 0 • • YEMEN • D • • •
LEGEND • PRACïIC[l) o NOT PRACTICED O PRACTlCE VARIES O
INFORMA'nON Nar AVAILABLE
Fig 4 1 Ov~r.lll \..h~J...h~l cvalual10n 01 sanltallon pracl1cc III Ùlc hght of rchglOus leachmgs.
The ekmcnt~ of folk heiIef and taboo, a~ dlscu~scd ln the first chapter, play dominant
role~ III the lIves of people ln rural areas, and these factors have been found to be
mtluencmg hoth rchglolls hchefs .md samtation practIces In the example of
Rahamaterpara. l'copIe do not use the tOllet at mght as Il IS beheved to be frequented by bad
~plllt~. Thi~ bellef (hscourage~ the u~e of tOllet ln the evemng hours. even though
reiIglous teachmgs do not II1dlcate anywhere that tOllets should not be used at night.
Smularly, 111 Gameranga, the very location of a toilet IS cOIlSldered to he frcquented by bad
spmts The argument presented in Chapter Two that Islam ln the rural areas dlffers from
Islam as followed by urbanites 15 confinned by the above examples and implies the
pre~ence of other intluences. The rural interpretatlon of blam ha~ been referred to as 'Folk
68
Islam' by Richard Weekes as discussed in Chapter Two. It IS followed by Muslims III
rural areas and contûns traditions lacking Quramc sanctlons. The argument I~ fuI1hel
suggested by the case of Yemen WhlCh IS an urban situation. and where the use of Imlet
appears to be 10 accord with convention al teachmgs.
There is a greater degree of illiteracy in the mml areas, and people are Ilot al ways
exposed to the theologlc,ù text but are mostly govemed by tradltlOnal folk bdl(:f~ and
taboos. Moreover, the local etnef of the mm.quc - the mou/avl - 1'> the only ,>ourœ of
infonnatlon, both on rehglOus and secular matters, <md the extent to winch people arc
exposed to rehglOus doctnne largc1y derend~ on hl~ knowkdge and Illcracy \evcl
Indiscrimmate defecatlOn, in the ca~e of Egypt, and ovcrhllng latnnes, wll1ch are
commonly used in Gameranga, are m contllCt wlth the teachll1g~ reganhng propcr location
and consideratIOn of pnvacy dunng defecatlon The u~e of overhllng latnne,>, a~ III
Gameranga, pollutes the river or canal whlch 1'> a common ,>ource nf water for the vlliager,>
Moreover, the use of open field.., and agncultura! l<md for defecatlon lf1 the ca~c,> of
Pakistan and Rahamaterpara are aho 111 confllct wah th~ hlamlc teachmg"'. l'hi.., cOllld be
attributed to the level of the vIllager,>' expo\ure to the theologlcal text lH the religIOn, or to
the localunder.;;tanding of the concept,> of c1canhne\.., and dlI1ll1CI)'>
When hlam spread amo:1g vanous culture" Il er.c')untered a vanety a of cu~tom.., whlch
influenced its teachmgs and whlch ultl'11ately hecame cu,>t( nary !ùw,> of the regJOn or the
culture followerl by the !ocals. In ùther word" blamlc cu,>tom.., and tradition.., hù,>ed on the
teachings are subJcct to local customs and tradlllOn\ whlch can ea~Iiy vary from culture to
culture and regIOn to regIOn, thl'> vanatIon CaTI ea"Jiy he ldcntlfied wlthIl1 the dlffcrcnt
regions of the same country. 11l1s vanaUon l~ eVldcnt III the practlce of rural "al1ltallon a..,
determined by the above checkli~t, where differcnces occurred among cu<;e studie~ ln the
69
followmg factors. The orientation of toilets is not strictly observed in Rahamterpara, bu\.
was soictly followed by the people in the village of Gameranga. Similarly, in the case of
PakIstan, the concept of 'onentatlOn' was not found to he followed by the villagers at all.
The 'u~e of water', in the case of PakIstan, vane\) from region to region, and the toilet
habits of the chlldren in Gameranga demonstrate the influence of forres other than
relIglou~, and the local concepts of cleanliness and pollution.
Although the teachmgs and guidehnes on sanitation in Islam are explicit, there is no
unIfonn attItude m the practIce of rural samtatIon, reflecting these teachings. The variations
and difference\ Identlfied indlcate the strong role of local and cultural influences on the
rchglOU\ bclIefs and the cxtcnt to '1ich the people In the rural areas are exposed to the
thcologlcalthought m blam. Bence Lle practice of rural samtatIon adopts a local character
mtluenced by culture and folk behefs together with sorne elements of the teachings and
gllldchnc~. and VarIes wJthm the Mushm communIty from reglOn to regton and from
culture to culture. The Implcmcl:tatIon of any rural sanitatlon proJect should therefore be
very sen~ltlvc to the indlvldual case with due conSideration to the local rehglOus beliefs and
pracl1ces.
ln rcaclung the above conclusIon, the thesis has come across socio-cultural factors,
lllvolvmg users' perceptions on the practlce of rural sanitation. These factors are: human
bchavior, nature of taboos .md folk behefs and the ntual concept of purity and cleanliness.
Il IS recommendcd that future research conceming the implementatiol1 of rural samtation
should he gt.::arcd toward~ understanding these factors and evaluaong existing rural
s:mitatlOl1 technologies based on these factors, on a proJect by project basis. The findings
111 one reglon or culture should not be used in another region or culture, The kè)' is to find
70
piace for a technology in the c\.ùture v,rith a thorC\ugh understanding of the trnùt!Îonal bdiefs
and practices.
The question of what rural populations consider dcsirable and their definiuon of
desirahility may be somewhat different from the definition of de~,lrdbility wlthIn an urban
context. In other words, the success of any project connected with a mral an:a has a lot 10
do with the pattern of communication between the project planncrs/nnplerncntors and the
users. Therefore, communication is another important aspect of pWjCCî plannIng and
implementation for rural areas.
71
Appendix 1
RURAL SANITATION TECHNOLOGIES
Introduction
Although conventional water-bome sewerage is the standard solutIon adopted for the
'Ianltary dl'iposal of human excreta and wastewater in Ifl(l.,'rrialized nations, its hlgh cost IS
II1compallhlc WIth the prc~ent pcr caplta lIlcome of a major Il: of the population developlOg
colllllnc~ EcoI1onuc comlderatlOI1S aSlde, il IS que~t1onable lf conventional wateT-borne
:-.cweragc will ~atl~fy the envlronmental reqllirements of les~ developed countnes, and offer
grc~lter health bcnetits than currently aVi.ulahle samtation technologIes.
The 1970s brollght mllch interest 10 the slIbject oflow-cost sanitation, and many
research and nnplementation programs have served to identify viable low-cost options.
The dlffcrcnces ln culture, climate, and econol1uc development of different countries
1l1C need to Improve condIllOns of pIt latrine operation led to the introduction of
ventilatlOn: the result 15 an odor fn:e system wlth minimal fly and mosquîto nuisance. The
system pnmarily operates on simllar princip le as the conventlonal pit latrine with the
76
addition of a ventilation pipe. One verSion of the VIP system, as shown 111 Figure 5.J.
was developed in Zimbabwe 10 the 1970s, although its key compone nt -. the cxtem,ll vent
pipe -- has been In use In simllar latrines smce early 194()5.
The pit is slightly offset to make room for U·. extemal vent pipe. The vent pipe
eliminates odors completely since the aIr inside heats up under the intluence of ~olar
radiation. For this reason the vent pIpe IS pamted black and located on the ~lInny '>Ide 01
the superstructure to make sure lt absorbs maXImum heat. The waml ;ur lll'>H.k the vent
plpe rises and escapes, creaung a down-draught of air through the squattlng plate l'lw,
FIY'1l'OOl m.~
Air SqualllnQ pla" / tlo. ,
P,t parllr IIMd 10 ,lfo,n WIlI.r
Fig. 5.3 The vented pit pnvy. This dl3gram al'>O shows a wet pit latnne, wllh a lining at the bottolTl of the pit to rcLam water. (dlmenslon~ 10 ccnl1mctcf\)
77
cIrculation of air effectlvely exhau5.ts odors emanating from the pit contents, leaving the
,>uper~trueture odor free.
The other important roIe of the vent pIpe is to reduee fly and mosquito breeding inside
the superstructure. The draft discourages the adult flies and mosquJtoes from entering and
laymg eggs. Nevertheless, sorne eggs will he laId and eventually adults will emerge. For
thl"i rea~on the top of the vent pIpe 1::' covered Wlth a gauze and the interiors of the
surer~truçture are matie sufficlcntly dark to discourage the movernent of flies WhlCh are
normally attracted towards the light The fly sereen at top of the vent Will not allow the
nle~ to escape and they eventually fall back to die 10 the pit.
Thae are certain problerns relating to the ventilation of the pH latr1Oes. In sorne
countncs the vent system may not be effectIve during the wet season when the cloud cover
l'an he high. There may aIso be reversaIs In air flow direcoon at night WhlCh could become
a nUI,>ancc for the nClghbours ln the downwmd directIon. TIus was a documented problem
lH India whlCh led to the rejectlOn of the ~ystem6. Accordmg to another argument, the
ventmg serve~ no uscful purposes m tropical areC's where the temperature differences are
negl!glble antl the opcmngs are Idt uncovered.
(c) ROFC I.atnllc
Rccd's odnrlc'>s Earth Closet (ROEC) is another version of the pit latrine and primarily,
Il works on thc ~ame pnnciple as the VIP. In this case the pit is totally offset from the
~lIrer~tl1lc(ure, as shown in Figure 5.4, thus aUowing lt to he larger ln volume and and
eaSier to empty.
78
The ROEC IS preferred to the VIP latrine bec:1use the pit IS larger and lasts longer .. \Ild
since the pit is completely dlsplaced, the users (parucularly the children) have no fe,lr of
falling into il. Due to this reason the excreta in the pit is not vIsible and the superstnll.:tlIre
becomes a permanent facililY as the pit can be empued from OU(~H.k the superstnlcture
The system has proved to be extremely satisfactory l!1 ~ollthern Afnca. where "OIlle
units have been 111 continuous use for over twenty (20) years. Expcnment~ III Tanzalll.1
have aIso been demonstrated their technical and social acccptabdlty7. A di~advantage of the
ROEC is that the chute IS easIly fouled with excreta and thus may provldc a ~lIc for tly
breeding. The chute, therefore, has to he cleaned with a long handkd hru~h.
4 John Kalbcnnatten, Cl al., Avvropnate SaD1tiltlOD Altemill!vl,'S -- A Plannmg and DC~lgo ~lJnllill, (l1l11l1 HopkIns Unlvcr~lly Press)
5 Duncan Mara and Richard Feachem, 'Tcchmcal and Public Health A~pcCL'i of Low Cm! Sallllallllll Programme Planmng", Journal of Tropical McdlclDe and HY&1c~, volS3 No 6 1l}80 pg 22<)-240
6 Ibid, pg 232
7 John Kalbennatlcn, el. al, Avprovnate San!!atlon Alternatives -- A PianDlD2 and Dcsum Manua!, (John Hopkms University Press).
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid
10 Uno Wmbald and Wen Kilama, SamtaUoD WIÛloul Water. (Macmillan, 1985) pg 15-18
Il Uno WlOblad, "Compost Latnnc'i -- A Revlcw of EXI\lmg SyslCm\", (Tan/.anm,).
12 John KaIbennauen, et al., ApproPrI3tC SaOltallQO Alternatives -- A PlaOnlfll!-Jnd DC!>II.:n M .. lJlual. (John Hopkms Umvcr~lly Press).
(,rand Inllli \\ nrld l'npuldlwn of \Iushm~ (HI 45
------------ -- -( lW/fi'" ,1\ cnlüJ, Il .1.1, I\(',J 1\ lIh 't'I/"'( II<' rh .. ,,,",1/1111/1 ,/11.1 1 om"'I''''la,I''''I/\ nI d('m,,~rùl"fI< dara P'lrtlll./'l'. \ (HZ ft. 1.,'11 Jin tJlld t th fi/( l litt l.." 'fi'" ,11ld ,JI\{J he( IlIHl' dùlt·\ 01 (('''\tHe, ~ 11" \onJeu hall
Fig 6 3 DI~lnhuuons and populatrons of ~lushms ln rural areas.
99
Reference Notes
1 Richard Weekes, ed. _M..uslim PeQP!es -- A World Ethnographie Surycy. (Grcenwood Prc:.s, ConnectIcut, 1984) pg 14-20.
2 Rafique Keshavjee, "Islam ID rural Areas: An Analytie Introduction", The Chancim: Ruril! llab!l:II. E!:oceedings oOeminar Six. Aga Khan AWard for Arçhllcctll[~. (1981). pg 1-8
100
Figure
1.1
"),6, 3.7, 3.S, 3.9, 3.10
,) 12
3.24, 5.X, 5.9, 5.11, 5.13
5. \, 5.5
5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.6, 5.7 5.15, 5.16
.'un. 5 12,5.14
6.1
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W1I1blad, Uno and KIlama. Wen. Samtanon Without Water. 1985.
Kalbermatten, John; Julius, DeAnne: Gunnerson, Charles; and Mara. Duncan. Appropnare Samtation Alternatives A Planning and De..,ign Manual. 1982
Pacey, Arnold .• ed. S41mtation In DevelopIng Countries. 1978.
Rybczynski, Wnold. ct al, Stop the Five Gallon Flu<;h A SlIrvey of AlternatIve Wa<;te DI<;pos411 Systems. 1982.
Robinson, FranCIS The Atla.., of the hlarnc World Since 1500. 1982.
Keshavjee, Rafique. "Islam 111 Rural Areas -- An Analytic Introduction". The Ch41nging Rural Habitat. Aga Khan Award for ArchItecture. 1981.
Il 11I!'Itrat 10IlS Ilot hstcd hcrc are by the author.
101
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