Cultual and Environmental Change in the Cuzco Region of Peru Rural Development Implications of Combined Archaeological and Paleoecological Evidence

7/29/2019 Cultual and Environmental Change in the Cuzco Region of Peru Rural Development Implications of Combined Archaeological and Paleoecological Evidence

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19. Cultural and environmental changein the Cuzco region of Peru:rural development implications of combinedarchaeological and palaeoecological evidence

A. Kendall and A. Chepstow-Lusty

ResumenLa informacion de la arqueologia junto con la paleoecologia del valle de Patacancha en elPer6 da una imagen de la historia cultural y del medio ambiente de la zona. Actualmente estainformacion apoya obras de restauraci6n de 10s andenes incaicos y pre-incaicos en este valley otros. El lago de Marcacocha (a 3356 metros de altura, 12km desde Ollantaytambo) estacompletamente rodeado por andenes. El estudio de un nircleo de sedimentos organicos de6.3 metros de profundidad esclarece algunos 4000 atios de cambio en la vegetacion y en laagricultura. Tarrlbien hay evidencia importante de la reduccion del bosque antes de estaepoca. Cada 40 afios de 10s irltimos 1000 afios han sido examinados; contra la erosion del suelo10s habitantes del pasado plantaron arboles. Las excavaciones de Juchuy Aya Orqo, cerca dellago, han proporcionado evidencia por estructuras, entierros, fogones, ceramics, huesos yrestos de vegetales quemados. Asi hemos ampliado la imagen arqueologica de 10s andenes,edificios y otra infraestructura y hemos demostrado las estrategias de las sociedades prehispani-


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Kendall & Chepstow-Lusty: Cultural and environmental change

Figure 2. Archaeological excavation in the Patacancha Valley at Juchuy Aya Orqo in 1996, with theinfilled lake of Marcacocha (40m diameter) in the background, 12km north of Ollantaytambo.


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Ke n d a l l 8 Chep s tow- Lus ty : Cult1ural a n d e nv ir on m e nt al c h a n g e

fiom late in the first millennium AD. In addition toresidential buildings, forts, grain and potato stores,there are extensive walled terracing systems of benchterraces, with canals for im gation , and high slope fieldsystems of rudimentary terraces without img ation (figs5 and 6). Archaeological work has documented theextent and nature of this pre-Hispanic agriculturali n f r a s t r u c t u r e ( K e n d a l l 1 9 9 1b : 1 4 ; 1 9 9 8 ) .Sedimentological and palaeoecological analysis hasprovided proxy evidence that terracing and probablytree planting were actively used as responses to soilerosion, after AD 1100. Terracing certainly provedproductive in the Ollantaytambo District: Kendall(1991b: 28) estimated almost 2,400ha of Inka and latepre-Inka terraces, perhaps supporting 100,000 non-local people. At this time, based on the evidence ofsurface remains at settlements, the local population isestimated not to have exceeded 8000. Whereas pre-Inka people used landscape modification for soilconservation and agricultural reasons, the Inkas appearto have also used it as part of a strategy for foodsecurity at a time of empire building, populationgrowth and redistribution.Since Andean people had no written language, directenvironm ental information is limited to the accounts ofthe Spanish chroniclers, together with pre-Colombiandecorative and pictorial scenes on artefacts such astextiles, pottery, and Colonial keros. An indirect recordof human impact and changes in vegetation andclimate can be gained by analysing samples of pollen,macrofossils and charcoal fiom lake sediments. In the

proxy environmental data to help clarify the reason.Samp les were exam ined at an interval equivalent to 40years resolution for the last 1000 years and a variableresolution for the preceding 3000 years (fig. 7).Continuous palaeoecological evidence combined withdiscontinuous archaeological data and site informationo f fe r s a mu c h mo re s a t i s fa c to ry me th o d o finvestigation of cultural change than either approach inisolation.The sediment record indicates that before 2000 BC thelandscape was already deforested and dominated byagriculture, with a high abundance of grassespresumably used for camelid pasture. Crops in thefamily Cheno podiaceae, such as quinua (Chenopodiumquinoa) were important for over 2000 years, until AD100, when its use sharply dim inishes. This agriculturalperiod from 2200 BC until AD 100 was also a time offrequent soil erosion events, and initially characterizedby a high abundance of Ambrosia pollen in thesediment core. Ambrosia (Ambrosia arborescens) is asmall shrub used to some extent today in stabilizing thehigh slope field systems (rudimentary terraces)(Tupayachi Herrera 1993), and also colon izes disturbedsoils. In the Patacancha Valley over 685ha of thesesmall banked-up terraces exist (over 3200ha in thewhole Ollantaytarnbo District), see Table 2 (Kendall1991b: 12-14). Once used for fallow cultivation, someare still in use today. Ambrosia presumably filled asimilar role in reducing soil erosion in the past(Chepstow-Lusty et a1 1998). Marked fluctuations ofinorganic material within the highly organic lake


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Figure 5. lnka fort at Pumamarca, dominating irrigated Late Intermediate Periodterracing (c. AD 1250), Patacancha Valley. Photograph: CT


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lined canal brought water to the site just prior to or bythe beginning of the Late Intermediate Period. Thefinal phase is represented by Inka architectural forms,showing early or provincial features. On the oppositeside of the Patacancha Valley, the classic Inkaarchitectural style is found beside the Inka road. T his ischaracteristic of the Late Horizon Period occupationafter AD 1400. In total, seven building phases (fromAD 1050 to the Spanish Conquest) were identifieddown-valley from Marcacocha to Pumamarca andLomadas.Excavations on the Juchuy Aya Orqo promontory,adjacent to the infilled lake at Marcacocha (figs 2 and3) show ed habitation, artefacts and carbonized remains,as well as numerous burial grounds. A few sampleshave been radiocarbon dated, confirming the broadchronology. Artefacts, particularly pottery, provide theevidence for a series of cultures from the firstmillennium BC (Early Horizon Period) to thesixteenth-centuryAD (Late Horizon Period), with onecrucial discontinuity from the mid-Early IntermediatePeriod to nearly the end of the Middle Horizon Period(Table 1).The historical reconstruction, and integration ofarchaeological and palaeoecological findings from thekey lakeside site on the promontory of Juchuy AyaOrqo is now being undertaken. This will be enhancedby the results of ongoing archaeobotanical workundertaken by Emily Dean at Berkeley, California.Preliminary results of the excavations are available as

Late periods: the Late IntermediatePeriod to Late HorizonEvidence of increasing temperatures and reducedprecipitation after this period from the Quelccaya icecore (Thompson et a1 1985) indicates that drought mayhave been a major factor in the collapse of theTiwanaku civilization at AD 1050 (Binford et a1 1997).However this sudden collapse conflicts with thearchaeological evidence of Erickson (1999; 2000). Inthe Patacancha Valley, the large number of sitescharacteristic of the Late Intermediate Period suggeststhat the local population increased dramatically. Thisdemographic increase, which was accompanied byirrigated terracing, suggests a positive strategy forresponding to drier climatic conditions. From AD1100, trees were able to recolonize and the arborealpollen signal in the sediment core is dominated byaliso (Alnus acuminata), which favours degraded soils(fig. 4). Chepstow-Lusty and Winfield (2000) speculatethat aliso was deliberately grown as part of a strategyto recuperate land severely eroded by previoussocieties prior to AD 100 and in the period AD 700-1100. Kendall (1996: 133) has sampled aliso lintelsand beams in architectural remains at the nearbyPumamarca Fort, obtaining a series of radiocarbondates up to the Spanish conquest. It was also noted thatc . AD 1400 the Inka began using chachacoma(Escallonia resinosa), a harder wood, in theirbuildings.Why should the warmer period have been a period of


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calibrated1 4 C age .eaa

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ConquestLate lncaa r l y Inc.brw.?~ .Collapse MiddleHorizonIC


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century, overlapping with the onset of the late Inkaexpansion, Late Horizon c. AD 1440. The results of theCusichaca Trust's archaeological investigations showthree stages in the Inka presence in this part of Peru. Itappears first to emanate from the Lucre Basin, and thensubsequently from the Cuzco Basin (Table 1).Archaeological data and a multi-disciplinary datingprogramme are required to build up further thechronology outlined above. An over dependence onsurface collections of pottery and small-scaleexcavations has held back progress in constructingsuch chronologies. Although excavation is the essentialtool for proving associations, the use of archaeologicalrelationships between walls of surface buildings, aswell as evidence of their modification through time,can also be used for the relative dating of buildingphases, combined with information from distinctivearchitectural styles.In the latter part of the Late Intermediate Period, underthe early Inka state c. AD 1300, the most sophisticateddevelopment of highland terrace systems with stone-built irrigation canals took place. This is particularly inevidence in the Patacancha Valley. Here, as elsewhere,such systems effectively rebuilt the landscape andstabilized soil erosion. This is supported by the declineof inorganic sediments in the lake at this time.Relationships between settlement distribution andconcentrations of agricultural infrastructure suggestthat modest-sized terraces, constructed against thegradient, were mostly present from AD 1050-1300.

Age (A D 1490-1880 ), recorded in the Quelccaya icecore (Thompson et a1 1986). Without the Inkaenvironmental laws governing the use of resources,including forests (Garcilaso 1966 [ l 61 31: 241 -50, 27 1,325-8, 394), deforestation proceeded rapidly. Presentlyover-exploitation and availability of wood resources isa serious problem amongst even the remotest ofcommunities (fig. 4).A Cusichaca Trust study of extant Queiiua (Polylepis)woods in the mid-Patacancha Valley (Olazabal, 1997)revealed that this resource for firewood was decliningrapidly; present woods would disappear in fifteen yearsif no corrective reforestation was introduced. In itsrural development work the Cusichaca Trust hassought to support planting with native trees, but thelong-term uptake is insufficient to reverse the overalltrend of deforestation (Walsh, 1999: 30-33). As we areentering a warmer epoch, as the result of globalwarming, historical evidence supports the case forreforestation. Similarly, there are lessons to be learnedconcerning soil erosion prevention if food productionand security in the region are to be increased. The mostimpressive and productive solution is undeniably torehabilitate irrigated Inka bench terraces. While theCusichaca Trust can show this is technically possibleand appropriate, socio-economic studies are requiredbefore it can be ascertained whether wide-scalerehab i l i ta t ion would be soc ia l ly feas ib le andeconomically viable.


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mountains whose melt-water was channelled into localirrigation systems (Reinhard 1996). The connectionbetween sacrifices and water rituals is also recorded inthe ethnohistorical records. Acts of mountain worshipare still practised by Andean communities today, forexample the acknowledgement of the apus (mountaingods) with libations.There is no doubt that the Inkas set about pre-designing their irrigation projects on a total catchmentarea basis. Earlier system s were often incorporated intothe new designs. Large stones sculpted to illustrate orcommemorate such schemes are to be found in situdemonstrating irrigation project designs. Examplessuch as the Sayhuite stone of Abancay are knownthroughout the former Empire, as far as Argentina'ssouthern pu na (see Podesta and Olivera, this volume).Along the Vilcanota-Urubamba drainage, the mainvalley and every tributary has at least one majorirrigation canal, contouring each valley s ide(Kendall 1991b: 12- 17).

Taking the Patacancha Valley as an exam ple of thedevelopment of an irrigation system, the early stone-built canal system terminating at Hatun Aya Orqo(described above) could have been fed later by longersupplementary canals connecting streams high on thevalley's western side. Another early canal reachedPumamarca from the Yurakmayo side valley. This wassuperceded in Inka times by a canal from 3850maltitude, near the top of the side valley, with a totallength of 5.8km; it supplied water to the fort at

successfully managed their landscape and rectifiedmuch of the earlier environmental damage. Theycombined the practice of agro-forestry, terracing andirrigation, thus allowing for the growth of populationsin both rural and urban zones. In the modem context ofincreasing population and a warmer climate it isparticularly appropriate to revitalize past strategies andrestore existing infrastructure.Two ways of incorporating this valuable informationinto 'grass roots' rural development programmes havebeen implemented by the Cusichaca Trust. The first isto restore v aluable agricultural infrastructure, that is theactual canals and terraces, using traditional technology(Huaman M iranda, 1991; Kendall 1982; 1997). AtCusichaca, terraces which were previously sown onceevery seven to twelve years are now cultivated twice oreven three times annually, resulting in a tenfoldproduction increase or more. In the Patacancha Valley,where 160ha of terracing and associated irrigation havebeen restored, similar productivity gains are expected(Walsh 1999). The second is to understand andincorporate cultural practices and technologies whichhave survived from pre-Hispanic society intoinitiatives. These can improve health, nutrition andlivelihoods today. All these approaches are similarlyincorporated in the Cusichaca Trust's third ongoingdevelopment project in Peru, at Pampachiri in theApurimac region.From where does the impetus come to transformlandscapes and promote rural development as an


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place of traditional infrastructure and practices inAndean culture. In the 1990s, the Peruvian governmenthas taken a renewed interest in the economicdevelopment of its highland regions, with majorprogrammes of road building, electrification and socialservices. By learning from the ecological and culturallegacy of the pre-Hispanic civilizations, we cancontribute a vision of a sustainable way forward forrural development, which may be more appropriate tolocal conditions than many modern agriculturalstrategies. There is now an urgent need to carry outfurther research in this field at new locationscharacterized by ancient infrastructure, such as in theApurimac and Ayacucho regions as well as in theCuzco region, so that the lessons for rural developmentcan be widened in their applicability. At the same timesuccessful development must also be the outcome ofcurrent socio-econom ic justification and conditions. Inthe past, environmental changes have stimulatedappropriate responses but these have been to fulfil1demographic needs. The next step must be to bringtogether the traditional benefits with those of thedeveloped world and i ts demands. Sustainabledevelopment must evaluate the role and importance ofancient agricultural infrastructure and value theAndean environment to m aintain it into the future.AcknowledgementsWe would l ike to thank the Cusichaca Trusta rchaeo log ica l pe rsonne l who worked on theexcavations at Juchuy A ya Orqo. This work was

BINFORD, M.W., A.L. KOLATA, M. BRENNER,J.W. JANUSEK, M.T. SEDDON, M. ABBOTT, &J.H. CURTIS. 1997. Climate variation and the riseand fall of an Andean civilization, QuaternaryResearch 47: 235-48.

BROOKS, S.O. 1998. Prehistoric agricultural terracesin the Rio Japo Basin, Colca Valley, Peru.Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA.CHEPSTOW-LUSTY, A., K.D. BENNETT, V.R.SWITSLTR & A. KENDALL. 1996. 4000 years ofhuman impact and vegetation change in the centralPeruvian Andes - with events paralleling the Mayarecord, Antiquity 70: 823-33.CHE P S T OW-L US T Y, A . , K .D . BE NNE T T , J .FJELDSO, A. KENDALL, W. GALIANO, & A.TUPAY ACHL HERRA RA. 1997. When twoworlds collide: comparing human impact on fragileecosystems before and after the Inca, Tawantinsuyu

3: 127-34.CHE P S T OW-L US T Y, A . , K .D . BE NNE T T , J .FJELDSA, A. KENDALL, W. GALIANO, & A.TUPAYACHI HERRERA. 1998. Tracing 4,000years of environmental history in the Cuzco area,Peru, from the pollen record, Mountain Researchand Development 18(2): 159-72.CHEPSTOW-LUSTY, A. & M. WINFIELD. 2000.


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ERICKSON, C. 2000. The Lake Titicaca Basin: aprecolumbian built landscape in D.L. Lentz (ed.)Imperfect balance: transformations in theprecolumbian Andes: 3 11-56. New Y ork: Colum biaUniversity Press.

FALK-MOORE, S. 1958. Power andproperty in IncaPeru. New York: Columbia University Press.GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, El Inga 1966[1613].Royal commentaries of the Incas, H. Livermore(tram.), A ustin: University of Texas Press.HODDELL D.A., J.H. CURTIS & M. BRENNER.1995. Possible role of climate in the collapse ofClassic Maya civilization, Nature 375: 391-4.HUAMAN MIRANDA, G. 1991. Rehabilitacion yestudio del comportamiento hidraulico de 10scanales prehispanicos del Valle del Cusichaca.Unpublished Licenciatura thesis. UNSAAC, Cuzco.KENDALL A. 1982. Restoration as part of anarchaeological project, Popular Archaeology, April:24-6.KENDALL A. 1988. Inca planning north of Cuzcobetween Anta and Machu Picchu and along theUrubamba river. Oxford: BAR International Series421.KENDALL, A. 1991a. The Cusichaca Archaeological

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MU RRA , J.V. 1972. El 'control vertica l' de unmaximo de pisos ecologicos en la economia de lassociedades andinas, in I. Ortiz de Zk7iga Visita dela Provincia de Ledn de Huanuco, hecha por IiiigoOrtiz de Zuiiiga Vol. 11: 427-76 . Hu anu co:Universidad Nacional Hermilio Valdizan.OLAZABAL, 0. 1997. Evaluacion del bosque de'Qu e n a -Co c h a ' O l l a n ta y ta mb o - Urubamba .Informe tCcnico. Unpublished internal report for theCusichaca Trust.REINH ARD , J. 19 96. Peru's ice maidens, NationalGeographic 189: 62-8 1.ROSTWOROSKI DE DlE Z DE CANSECO, M. 1988.Historia del Tahuantinsuyu. Lima: Instituto de

Estudios Peruanos.ROW E, J.H. 1944. An introduction to the archaeologyof Cuzco, Papers of the Peaboc$ Museum ofAmerican Archaeology and Ethnology 27(2),Cambridge: Harvard University.THOM PSON, L.G., E. MOSELEY -THOMPSO N, J.F.BOLZAN, & B.R. K OCI. 1985. A 1500-year recordof tropical precipitation recorded in the Quelccaya


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TABLE 1. Chronology and associated styles/cultures for the last threemillennia in the Cuzco regionPeriodInitialEarly Horizon

Early Intermediate

Middle Horizon

Late Intermediate

Styles / culturesMarcavalle in Cuzco BC 1200- 800Chanapata BC 800 - 300Pacallamocco potteryNot formally clarified in Cuzco c . BC 300 - AD 600Represented at first by a continuation of Chanapata-derived potteryOther painted styles are reported in Canaraccay and elsewhereWari Occupation in Cuzco AD 600 - 900Qotacalle pottery (according to Rowe (1944), but may start earlier)Pottery ware W-70 appears lateKillke style in Cuzco AD 1000- 1450: Pottery ware W45Early Inka in Cuzco by c . AD 1200- 1400


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Table 2. An evaluation of the area under cuitivation in pre-Hispanic times (by zones in hectares):Urubamba (Viicanota) Valley (source: Kendall 1991 b). E= estimated

oS CL, CL,UC C CL, C0 3 5 CL,O h 4= 3C O > ii=2 2 0 -- c 00 0n > 0 0 g 8

lnka terraces 169.4 266.7 75.4 1 1 1.2(94.81Total of terraces 378.4 + 278.5 1 10.6 + 135.4with irrigationHighslope field 685.0systems (1 50.0)

Total of land 1213.4 + 278.5 439.1 + 272.1Under cultivation

Cultual and Environmental Change in the Cuzco Region of Peru Rural Development Implications of Combined Archaeological and Paleoecological Evidence

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