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Maciej Kurcz
THE CONTEMPORARY DHIKR DIFFERENT ASPECTS OF THESUDANESE
RELIGIOUS EXPRESSION*
INTRODUCTION
Despite the efforts to introduce in the present-day Sudan the
orthodox, cen-trally popularised version of Islam, called by D. F.
Eickelman the radio Islam,the popular, folk version of this
religion is still alive, both in cities and villagesof this
country. Dhikr may serve as an example of this phenomenon.
Originally the term dhikr (remembrance) was used in relation to
the wor-ship of God. It is applied in this very sense in the
Koran1. As time passed by,probably in the 8th century, it began
denoting special way of praising God(Danecki 1998:12, 23). It
consisted in different kinds of collective, ecstaticprayers,
dances, chants or litanies, in which the name of God was
repeatednumerous times, and it aimed at putting the participants
into a trance. Usuallythey were accompanied by the body movement,
adequate breathing and music.In this shape dhikr was particularly
popular among Muslim mystics and in theend it became the
fundamental element of the liturgy of the most of the
Sufibrotherhoods (Trimingham 1965:212-214, Kennedy, Hussein
1978:42, Danecki1998:23).
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AFRICANA BULLETIN
Warszawa 2004 Nr 52
* I had the opportunity to observe the practices of dhikr
several times during my two staysin the Northern Sudan in 2000 and
2001 when I carried out the research on the institution of
thereligious sheikh in the contemporary Sudan. This project was
conducted in the collaboration withthe Polish Joint Archaeological
Expedition to the Central Nile Valley.
1 In one of the verses (33.41) the Koran says: O you who
believe! remember Allah. Alsoone of hadiths points at benefactions
coming to a man who practices this way of praising God(Danecki
1998:24).
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Two kinds of this ritual are known. The first one, of greater
deference, butalso more complex, is performed only silently (dhikr
khafi)2. The second one isthe loud dhikr (jali), said to be more
common, vulgar and intended for those lessacquainted with the
mystic philosophy of the brotherhood members(Trimingham 1965:212,
Kennedy, Hussein 1978:44, Danecki 1998:23). Still, itis definitely
more popular and it satisfies both an average participant and a
spec-tator of this ceremonial (Trimingham 1965:212, Kennedy,
Hussein 1978:44).
As I mentioned, these practices are inseparably connected with
the activityof Sufi brotherhoods. Each of these societies, like in
the case of the offered mys-tical path3, has its own version of the
ritual, although the difference may notbe significant and concerns
the choice of texts and formulae and the way theyare recited
(Trimingham 1965:213, Kennedy, Hussein 1978:44,
Danecki1998:24).
From the perspective of the classical Sufism it should be opened
by chantsfor God, Prophet or a saint; moreover, by prayers
consisting in reading specialKoranic verses or allegorical passages
about the life of Prophet. Only after thisintroduction the proper
dhikr should start, i.e. recitation and repetition of theformulae
connected with God.4 The whole ritual is to transform gradually
intoa more impetuous spectacle. The power and the rhythmic of the
repeated formu-lae, followed by more and more vehement body
movement, intensify. It is theway chants or recitation are intoned
that is so characteristic of each brother-hood. Eventually the
participants come to the edge of stamina but at the sametime attain
the state of absolute excitement and exultation (wajd)
(Danecki1998, Trimingham 1965:212-214).
The place, the time and the frequency of the service depend
basically oneach brotherhood and on the attitude of the local
people. In Sudan dhikr can beorganised in a local mosque or in a
zawiya, a box of the sheikh, each Monday
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Maciej Kurcz
2 Two varieties of it can be distinguished. The first one is
available to everyone and it con-sists in worshiping of God
silently and in expressing the worship through rhythmic leaning.
Thesecond one, termed as dhikr of personality, is intended only for
those who mastered the secrets ofthe esoteric art.
3 This term stands for a way of doing something and conveys the
notion of following a path(tariqah) which is the doctrine of the
Sufi school.
4 Formulae: la ilaha illa`llah, subhana llahi, al-hamdu
li-llahi, Allahu akbar, astaghfiruLlaha (There is no God but Allah,
God be praised, Glory to God, God is the greatest, I beg Godfor
forgiveness); words: Allah or its attributes like Al-Hayy i.e.
Alive (Danecki 1998:23,Trimingham 1965:213).
-
and Friday evening or occasionally on one of these days. In the
case of somegrand event in the life of an individual (e.g. child
birth) the ceremonial takesplace in the yard of an ordinary
farmstead, and its participants are the membersof the family and
the immediate neighbors. Basic occasions, however, when thisservice
is solemnised are the religious feasts, both those resulting from
the pre-cepts of the orthodox Islam and those of the folk origin
(Kennedy, Hussein1978:45). On these occasions the ritual has the
greatest setting and attracts themultitude of people. The scenery
for this great solemn dhikr is predominating-ly the tomb of some
local saintly man and the surrounding cemetery.
Those that take part in this ritual are called dhakir forming a
communitycalled majlis al-dhikr5. All adult male members of the
community may take partin it and occasionally small boys, whose
participation in celebrations is per-ceived as an element of the
religious upbringing. Each of the participants isobliged to ritual
purity, both in the literal, physical sense and in the
spiritual,mystical one.
Like in the case of Muslims in other countries, dhikr became for
theSudanese the way of practicing Islam much the same as the Friday
prayer in themosque. The only difference is that it is expressed in
a very vehement, vivid andemotional manner. For its many followers
these very elements are undoubtedlythe most important; more
important than its hidden mystic ideology aboutwhich the
considerable majority simply has no idea (Trimingham 1965:214).
The causes of the lasting popularity and strength of this ritual
should also betraced in its non-religious properties. Undeniably it
fulfills important sociablefunctions being a pretext for revelry
and meetings of the local society. It is alsonot a rare case when
it turns out that the ritual becomes a commercial feastattracting
nearby merchants and craftsmen on the ceremonial place
(Blackmann1927:252-257).
Moreover, for many of the participants the ritual is also a form
of cominginto being in the society, in which day by day they pass
unnoticed, if notdespised (Dzigiel 1992:154). This matter seems
extremely well visible in thecase of dervishes. In brief, its
multifacetness reminds of mediaeval indulgencesin memorial of the
Christian saints.
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Contemporary Dhikr
5 That is why the term majlis (assembly) is sometimes used in
relation to dhikr (Kennedy,Hussein 1978:45).
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DHIKR IN OMDURMAN
I participated in this service on Friday afternoon twice at the
cemeteryHamad el-Nil in Omdurman. The necropolis is connected with
the Arakiyyabrotherhood (a Qadiriyya faction), the progenitor of
which is buried in this veryplace.6
The ceremonial did not began at some particular point in time.
Between 4and 5 p.m. the cemetery gradually started to fill up.
Those who arrived went tovisit tombs of sheikhs first. After they
had took off their shoes, they entered thequbba7. Then, what one
could hear were salutations and prayers; some of thevisitors
undoubtedly informed the saints about their own problems and
present-ed requests. Eventually each of them went around the
sarcophagus decoratedwith a green linen and leaned at the special
slit to take a handful of sand fromthe inside of the grave or
kissed the green linen (kiswa)8. After visiting thesheikhs tomb one
could have a cup of coffee or tea at a special stall, smoke
acigarette or simply sit down and talk. There was also a
considerable group ofpeople who mobbed at one of the qubbas, the
sheikhs receiving chamber. Theycame there not because they wanted
to talk to him, as only few have this hon-our, but because they
could see him or stay near him for a while. These whocame there
with a problem could be heard by one of the companions of the
mas-ter who received people on a mat at the chamber. At the back of
the tomb on afield grille there was meat provided a moment earlier
by a woman as a sign ofgratitude for the received grace. When it
was ready the whole was given to thepoor ones. Others spent the
time before the service at the graves of the familymembers.
Although the real dervishes came a minute before the service
(their arrivalmarked the beginning of the ceremonial), some of them
had already been there9.
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Maciej Kurcz
6 I was informed that this brotherhood was originally related to
one of the tribes living in theGezira region. In the 1960s the
brotherhood was moved to Omdurman by sheikh Hamad el-NilIshaq, the
father of the today sheikh. The tomb came to be surrounded by the
entire necropolisand on Friday afternoons at the very place the
dhikr ritual began to be celebrated.
7 A dome tomb, the most characteristic form of the Sudanese
saints burial. 8 As I was informed this linen is to symbolise
jallabiya of the saint, touching of which is said
to have magical properties.9 Dervishes usually do not belong to
any brotherhood. They do not pass through initiation and
they do not devote themselves to religious studies. They serve a
saint rather that a living leader ofthe brotherhood. Although they
are commonly called dervishes, they stress that are disciples
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One could not miss them. They looked funnily wearing green,
thick robes withcolourful patches on them, pointed hats with
colourful strings (tamina), pen-dants and rosary hanging here and
there from the hat. Nevertheless, their out-fit is to express a
deep sense. Apart from the significance of the green colour,also
the patches have their meaning, namely they symbolise poverty and
ascet-icism. They point at their simple, pious and far from
luxurious character of life.Older interlocutors explained that once
their outfit used to be less sophisticatedas far as colour and
composition is concerned and that the today fashion is dueto their
ambition to achieve the greatest originality possible. Each of them
hada very intriguing equipment; there were swords, knives, lashes
or even a dummyof a machine-gun as well as objects I was not able
to identify. As far as theappearance and the behaviour are
concerned, they were far from being normal.Many of them were
undoubtedly physically or psychically disabled, others triedto look
as such. The dervishs face was usually covered with significant
anduntidy stubble and the head with a bushy and unkempt coiffure.
While talkingto somebody they were alternately friendly and
aggressive; calm and noisy. Itshould also be added that each of
them represented his own style when it comesto both appearance and
behaviour and later their ecstatic dance10.
After about an hour first musicians appeared; these were two men
wearingwhite robes and turbans and having instruments resembling
tambourine (tar). Anumber of spectators surrounded them at once and
one by one, singly or inpairs, they entered the circle and started
dancing. Their dancing displays, rhyth-mical walk took on average
no longer than one encirclement after which theyleft a money
contribution to the musicians and returned to the audience.
Then, out of the blue, a bus appeared. Everything has died down,
the partici-pants turn their faces towards the vehicle. Dervishes
in their characteristic clothesas well as some notables smartly
dressed in white jallabiya and turbans get out ofthe bus.
Immediately a procession is formed; dervishes, who with green
banners
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Contemporary Dhikr
(tilmidh) or sheikhs sons (ash-sheikh). Their religious mission
is satisfied by the dhikr service orsitting and watching at the
place of burial of their saint as well as performing different
kinds ofmagical practices for the local people. It is often a case
that these people come from the marginsof society and being a
dervish is a form of their social existence. They are often insane
to a degree,which is interpreted as their complete devotion to God
(Kennedy, Hussein 1978:43).
10 Majdhub, literally charmed (by God); that is how the strange
behaviour of dervishes orinsane people is explained. In the case of
Sufism their state is said to result from a preternaturalbeing or
spirit of a saint. This term relates also to participants of dhikr
who got into trance(Trimingham 1965:213).
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go on before, are followed by elegantly dressed elders. Other
dervishes as well asmusicians close the procession. All go towards
the mob gathered in front of thequbba singing in the rhythm of
music. The procession stops at the entrance to thetomb where
everyone salutes the sheikh that was buried there. Then mutual
salu-tations reverberate. Once more a kind of circle (halqa), this
time a more spaciousone, is formed. Only then I am able to see a
dervish of impressive posture with acosh in his hand. He turns out
to be a guard. As I was told, this instrument servesto restore
order in case of some unexpected explosion of religious emotions.
Onlythe dervishes and the musicians enter the circle; all the
others remain outside.Front rows are occupied by men followed by
women and children. The properpart of the service began; one can
hear monotonously repeated formula, half-recit-ed, half-sang. The
audience accompanied by drums (noba or darabuka), tam-bourines and
instruments resembling small cymbals starts swaying rhythmically.It
is different from what the dervishes are doing. One begins twirling
where hestands, the second hurries along in the circle, the third
starts running and shout-ing from one place to another. Some of the
dervishes, swaying and reciting,parade in a group along the
surrounding mob. After a moment a short breakcomes. Soon the chants
and recitations are undertaken; only the music is faster.Dancing
movements of the participants are more and more dynamic, chants
moreand more vehement. Gradually the dervishes seem to loose
contact with reality.Shouts reverberate, someone fells down.
Dynamic movements raise a cloud ofdust and it is hard to grasp what
is going on. Suddenly the music abates but onlyfor a moment. It
returns with even greater strength. The stimulated and
enthusias-tic mob is joined by sheikh. In the centre of events he
and the elders form tworows vis--vis each other. The sheikh sways
and moves with them rhythmically,back and forth. The longest and
the greatest part of the ceremonial starts. Somedo not dance
anymore and lie curled up on the sand. One of the dervishes who
haskept on twirling and drilled a hole in the sand starts running
from one place to theother and shouts. The chants are joined by
shouts and laments. The characteristicjoyous screech of women is
definitely best distinguishable. There is so much dustin the air
that it is impossible to recognise the situation. There is the
scent ofincense in the air. After a moment one can see a dervish
walking with an incenso-ry in his hand. He approaches everyone and
people try to incense themselvesdirecting the smoke with their
hands11. Suddenly everything subsides, there is
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Maciej Kurcz
11 The odour of the burning substance is said to have vital
properties which makes the par-ticipants feel no fatigue during the
ritual and makes others, who gave vent to their emotions,regain
consciousness.
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neither singing nor music. The cloud of dust slowly falls down.
Now a noise ofgreetings reverberates; people felicitate and embrace
each other. Certainly, thebiggest interest concentrates on the
person of the sheikh, but he quickly leavesthe place of prayers and
goes to his room. Before he enters the room he quicklygives his
blessing to some chosen ones. Some woman desperately asks him to
helpher daughter, who wishes to go to school. Sheikh
charismatically spreads hishands, and pronounces some formula. The
woman smiles, kneels down and kissesthe sheikhs hands. Later on the
sheikh decamps. Most of the participants leavesjust after the end
of the ceremonial. Rickshaws and taxis drive up. Others stay atthe
qubbas to pray. The sun sets and there comes the time of the
evening prayer.
DHIKR IN OLD DONGOLA
I had an opportunity to watch an completely different dhikr in
the northernprovince of Sudan. The gathering took place in Old
Dongola in the scenery ofa desolated Muslim village and a nearby
cemetery. This area has been deso-lated for a long time and is
entirely included in the scene of the desert. The near-est
settlements are Ed Ghaddar, a village 5 kilometers north of Old
Dongola,and Bukibul, a settlement about 5 kilometers south of Old
Dongola. Still, deso-lated Old Dongola is alive in the mind and
culture of the local people. This placeis surrounded by a dose of
mystery and sanctity. The inhabitants still rememberits Christian
magnificence. This is also the place where the first mosque in
theregion and one of the first mosques in Nubia was founded in what
used to bethe seat of Christian rulers. Finally, this is the place
where a great necropoliswith monumental qubbas of numerous
generations of sheikhs (many of whomare no longer known by name) is
located. Old inhabitants of the region, ances-tors of villagers of
both villages, rest in peace near them. This is probably thereason
why Old Dongola is an exceptional place where a stranger cannot
remainunnoticed. Natives come here to pray quite often and it is
here that dhikr is cel-ebrated collectively. This ritual is
performed here only on special occasions,twice a year when two
great Muslim feasts take place. Dhikr that I observedwas on the
occasion of Id al-Adha (Sacrificial Feast), also called al-Id
al-Kabir (Major Festival), which in 2001 took place on March
5-712.
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Contemporary Dhikr
12 As I was told the second so solemn dhikr takes place at the
time of Al-Id as-Saghir (MinorFestival), also called Festival of
Breaking Fast, that starts the last night of the fasting month
ofRamadan.
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Both the time of feasts and dhikr caused great stir and special
preparationsin the two villages. Women mixed and applied henna,
washed and ironed theirceremonial cloth. Men prepared animals to
slaughter and being excited theytalked about coming dancing
displays.
For people who had to walk, the feast day started very early. We
were luckyto have a car and we could have arrived just before
everything began. On ourway we could look closer at all means of
transport available to the local people.Most of them rode a donkey
or a camel, others came by bus or car. This was thetime when the
view of the desert watched from the direction of Old Dongolawas
impressive. Usually deserted, now it was full of traveling people
whoseclothes remained colourful in contrast with the desert
scenery.
About ten oclock everyone was on the spot gathering at the
cemetery. Itstarted with visiting tombs of relatives and friends.
Graves, usually gray in per-fect harmony with the desert were now
decorated with green stalks of palms bywhich dishes with water were
placed. One could hear prayers, and then the buzzof greetings and
talks, everywhere. The atmosphere resembled to a great extentthe
Polish All Saints Day. No need to say that qubbas of sheikhs
enjoyed greatpopularity. The crowd at the entrance was enormous,
and the most numerousones among people trying to get into the tombs
were women. When the timecame, the visitor took off the shoes.
After he got inside, he greeted the deceasedsheikh and proceeded to
circle the sarcophagus. The sarcophagus, usually a pileof stones or
a poor wooden construction, was specially decorated on the
occa-sion of that day, namely it was covered with a green linen
(kiswa) with a plen-titude of small knots13. In the air there was
the scent of incense. After the ritu-al circling, everyone leaned
to take some sand from the tomb. Some hid it, oth-ers tipped it
after a while. Soon the visitor left the tomb as there were
otherswaiting for their turn.
I noticed that in some distance from the necropolis prayers were
still offici-ated. Those who prayed formed two groups; in each of
them men stood in front,while women behind them. The prayers were
officiated by local Imams andcompanions of the sheikh. The prayers
were followed by so common on thatday felicitating and shaking
hands.
At about 11 oclock everything was coming to an end. Some of the
peoplewent back home; however, a considerable part of participants
moved towards a
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Maciej Kurcz
13 This is simply a sign of contact magic practiced extremely
often at the time of visitinggraves of saints.
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homestead outside the cemetery, situated in the ruins of the
desolated village.There was nothing characteristic of that building
that would make it stand outof the whole antique complex except for
a green banner. I had already seen it onmany occasions but now I
was surprised to see it solemnly decorated. It wasloud and crowdy.
Jugs (zir) were filled with fresh water, and one could smellsmoke
as well as scent of infused coffee and tea issued from the inside
of small,partly covered with sand rooms. Quite a number of women
bustled nearbypreparing kisra, meet and other festal dainties. The
biggest room was a place ofprayers. It was vast and oblong with two
rows of columns supporting the roof.The floor was covered with
sand. Light entered the room through several win-dows and
clearances in the walls. It was obvious that this building is used
onlyon the occasion of feasts, several times a year. Inside there
was only a group ofmen sitting at the walls on mats. The sheikh and
his entourage took a sit in thecentral place at the wall where
vis--vis the entrance there was the mihrab. Allof them were of old
age. The atmosphere there was also sociable. A man, spe-cially
appointed to that job, served coffee and tea as well as savory
toasts; onecould also smoke a cigarette there. The air was filled
with the aroma and smokeof incense, burnt in the middle of the
room.14 After a while the glasses were col-lected. Everyone got up
and a couple of musicians with tambourines turned outin the centre.
Al-Fatiha15 was read aloud and then the words of the declarationof
faith reverberated: la ilaha illa Allah, i.e. There is no god but
Allah. Theservice started. One man intoned the recitation of the
Gods names. The musi-cians started playing and singing and soon
they got up from the mat and startedcircling the room. Then, men
from the mob, one by one, joined them. After onehad circled the
room one time dancing his way, he returned to his place leavinga
money dole for the musicians. This way almost everyone who gathered
thereshowed off his solo dance. At some time, though the pace of
the music remainedthe same, the sheikh got up and joined the
ceremonial singing and clapping hishands in the rhythm. As it
turned out later it was the culminating moment of theceremonial.
Then the music abated and people started embracing others
andwishing them all the best. And again there was the time to have
a cup of tea orcoffee in other mens company. After a short rest,
the festal dinner was finallyserved; it consisted purely of the
animals slaughtered specially on this occasion.
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Contemporary Dhikr
14 Burning incense is a practice of universal meaning; it
expresses fear of God as well asrespect for Him and it has the
power of magic and the power of miracle making.
15 This is the first Surah of Koran, also called The
Opening.
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CONCLUSIONS
Both services as we can see are a part of one and the same
tradition elab-orated ages ago by individual leaders of religious
brotherhoods. The essence ofeach of them is rhythmical and
collective recitation of excerpts of Koran, reli-gious texts and
names of Allah accompanied by music and dance. Particularstages,
i.e. tilawa (recitation), Istighfar (request), the recitation of
Al-Fatiha andthe declaration of faith (la ilaha illa Allah) are
usually a constant element.
Both of them seem to favor the loud dhikr instead of some other
moresophisticated methods of meditating. However, it does not mean
that the latterones were completely absent.16 More spiritual ways
of praising God were usedby the sheikh himself and a few more
people, undoubtedly from his most imme-diate entourage.
Still, there were some differences between the rituals. It is
quite naturalthat these practices being the concept of individual
sheiks differ a little as far asthe degree of vehemence and the
choice of additional texts and religious songsare concerned. These
differences are quite obvious in the case of both abovedescribed
versions of dhikr.
Even an observer unacquainted with Sufism matters would notice
thatdhikr from the Hamad el-Nil cemetery, filled with emotions, was
definitelymore vehement. At a glance course of events seemed almost
completely unpre-dictable. For many of its participants the ecstasy
was the most important as itgave them a religious satisfaction.
There were no restraints while dancing. Theecstatic atmosphere
spread to each of the participants of the ceremonial. Thedervishes
excited because of the enthusiastic mob, while the mob was
excitedbecause of the image of the dervishes. In Old Dongola it was
entirely different;the ritual proceeded in a fairly different
atmosphere. The service was static andstill. There were no shouts,
madness or a clear moment of ecstasy. The musichad no noticeable
changes of rhythm, the formulae were sang audibly and
withveneration. In comparison to Omdurman, neither women nor
children partici-
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Maciej Kurcz
16 Undoubtedly sheiks were the ones who tried to fulfill
traditions of dhikr performed quiet-ly. The religious leader in
Omdurman joined the ceremonial at the culminating point. Before
thathe was to meditate in his room. In Dongola the sheikh
participated in the ritual, but he tried topronounce all the
formulae quietly. Moreover, it seemed that both saintly men were
taken off bytheir immediate entourage, i.e. companions and local
dignitaries.
-
pated in it17. As a result the service made an impression of a
more statelyone18.
Undoubtedly one of the causes is otherness of Sufism traditions
in thesetwo places (although both sheikhs are said to be related to
qadiriyya). The factis that the ethnic and cultural background of
both areas is different. In the caseof Omdurman, the cultural
mosaic of Sudan, different characteristics of indige-nous African
origin interfere. In the North of Sudan, unlike one could
presume,in many respects the country seems to be far more
conservative.
The other source of differences are probably religious
brotherhoods andtheir dervishes, as well as a group of trained
people traditionally responsible forthe course and the setting of
these ceremonials. In Omdurman there was awhole body of them. One
can even say that they were professionals (this is whatthe
informers maintained and what was twice verified). Each of them
performedclearly defined functions, like the above mentioned guard.
The ceremonial wasalso attended by a group of people who were not
dervishes. They were theimmediate company of the sheikh; his
companions, pupils, and undoubtedly aconsiderable group of local
notables and elders; to be brief, full right membersof the
religious brotherhood. These people, in fine white robes and
turbans andwith smart walking-sticks, conducted the ceremonial and
surrounded the sheikhall the time.
In Dongola there were hardly any people that one could call
dervishes ormembers of the Sufi brotherhood. Most of the
participants were inhabitants ofnearby locality. The peak of the
social ladder was represented by the village eld-ers and the
religious authorities. There was, though, a kind of personnel
thatlived in the vicinity of the cemetery and is famous for
rendering different kindsof magical and healing services (e.g.
making charms); they consider themselvescustodians of sheiks tombs.
They constitute a separate group of people and, likethe most of the
dervishes, they also physically or psychically disabled to
adegree.
In both ceremonials musicians played a key role. In Omdurman
there wasalmost an orchestra that consisted of people playing
drums, tambourines,cymbals and rattles. To reinforce the sound of
the instruments a modern sound
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Contemporary Dhikr
17 At the Hamad el-Nil cemetery women did not take part in
dancing. Still, they could watchthe ceremonial and it was clear
that they also imbibed the ecstatic atmosphere.
18 Quite a similar dhikr was observed and then described in
Upper Egypt by B.W. Blackman(1927:81-83).
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equipment was used. In Old Dongola there were only two musicians
whoplayed tambourines. Certainly, there was neither place nor need
to have a big-ger band or an impressive musical setting. In both
cases they were profession-als famous for accompanying at such
ceremonials. Usually, each region has itsmusicians but they do not
need to be from the sheikhs entourage or a religiousbrotherhood
(Nawal 1978:80). Only the most saintly ones can afford them.These
people usually have a normal life and, with their music, they add
splen-dor to both religious and secular ceremonials. Their services
are said to be freebut during the above mentioned dancing displays
each of the dancers left thema money dole. At the time of some
private dhikr or other family ceremonial theyare usually rewarded
with a gaudy meal.
As far as the sheiks are concerned, they both honored the
funcions. InOmdurman the sheikh joined it at the moment of climax
when people wereabout to explode because of emotions. Then,
applauded by the mob and thedervishes, surrounded by companions, he
danced swaying rhythmically andmoving back and forth in the centre
of the spectacle. His movements, however,were more stately and
orderly. Likewise, his face was full of dignity and medi-tation and
no sooner did a smile appear on it than the music and motion
ceased.He wore a long white robe and a turban and he still had his
smart, woodenwalking-stick.
Sheikh Babikir from Old Dongola participated in the function
from the verybeginning as he conducted the recitation. Still, he
did it sitting on an elegant matat the mihrab it in the same
pensive pose. Perhaps, once more we deal here withan example of
dissimilarity as far as Sudanese Sufism is concerned. In OldDongola
dhikr was more stately. It did not behove the sheikh to recite
aloud orto participate in dancing displays. His status prevented
him from reacting in asimilar manner to that of simple
participants. His reaction was subdued butexplicit and his thoughts
seemed to be distant and concentrated on God. In bothcases the
sheiks clearly distanced themselves from the mob emanating
dignityand devoutness. They both seemed to accomplish the ideals of
the mysticexultation.
In both cases dhikr took place at a cemetery. It is definitely
about the nobleof milieu of qubbas. In the Omdurman necropolis it
was mainly the qubba ofthe sheikh Hamad el-Nil, while in Dongola
the whole number of them. In mostof the cases the ritual of dhikr
is above all a form of remembering and reveringof the saints. It is
of particular importance to religious brotherhoods which inthis way
can express their identity. During most of this kind of ceremonials
a
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special excerpt from Koran, referring to dead sheiks, is read
aloud. Additionallythe name of a saintly person is repeated and
sometimes even the man himself,his life and his wonders are
remembered. Finally, this is the best time for thesaint to bestow
his might to those who gathered at his sanctuary. Because of
theplace where the ritual is performed it is also an opportunity to
honour other deadones, relatives or friends. every dhikr, dancing
displays, feasting in the sceneryof the cemetery seems to support
in a way a kind of bond between the livingones and those who passed
away.
As I mentioned at the beginning, the cemetery is not the only
place of cele-brating this kind of ceremonials. Dhikr is often
performed in the sheikhs seator in the village mosque. Religious
services are organised also in ordinaryhomesteads, either solely
for family in the atmosphere of privacy or for the vil-lage
community in order to commemorate some religious event.
Dhikr is predominatingly organised on the occasion of all kinds
of religiousfeasts, which are the best time for it. They may arise
either from the fundamen-tals of the Muslim orthodoxy or from the
folk religiousness. Most often theyinclude the local Mawlid
(birthday of a saint) or Mawlid an-Nabi (birthday ofMahomet) that
fall on the 12th day of the rabi al-awwal month. In Old
Dongoladhikr is performed twice a year, during Id al-Fitr and Id
al-Adha. Manyinformers maintained that in the vicinity this ritual
is performed on the occasionof the Mahomets Assumption, i.e. laylat
al-Miraj celebrated on the 27th of therajab month. The service
commemorating one of these events is said to have thegreatest
importance, therefore it needs to have the most excellent setting.
Thewhole community participates in it; on this occasion even
pilgrims from otherregions may come. This is the best time to make
requests and render thanks toa saint. Almost exclusively a cemetery
and a qubba of some saint is the settingof these dhikrs (Kennedy,
Hussein 1978:45-49).
Dhikr can be performed also on other days and in other periods.
Friday isquite popular. Like it was the case of the Hamad el-Nil
cemetery, it can be cel-ebrated regularly every week on that day.
It is usually the case of religiousbrotherhoods for which this very
service is the basic form of religious practices.Informers from the
Jezira region maintained that also Monday is a good day fordhikr
since, as they explained, that is when Mahomet was born.
Finally, all kinds of events from the individuals life such as
child birth, cir-cumcision, wedding or funeral can be an occasion
for this ritual. In the case ofa wedding or a birth dhikr can be
performed each day of the entire ceremonialperiod. In the case of a
death, it can be performed after the funeral or every
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anniversary of this event. This dhikr may take place at a saints
qubba, in ahomestead or in a mosque. Basically, time and, to a
lesser degree, also placedepend on local version of Sufism and on
the attitude of the local people.
The sense of dhikr constitutes an inexhaustible subject.
Moreover, it is a dif-ficult subject since dhikr is often connected
with very intimate matters or withones far from orthodox way of
understanding religion. Nevertheless, almost allinterlocutors
stressed that dhikr is one of forms of practicing their
religiousness.Some pay special attention to regular praying, others
to religious fundamentals,and finally there are those who pay
attention to participation in dhikr. The wor-ship of saints, the
ritual of dhikr is the essence of the Sudanese Islam.Undoubtedly
even those who maintained that they do not participate in it at
thepresent time spoke about it with great veneration and respect
and only some-times they would criticise some of its varieties.
The above described varieties of this ritual perfectly
illustrate basic contextsin which it is practiced in Sudan. In
Omdurman weekly dhikr performed atsheiks tombs was connected with
the activity and practices of a particular reli-gious brotherhood.
It expressed the nature and the identity of the brotherhood,and it
supported the bond between its members. The Dongola dhikr
constitutedabove all the best of all possible settings of a great
religious feast. It did not resultfrom some Sufi calendar, but it
expressed inhabitants devoutness showed in atraditional way. It was
irrevocable, climax point of the festal period.
More open interlocutors revealed to me to a degree the
supernatural advan-tages of this service. The most important thing
is to take part in it, especiallythrough dancing and ecstasy.
People who could bring their feeling to a climax,were treated as
semi-gods. A shake of their hands or any other contact with themhad
great power. Women believe that touching a dervish, especially
right afterdance exultation, will provide them with fertility. The
same power is assignedto the smoke of incense that is burnt during
the service or to consumption ofmeals prepared for this occasion.
However, many people did not care aboutIslam or esoteric
experiences. The most important was a mere fact of participa-tion
in such a ritual and a chance of receiving a sacred grace.
As I already mentioned, the ritual of dhikr, due to its magical
power, accom-panies actually all important moments of life of the
Sudanese. It is performedon the occasion of childs birth,
circumcision and wedding or a funeral. Forexample it is believed
that after a child is born the ritual of dhikr allows dismiss-ing
bad spirits, protects against evil eye and expresses parents
gratitude. Asfar as mourning is concerned one believes that dhikr
will facilitate the dead to
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get to paradise and that it will protect mortals against anger
of the dead. It iseven said that the ritual can ban death away from
the family. Therefore theparticipation in the ritual or its
organising may arise from an individual intentor request. It is
very often the case that sheikhs advise participating in dhikr
topeople suffering from severe and mysterious disorders. Then such
a persondraws attention with a special dance or partly covers the
cost of the ceremoni-al. By and large, dhikr can be ordered in the
case of different family and person-al problems.
On all these occasions dhikr is also a part of social life. It
is accompaniedby revelling and common feasting. Many people treat
their participation indhikr as an occasion to be seen and to show
off. Dance interpretation and recita-tion displays created always
an opportunity to comment and make remarks. Inconsequence getting
the best opinions was a reason to be proud of oneself.Moreover, a
dole given to the musicians proved generosity and wealth of
thedonour. Undoubtedly, organising private dhikrs for a family or
for neighbourscarries the same dimension. It bespeaks about the
prestige of the family andabout its social and religious
manners.
The ritual has also a great economic meaning. In most cases the
cost of it isborne by all inhabitants of an area or its
participants. A large part of funds,though, comes from individual
donours, who wish to fulfil their promise givento a saint (nadr). I
was also said that many sheiks often organise such
practicescovering all the expenses themselves, which is
broadly.
In spite of that dhikr is one of a few occasions within a year
when all theinhabitants can revel, irrespective of their descent or
wealth. There must beenough food for everyone. For the majority of
villagers it is a rare occasion dur-ing a year when they can eat to
the hearts content and relish meat meals (Nawal1978).
Unfortunately, modern times did not remain without impact even
on thissphere of Sudan culture and influenced its intensity and
character, at least in theway described by Michael Gilsenan (1973)
in the context of Sufism in Egypt.Changes, though slower than in
other Muslim countries, take place also inSudan (Kennedy, Hussein
1978:56). Professional politicians, land-owners, jour-nalists and
teachers consist a potential threat for all those traditional
leaders andfor practices offered by them. Basically, these changes
are stimulated by twofactors: the omnipresent process of
westernisation and the increasing signifi-cance of the orthodox
Islam. In consequence, practices of broadly understood,popular
Islam, inter alia the ritual of dhikr, are set aside. They are
organised
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Contemporary Dhikr
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more and more rarely and not in all those places where they used
to be organ-ised. In the country critical opinions about dhikr are
not a rare case. People,influenced by aforementioned processes,
realise dhikrs incorrectedness andopposition in relation to the
true Islam; in consequence they simply cease par-ticipating in it
and, whats more, severely criticise it in public, treating
thesepractices with embarrassment.
Other threats to such practices are plans of the Sudanese
government con-nected with construction of a new dam lake over Nile
between the FourthCataract and the vicinity of the Abu Hamed town
(Hamdab Dam Project). Thisproject implicates the action of
resettlement, which in consequence may lead toobliteration of the
culture of people who inhabit these areas to a degree similarto
that of Egyptian Nubia after Naser Lake was built (Kennedy
1979).
Dhikr, which I had an opportunity to watch at the Hamad el-Nil
cemetery inOmdurman, is threatened also by tourists. Every year
more and more tourists,attracted by stories of savagery of these
practices, come on Friday afternoons tothe Hamed el-Nil cemetery.
Their presence, against presumptions, usually doesnot irritates
dervishes or simple participants. On the contrary, savage
dervish-es pose when being photographed or filmed almost like film
stars. It is quiteobvious, however, that they will ask for money in
return. It is a rule that eachtime such a dole is given to
companions or to the leader of a brotherhood dur-ing an audience
specially arranged for this purpose.
Everything which might be defined as commercialisation lowers
the valueof this ritual. Its religious atmosphere, spontaneity and
honesty vanish and arereplaced by, one could say, a film scenario
where everything happens accordingto a scheme and is subjected to
needs of a spectator. Fortunately in Hamed el-Nil it is still a
combination of pleasant and useful. The original meaning ofthe
ritual is still clear and the negative, commercial dimension has
not yet dom-inated the spectacle. Nevertheless, one can never be
sure if soon dervishes especially in these big cities visited by
tourists will not start dancing andwhirling just for money in an
air-conditioned venues of some hotels.
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