Continuity and change. Long-term processes of urbanization and ruralization at Kale Akte (Sicily)

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Continuity and Change Long-term processes of urbanization and

ruralization at Kale Akte (Sicily)

Adam Lindhagen

Time as a process

Departing from a study of an urban settlement on the north coast of Sicily, Kale Akte (Fig. 1), over a millennium (Lindhagen 2006), this paper explores the processes of urbanization and ruralization in order to see what connections and relationships can be traced between continuity and change. As in many other sites in Sicily, habitation since antiquity has here been divided between the hill and the harbour beneath it, with varying emphasis on hill- and maritime settlement (Figs. 2-4). The vast chronological time-span of this study invites the identification and comparison of processes of different time scales. Naturally, economic, political and social structures or conjunctures are those most readily identified in an archaeological study with this time perspective, particularly since literary sources for the site are largely lacking. The agents are more or less invisible to us, and therefore the role of historical events in a smaller community such as this can rarely be given the importance they deserve.

Several definitions of processes can be made, and this paper will focus on the time aspect of processes, mainly change and continu-ity. Processes are usually confined in time, and time is accordingly central when discussing them. The theoretical discussions regarding this eternal problem have been numerous and date as far back as antiquity. In modern historical science, time has been discussed most importantly by the so-called ‘Annales’ school, with Lucien Febvre, Fernand Braudel and Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie as perhaps its most

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Fig. 1. Map of Sicily with the site of Kale Akte/Calacte indicated. From Wikimedia Commons.

Fig. 2. View of Caronia, the site of the polis Kale Akte. Photo: Francesco Collura.

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Fig. 4. Map of Caronia and Caronia Marina with the inhabited areas marked. A1-B1: the urban area of the polis Kale Akte. A2-B3: the area of the harbour-settlement Calacte. C: presumed harbour basin. Map courtesy of Francesco Collura.

Fig. 3. View of Caronia Marina, the site of Kale Akte’s harbour-settlement (‘Calacte’ in Roman times). Photo: A. Lindhagen.

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famous interpreters (Braudel 1972). The Annales school divided time into different ‘rhythms’ or scales: the longue durée – the time dimension of geography, geology and nature, where changes are hardly noticed by man; the conjonctures – cycles of different length but usually longer than the life-time of an individual; and finally the événements, the short-term historical and political events which take place during a more limited space of time.

It has been argued that the different time scales distinguished by the Annales school are not well defined, and therefore everyone has their own interpretation of them. It is of course important to speak the same language and therefore definitions are essential. The question is how well defined these time scales can be. Perhaps the advantage of the different rhythms of the Annales school is precisely that they can be used in so many different contexts and in different ways, they are dynamic. The appeal of the approach lies in its fundamental ambivalence, in the capacity to adapt (Knapp 1992a:16). Therefore it is all the more essential that any scholar using its terminology is very clear about the definitions as they pertain to the case at hand.

The Braudelian view of history, to some extent related to processual archaeology, led to a quite deterministic and hierarchic view, where the enduring aspects of history were regarded as being more important than the shorter ones. The main problem with the Annaliste view of time was that it was hierarchical; the wider time dimension is always considered more important than the shorter time dimensions. Thus, continuity is underlined, but change plays a minor role. And something Braudel forgot was human agency and the social reality which together shape not only material culture, but also nature, climate, etc. (Braudel 1972:65).

This was modified by later Annalistes, who acknowledged that the different time scales were all dependent on each other. One of Braudel’s successors, E. Le Roy Ladurie, was closer to a view that we are dealing with related processes of similar or overlapping time scales which are independent of the total time. He saw history as a constant interaction between structure and event. A social, economic or political structure is continuous until it is changed by an historical event. It then changes into a new structure (Knapp 1992a:15). Le Roy Ladurie was mainly interested in the constant relationship and tension between social structures and historical events. Although people lived and worked within the structures, they were not bound by them

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(Moreland 1992:125). In fact, there can never be an isolated event, because a moment in time is always bound up in the sweep of time. There is a reciprocal relationship between structure and event, which together cause social change (Knapp 1992b:94). More recent theory, such as actor-network theory, emphasizes the interconnection between structures and actors and might possibly be used to illustrate the ways in which structures and actors interact (for an interesting attempt to apply network theory to Classical archaeology see Malkin 2011; see also Giddens 1984).

The event

Historical and political events are virtually impossible to identify in an archaeological record, but in Classical archaeology there is the pos-sibility of matching the record with what we know from the written sources. This is both a blessing and a curse, since far too frequently archaeological data are uncritically interpreted from historical sources. The ancient sources can indeed be said to represent the quintessence of the histoire événementielle, since the ancient authors saw history as a sequence of events. However, using the ancient sources as a critical point of departure, they are still an important testimony to the events which archaeology can say little or nothing about. As Anthony Snodgrass has pointed out, Classical archaeology has a key role when it comes to coordinating structural history and archaeology (Snodgrass 1991).

It is often quite difficult to define the beginning and end of a process. The term ‘process’ is a theoretical term, very generalizing, more a tool of the scholar used in order to simplify a very complex reality rather than an actual existing entity. The same thing could be argued to be true of the different time scales, as they are merely, as Roland Fletcher has pointed out, associations between different entities such as humans, social constructions and environment, made on different degrees or scales, from micro to macro (Fletcher 1992). The longer the time span studied, the more complex the interplay between different scales becomes (Gosden & Kirsanow 2006:28). The scales are very simplified constructs, employed in order to make sense of complex relationships between different actors and processes. As such they can be very useful as long as one acknowledges the simplification and the complex relationships existing between them.

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The longue durée

The geographical framework, the landscape and its assets, are naturally part of the longue durée. In his study of the Mediterranean under Philip II, Braudel’s longue durée only endures for not more than a couple of centuries, whereas it would be possible to argue that the longue durée encompasses time dimensions much longer than that: a time dimension which remains more or less unchanged through millennia. On this vast time-scale it is difficult to identify processes other than geological ones which span over many millennia and millions of years. In much the same way, the phenomenon of small-scale trade along the coasts, ‘coast-hopping’, forms a continuum throughout the period, marking a long tradition of connectivity. This points to strong continuity in contrast to change, which normally characterizes a process. However, looking at a more detailed level, it becomes clear that the degree of connectivity varied over time, as naturally the social and economic organization of shipping did as well as the technology of the vessels themselves.

Conjunctures

The medium time dimension, the conjoncture (here translated as ‘conjuncture’), is the most easily identifiable in an archaeological study of this kind. Most processes, both historical and/or economic, lasted over one or a couple of centuries, and followed each other continuously.

The economic trends illustrate such conjunctures well. They are not of the short kind that we follow on the economy news, but rather the economic rise and decline of different regions in the Roman Empire, illustrated by the beginning and end of a certain export (wine, olive oil, fish sauces, pottery, etc.). Kale Akte produced wine for export from Hellenistic times until the early sixth century AD, on an ever increasing scale, beginning in late Classical or early Hellenistic times with low scale production for a local and/or regional market and ending with a mass export to Rome in Late Antiquity. This conjuncture could thus be characterized as a process; something which begins at a certain level and develops into something different. This example can also exemplify how interconnected this process was with other processes or conjunctures. The fact that wine was exported on an increasing scale was directly connected with the increasing Mediterranean trade in the Hellenistic

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period, and especially with the apex of the Roman Empire and the vicinity of Kale Akte to Rome, its metropolis. The rise and decline of empires and/or states are constituted by very complex processes, closely intertwined, which often occur during a time-span of several hundreds of years, and which had a great impact on the economy of a small town, most directly through taxation. Not least the security that states and empires provided was a central factor for trade, since insecurity is its worst enemy. Clearly, to call the Roman Empire a single conjuncture is a very rough generalization. However, sometimes it is necessary to generalize in order to see the broader development as long as one is aware of the fact that, on a more detailed level, we are dealing with a vast number of intertwined processes of different character.

The decline of this trade is likewise intimately connected with the process of decline of the empire and its metropolis. It has become clear that although trade declined in the western Mediterranean after the fall of the Western Roman Empire, continuity and trade persisted on a certain scale for more than a century. In the case of Kale Akte, it is clear that the city of Rome was of major importance because it was ideally situated for seaway export to this city. It could be argued that the existence of Kale Akte depended to a great degree on the size of the Roman market.

The early urbanization of Kale Akte – process or event?

In recent years it has been debated whether to consider Greek colonial foundations as events or merely as parts of a process (Malkin 2008; Owen 2005). In the following, I will try to throw some light on this problem, focusing on the example of Kale Akte. According to historical tradition, Kale Akte was founded by the exiled former resistance leader of the indigenous Sikels, Ducetius, in 446-440 BC (Diod. Sic. 12.8.2; Lindhagen 2006:4-5). The circumstances regarding the foundation are very obscure, and it seems that the colony never reached political importance (Lindhagen 2006:5). The foundation of a colony can never be isolated from the broader process of colonization, in this case the Greek colonization of Sicily. Kale Akte was one of the latest colonies founded in Sicily, and is a separate phenomenon distinct from the Greek colonization in the Archaic period. However, following in the footsteps of the Greek colonies, a number of colonies of people of mixed ethnic origin, mostly Greeks and Sikels but also exclusively Sikels, appeared

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from the mid-fifth century and into the fourth century BC. This was a consequence of the process of changing cultural identities of the Sikel population, and of the decreasing cultural differences between Greeks and Sikels. Political processes were also decisive; Syracuse had begun to have strategic interests in the north coast, and was part of the increasing political and military power which the city-state had achieved. It is likely that the foundation of Kale Akte would not have happened without the support, direct or indirect, of Syracuse (Lindhagen 2006:5; Rizzo 1970).

But would an urban settlement on the hill-top of Caronia (Figs. 2; 4) have come into existence without the historical event constituted by Ducetius’ colonial foundation? There are several indications that such a scenario could be plausible. The neighbouring settlements of Kale Akte, Haluntium and Apollonia, both grew gradually into urban settlements in the late fifth and fourth centuries BC and each came into existence without a colonial foundation. They had both been inhabited since the Bronze Age just as Kale Akte had been. It seems quite probable that over time, during the increasing prosperity of the Hellenistic period, the small Sikel community would have gradually developed into an urban settlement due to its advantageous position on a coast which has few good harbours. It could be argued that the north coast of Sicily, under-urbanized in the fifth century BC compared to the rest of the island, experienced a general process of urbanization in the fourth century BC.

A case which clearly stands apart from the others is that of Halaesa. This neighbouring city of Kale Akte was founded in 403 BC by the Sikel leader Archonides (Diod. Sic. 14.16.1-2). This is an historical event of classical type, which very soon would have important political and economic repercussions for the area. The location by the coast, and on the only pass through the Nebrodi mountain chain to the hinterland, made it especially attractive and important from a strategic point of view.

Although the event of the foundation of Kale Akte did not have important repercussions, one might say it marks the starting point for the urbanization process of Kale Akte. Even if it is possible that an urban settlement would have developed here anyway, the foundation introduced a certain number of settlers all at once, giving the city a population boost in its early development. It is possible that without this initiative an urban settlement would never have developed here,

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and it would have been different in any case. Agency and events are thus intimately connected with the more general processes of urban-ization, to a greater or lesser degree, and can never be divided from them. It could also be argued that the slow, gradual urbanization of the neighbouring towns of Apollonia and Haluntium could be described as a series of many small ‘events’, when small groups of settlers arrived and decided to live there.

The very general and dehumanized term ‘process of urbanization’ is in reality nothing other than a series of small events in which humans took part as agents. It could be argued that the urbanization of Sikel settlements in the fifth and fourth centuries BC has the traits of a process more than the birth of Greek overseas apoikia in the Archaic period, which were characterized more by important historical founda-tion events. The case of Kale Akte can probably best be considered as somewhere in between: a foundation event that speeded up the process of urbanization which had already been set in motion.

The process of urban decline/ruralization and the event

Urbanization and settlement patterns are other types of processes which can be regarded as conjunctures. This is observed in the moving down from the hill to the sea in times of economic prosperity, stability and peace, as witnessed through the intensification of agriculture, while settlements moved up to the hill in unstable periods (there are of course also examples of settlements moving as a consequence of short-term events such as warfare).

Processes of short duration, usually just a couple of years, such as particular historical events, are obviously much more difficult or impossible to detect in the archaeological material. Earthquakes are one type of cataclysmic historical event which can sometimes be identi-fied in the archaeological record. Obviously, earthquakes can have a catastrophic effect on a settlement, and they are often regarded as very dramatic points of change. To the inhabitants of a settlement they no doubt were, but for the existence of the settlement, other factors such as the current political and economic conjunctures, played an essential role. If the conditions for a continued existence for the settlement were advantageous, life continued, but if not, the catastrophe became a persuasive reason to move away.

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In the case of Sicily in the fourth century AD, there was a strong tendency towards smaller settlements of rural type because of the peaceful conditions and the economic importance of production based on rural estates. Outside the major cities of the island (Syracuse, Catania, Messina), urban culture had not planted deep roots and when the concept of the Greek polis disappeared in the early empire as a consequence of a new political, economic and cultural system, many urban settlements dissolved (Wilson 1990:188). At Kale Akte such a decentralizing process of ruralization was presumably accelerated by a natural disaster, probably an earthquake, around AD 100. Thus, under certain conditions the event no doubt also had the power to shape the long-term history of the settlement, not by itself, but in interplay with processes of the social, economic and political kind.

It could be argued that the conjuncture which corresponds to the life span of Kale Akte as an urban settlement was a continuous process of urbanization and it experienced more or less constant growth from the late fifth century BC to Augustan times, but probably experienced a beginning, moderate, decline in the first century AD until it was suddenly to a great extent destroyed around AD 100. It is probable that an historical event in the late first century BC, more than a century earlier, had caused some destruction, but it seems that the city soon recovered, since the archaeological material shows clear continuity (Lindhagen forthcoming; for the widespread evidence of destruction of Sicilian cities in connection with the civil war between Sextus Pompey and Octavian, see Stone 1983).

The general destruction which the hill-town suffered around AD 100 was probably much more serious since it presumably was caused by a natural phenomenon such as a landslide or more probably an earthquake (Bonanno 1993-1994:961, 967). At any rate, if it had occurred little more than a hundred years earlier, it seems probable that circumstances were such that it was still essential to stay at the easily defended hill-top. Consequently, a catastrophic event had different consequences at different times depending on the political and economic context. The maritime settlement Calacte (Figs. 3-4) (a Latinized version of the Greek name Kale Akte) seems to have been severely afflicted around AD 100, probably by the same earthquake that hit the hill-town (Lindhagen forthcoming). Nevertheless, this semi-urban maritime settlement was resilient and continued to flourish for more than three centuries for reasons that we will see below.

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Calacte was a vicus, i.e. an agglomeration or village in which com-mercialization of the rural products took place and where different kinds of goods such as pottery, for example, were produced (Wilson 1990: 232). The village had once begun as the harbour and maritime adjunct to Kale Akte, and was a part of the polis itself, although not of its urban part. When the buildings were reconstructed after the destruction around AD 100, it was in a much more haphazard fashion compared to their predecessor, involving a large degree of reuse. It is clear that the settlement would have had little central administration, but existed now as an organic entity, less regularized and planned. All evidence suggests that the ruralization of Sicily had increased in the period AD 100-350 (Wilson 1990:232).

The main reason for the resilience of Calacte was the Empire and its demands, which required centralized locations for production and exchange, and the vicus was a settlement concentrated around activities of this kind. The importance of such vici in Sicily is shown by the new organization of the road system from around AD 325 where such villages with mansiones – road stations – were central (Uggeri 1997-1998:309). Central organization would, however, have become less important in the course of the fifth century due to the diminishing control exercised by Rome, and the tendency was for settlements to fragment into smaller villages of rural character.

A presumed earthquake at Calacte around AD 360 destroyed two larger buildings which were never rebuilt (Lindhagen forthcoming). In AD 361, the situation was quite different compared to the destruction two and a half centuries earlier. Firstly, the magnitude of the earthquake might have been considerably higher. Recent studies have shown that the settlements in the area around the Strait of Messina shrunk to only a third of what they had been prior to the mid-fourth century. Since the economic and political conjunctures in Sicily by this time were very advantageous, suffering from war or economic decline can be ruled out. The scholar E. Guidoboni has suggested that the area was hit by an enormous earthquake in the 360s AD, similar to that at Messina in 1908. This registered 6.5 on the Richter Scale for the area of Caronia as indicated on a map showing the impact of the earthquake on north-eastern Sicily (Guidoboni et al. 2000:48, fig. 1). Earthquakes of this magnitude cause major damage to modern buildings. Considering the relatively simple construction of the buildings at Calacte at this time, it is possible that they would have been less earthquake-resistant than

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modern buildings (although there are of course examples of historic societies that had the knowledge to construct buildings which could weather earthquakes despite their simple technology).

It is impossible to know to what degree the population diminished as a consequence of the earthquake, but the evidence from the area around the Straits of Messina is clear: about 50 per cent of the settle-ments disappear compared to the earlier period, and this also comprises smaller rural settlements (Guidoboni et al. 2000:60). How much of this was a consequence of the earthquake?

The survey of settlements in the area around the Strait of Messina in Late Antiquity no doubt shows how the number of settlements diminished as a consequence of the catastrophe (Guidoboni et al. 2000:53-4, fig. 2 d-f). Although the general conjuncture in the fourth to the early sixth centuries AD was very advantageous, the settlements obviously never recovered completely. This demonstrates that an event such as this catastrophic earthquake did influence the socio-economic structure. Moreover, in the course of the sixth century, it seems that the socio-economic conditions grew much worse all over the island as well as in Italy, and the number of settlements decreased drastically (Burgio 2008:256-7; Guidoboni et al. 2000:60).

It is difficult to judge the extent of the damage the earthquake caused to the Caronia Marina settlement, but it would not have been hit as badly as the area of the Straits of Messina. Although the number of inhabitants in the area of Calacte might not have been affected greatly in the long term, most buildings would have been destroyed. This would have had negative effects on water supply and many other central functions. The reconstruction of a relatively organized settlement in the second century AD, building on and reusing the remains of the older settlement which had been connected with the polis, had been a natural choice for the people who abandoned the hill town and had lived in an urban culture; they still had a memory of an urban culture. Nevertheless, the community did not have the organization necessary to reconstruct the settlement in the same way as before with, for example, large well-built, public buildings.

It could be argued that the end of the process of urbanization at Kale Akte was accelerated by the earthquake in the fourth century. If this catastrophe had not occurred, the settlement as it appeared before this date probably would have continued life for a significantly longer stretch of time. The economic and social circumstances would have made

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the decline of this settlement irreversible, but it would have happened at a slower pace. Similarly, there can be no doubt that a disaster such as that which presumably shook the Straits of Messina around 360 would have had significantly different consequences if it had happened in the Augustan period. The resilience and organization of the urban communities which existed three and a half centuries earlier would have made an overall reconstruction possible.

Only small and badly built buildings can be dated to the fifth century AD at Calacte (Bonanno 2008:26-8). We also know that an important local production of wine amphorae was by now located in a rural suburb, some kilometres away (Lindhagen 2006:80; Lindhagen forthcoming). It seems that Calacte, once a sprawling semi-urban settlement with public storage buildings and water cisterns, became gradually depopulated. The fifth and early sixth centuries AD was, however, still a very prosperous period in Sicily (Cassiod. Var. 10.2; Wilson 1990:336, n. 56). Amphora production and the export of wine from Calacte continued in this period, so why did the settlement decline?

Crucial to the resilience of a community after a major natural disaster is the degree of local organization and administration (for a study on the resilience of the Greek polis of Kos, see Höghammar 2011:273). It comes quite naturally that a rural village, which Calacte would have been in the fourth century AD, would have had few resources to organize and administer a planned reconstruction of the village after a violent earthquake. The result was a settlement of even more ad hoc character growing from the ruins of the old. Since any remaining form of urban mentality would have disappeared by now, the small rural buildings, of bad quality, were a natural consequence. Thus, economic life continued at Caronia Marina in the fifth and sixth centuries AD, but probably people lived in modest buildings scattered around, without any centre or central regulation. The existence of tombs in the central parts of the earlier settlement, and inside an edifice (Bonanno 1997-98:429, 431-2, fig. 6.; Bonanno 2008:25-6, fig. 29, 75-7), clearly shows that the number of inhabitants as well as the size of the settlement had decreased significantly by the seventh century AD, and there are no later archaeological traces of occupation (Bonanno 2008:26). There is literary evidence for a harbour in the thirteenth century (Al-Idrisi, 25.53), and it is entirely possible that there was some kind of continuity in settlement between the early and late medieval periods, but any settlement would have been very small and random since it has left no traces.

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Conclusions

The discussion above has shown that in a long-term study of this kind, historical or geological events by themselves have a relatively limited impact on the long-term life of a settlement. A comparison with other hill settlements in the area shows that most developed into urban settlements without a colonial foundation event. Ducetius’ foundation therefore cannot be regarded as a precondition for the establishment of an urban settlement at the hill-top of Caronia. It seems probable that the hill - with an attractive position combined with a safe harbour and an already existing population - would have developed into an urban centre in the Hellenistic period regardless. Nevertheless, it is possible that an event of this kind was the decisive step which made the settlement attractive to even more settlers. It could be argued that historical events have the greatest impact when they agree favourably with the historical conjunctures or structures. When they do, an event can also have enormous consequences in the long term.

At certain points in history, the rhythms of histoire évenémentielle and the conjonctures, usually of completely different scale and nature, for a short while maintain the same pace (Potter 2004:135). This can be said of certain great events, when the fate of world history depended on a few individuals and historical circumstances. The Second Punic War was such a turning point, the conquests of Alexander another. The probability that an agent can have long-lasting influence on history obviously depends to a large extent on his political, economic and/or military power. It goes without saying that in history on a more local level, the probability is lower that the agents are powerful to the extent that they can influence historical processes.

In the historically and geographically narrow perspective of the Sicilian north coast, the foundation of Halaesa is probably the best example of an event which was played out at a very advantageous point of time as regards economic and political circumstances. This ensured that this city was to have a major influence on the region, despite being a relatively small town compared to the major cities of the island. The colonial foundation of Kale Akte, on the other hand, could be mentioned as an example of a typical historical event which had relatively little impact in the long run. This was because the agent (Ducetius) had little power and no direct support of a local political player. Moreover, the situation of the city was not so advantageous that it could balance these negative factors. Lacking political strength, it was determined to

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follow the general long-term economic, political and social processes with little power to control or influence them.

All in all, agents and historical events were short moments or parts of their social, economic, and political processes. Likewise, the events constituted by the earthquakes are parts or moments of geological processes. Consequently they cannot be divided from each other, but rather represent different degrees of magnitude or scale. The historical processes are made up of its agents, and the latter are constrained and enabled by the ongoing historical and geographical contexts or processes. How can the different time scales and their interconnection help us in the study of the past? Any archaeologist has to relate to different scales of interpretation; from the finds to their interpretation in a social, economic or political context, and further, to their setting in a geographical and ecological context. In addition a Classical archaeologist often has to deal with the written sources and historical events.

It is thus obvious that in long-term studies of the ancient Mediterranean, a consideration of different levels of enquiry is necessary, as well as the problem of how the different levels of time or detail relate to each other. More work has to be dedicated to the problem of how these different scales interact. As Gosden and Kirsanow (2006:36) have put it: ‘Most of the minutes and hours have vanished from our evidence, but some are still there and how to bring these together with years, decades, centuries and millennia is still a key issue for archaeology, which needs to be more clearly recognized than it has to date.’ The framework of the Annales school helps us in identifying these scales in history and archaeology and can serve as an important source of inspiration, rather than presenting the perfect theoretical model.

References

Abbreviations

Al-Idrisi = Al-Idrisi. 2008. Idrisi. Il libro di Ruggero. Translation and notes by U. Rizzitano. Palermo: Flaccovio Editore.

Cassiod. Var. = Cassiodorus, Magnus Aurelius. 2006. Cassiodorus: Variae. Translated with notes and introduction by S. J. B. Barnish. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Diod Sic. = Diodorus Siculus. 1935. The Library of history, Loeb Classical Library. Translated by C. H. Oldfather. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

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Continuity and change. Long-term processes of urbanization and ruralization at Kale Akte (Sicily)

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