8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/continuing-resolution-negative-ddi-2013-ss 1/74 Continuing Resolution DA Piecemeal reform now National Law Review, 08/06 (“Prospects for Comprehensive Immigration Reform: The House of Representatives Kicks the Can Down the August Recess Road”, 08/06/13, http://www.natlawreview.com/article/prospects-comprehensive-immigration-reform-house- representatives-kicks-can-down-augu , accessed 8/6/13, JF) The U.S. House of Representatives left town last week for the long August recess without passing one immigration-related bill. House Republicans made it quite clear that the Senate- passed S. 744, The Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act, would never be taken up by the House. To date, the House has five immigration bills reported out of either the Judiciary or Homeland Security Committee. The Comprehensive Immigration Reform bill that the House Gang of 8 (now 7) has been working on for the past 18- plus months has not be introduced and the common wisdom is that it will not be the vehicle that will be used in the House. None of the five bills have been brought to the floor for a vote. When the House returns in September, there is a feeling that the bills might be brought up in the following order: The Border Security Results Act (H.R. 1417) was introduced on April 9, 2013 by House Homeland Security Chairman Michael McCaul and approved by the House Homeland Security Committee on May 20, 2013 by voice vote. H.R. 1417 requires results verified by metrics to end The Department of Homeland Security’s ad hoc border approach and to help secure our nation’s porous borders. The Strengthen and Fortify Enforcement Act (H.R. 2278), also know as The SAFE Act, was approved by the House Judiciary Committee on June 18, 2013. The SAFE Act seeks to improve the interior enforcement of our immigration laws by preventing the Executive Branch from unilaterally halting federal enforcement efforts. To this end, the bill grants states and localities the authority to enforce federal immigration laws. The Legal Workforce Act (H.R. 1772) was introduced on April 26, 2013 by Rep. Lamar Smith and approved by the House Judiciary Committee on June 26, 2013. This bill discourages illegal immigration by ensuring that jobs are made available only to those who are authorized to work in the U.S. Specifically, the bill requires employers to check the work eligibility of all future hires though the E-verify system. The Supplying Knowledge Based Immigrants and Lifting Levels or STEM Visas Act (H.R. 2131), also known as The SKILLS Visa Act, was introduced by Rep. Darrell Issa on May 23, 2013. The SKILLS Visa Act changes the legal immigration system for higher- skilled immigration and improves programs that make the U.S. economy more competitive. The SKILLS Visa Act was approved by the House Judiciary Committee on June 27, 2013. On April 26, 2013, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte introduced the Agricultural Guestworker Act (H.R. 1773), also known as The AG Act. The Committee approved this bill on June 19, 2013 in a voice vote (20-16). This bill attempts to provide farmers with a new guest worker program to ease access to a lawful, agricultural workforce that employers may call upon when sufficient American labor cannot be found.
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8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
The U.S. House of Representatives left town last week for the long August recess without
passing one immigration-related bill. House Republicans made it quite clear that the Senate-
passed S. 744, The Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization
Act, would never be taken up by the House. To date, the House has five immigration bills
reported out of either the Judiciary or Homeland Security Committee. The Comprehensive
Immigration Reform bill that the House Gang of 8 (now 7) has been working on for the past 18-plus months has not be introduced and the common wisdom is that it will not be the vehicle
that will be used in the House. None of the five bills have been brought to the floor for a vote.
When the House returns in September, there is a feeling that the bills might be brought up in
the following order: The Border Security Results Act (H.R. 1417) was introduced on April 9,
2013 by House Homeland Security Chairman Michael McCaul and approved by the House
Homeland Security Committee on May 20, 2013 by voice vote. H.R. 1417 requires results
verified by metrics to end The Department of Homeland Security’s ad hoc border approach and
to help secure our nation’s porous borders. The Strengthen and Fortify Enforcement Act (H.R.
2278), also know as The SAFE Act, was approved by the House Judiciary Committee on June 18,
2013. The SAFE Act seeks to improve the interior enforcement of our immigration laws by
preventing the Executive Branch from unilaterally halting federal enforcement efforts. To this
end, the bill grants states and localities the authority to enforce federal immigration laws. The
Legal Workforce Act (H.R. 1772) was introduced on April 26, 2013 by Rep. Lamar Smith and
approved by the House Judiciary Committee on June 26, 2013. This bill discourages illegal
immigration by ensuring that jobs are made available only to those who are authorized to work
in the U.S. Specifically, the bill requires employers to check the work eligibility of all future hires
though the E-verify system. The Supplying Knowledge Based Immigrants and Lifting Levels or
STEM Visas Act (H.R. 2131), also known as The SKILLS Visa Act, was introduced by Rep. Darrell
Issa on May 23, 2013. The SKILLS Visa Act changes the legal immigration system for higher-
skilled immigration and improves programs that make the U.S. economy more competitive. The
SKILLS Visa Act was approved by the House Judiciary Committee on June 27, 2013. On April 26,
2013, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte introduced the Agricultural
Guestworker Act (H.R. 1773), also known as The AG Act. The Committee approved this bill onJune 19, 2013 in a voice vote (20-16). This bill attempts to provide farmers with a new guest
worker program to ease access to a lawful, agricultural workforce that employers may call upon
The U.S. debt ceiling deadline that will likely occur in late October or November may trigger a public policy
crisis unless Capitol Hill Republicans and President Barack Obama act to avert one.¶ The reason?
Some Republicans say the debt ceiling issue will be coupled with the issue of funding the U.S. government beyond Sept. 30.
Congress must pass a temporary appropriations bill known as a continuing resolution or a regular
budget by Oct. 1 to fund government agencies next fiscal year and prevent a shutdown.¶ “Those
two are going to be weaved together whether there’s a 30-day separation or not,” Rep. Lee Terry told the Hill. ¶ The
last budget resolution fight occurred in late 2012 and was settled with a late New Year's Day 2013 agreement that angered many
Republicans because it contained an income tax increase on upper-income adults.¶ The last debt ceiling fight in July/August 2011brought the U.S. to the brink of default, and although the default was averted, it resulted in a damaging, unprecedented downgrade
of the U.S. government's debt.¶ Economists and market analysts generally agree that a U.S. government default would send a shock
wave through global financial markets. U.S. government bonds are considered the safest in the world, and many other interest rates
are priced based on the 10-year and 30-year U.S. Treasury notes' prices. A downgrade of the U.S. government's debt, let alone a
default, would cause institutional investors to "reprice" risk -- something that would almost certainly send interest rates higher,
among other damaging consequences for the U.S. and global markets and economies.¶ Several Republicans told the Hill
that they're worried about the looming fiscal crises because they are yet to receive any
directive from GOP leaders. The House will be in recess for much of August and when its members return in September
they will have only nine legislative days -- meaning the House Republicans will be under immense pressure
to keep the doors of government agencies open and prevent a delay in paying debt
obligations.¶ The lack of directives doesn’t mean leaders are going to stand by idly , however.
Indeed, reports are that House Speaker John Boehner , R-Ohio, is planning on being more aggressive in
the fall because the ability of the GOP majority to move legislation through the House depends
on it.¶ “The only two things that really risk the Republican majority in 2014 would be if we shut
down the government or if we defaulted on the debt,” Rep. Tom Cole, R-Okla., told the National Journal. “So I
think these demand real leadership . I do think those are far more important than
immigration, because, again, they’ve got real-live consequences and real dates.”
LINK
Continuing resolution key to the global economy – US default causes investing
scare
Matthews, 7/26 – (Laura Matthews, Associated Press Staff Writer for the International
Business Times. July 26, 2013. “Short On Time, Republicans Could Tackle Debt Ceiling Crisis
With Continuing Resolution,” http://www.ibtimes.com/short-time-republicans-could-tackle-
downgrade of the U.S. government's debt, let alone a default, would cause institutional
investors to "reprice" risk -- something that would almost certainly send interest rates higher,
among other damaging consequences for the U.S. and global markets and economies.
Nuclear warMerlini, Senior Fellow – Brookings, 11 [Cesare Merlini, nonresident senior fellow at the Center
on the United States and Europe and chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Italian Institute
for International Affairs (IAI) in Rome. He served as IAI president from 1979 to 2001. Until 2009,
he also occupied the position of executive vice chairman of the Council for the United States and
Italy, which he co-founded in 1983. His areas of expertise include transatlantic relations,
European integration and nuclear non-proliferation, with particular focus on nuclear science and
technology. A Post-Secular World? Survival, 53:2, 117 – 130]Two neatly opposed scenarios for the future of the world order illustrate the range of possibilities, albeit at the risk of
oversimplification. The first scenario entails the premature crumbling of the post-Westphalian system . One
or more of the acute tensions apparent today evolves into an open and traditional conflict between states , perhaps even
involving the use of nuclear weapons . The crisis might be triggered by a collapse of the global
economic and financial system, the vulnerability of which we have just experienced, and the prospect of a second Great
Depression, with consequences for peace and democracy similar to those of the first. Whatever
the trigger, the unlimited exercise of national sovereignty, exclusive self-interest and rejection of outside interference would self-
interest and rejection of outside interference would likely be amplified, emptying, perhaps entirely, the half-full glass of
multilateralism, including the UN and the European Union. Many of the more likely conflicts, such as between Israel and Iran or India
and Pakistan, have potential religious dimensions. Short of war, tensions such as those related to immigration might become
unbearable. Familiar issues of creed and identity could be exacerbated. One way or another, the secular rational approach would be
sidestepped by a return to theocratic absolutes, competing or converging with secular absolutes such as unbridled nationalism.
8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
Now, the president is making clear his intent to try moving in a different direction, starting withthe newly refurbished grand bargain. Aides say Tuesday's announcement is the first of several new ideas Obama
will roll out as he prepares for budget negotiations this fall.¶ The White House and Congress face two
major deadlines in coming months: The government's authorization to spend money on many
programs will expire at the end of September unless Congress passes the annual appropriations bills before then,
which seems unlikely. Later in the fall, the government will once again need to raise its debt ceiling.¶ Under Obama's plan, the top
corporate rate would be cut to 28% from 35% for most businesses. Manufacturers would get a preferred rate of 25%.¶ As part of the
deal, the government could levy a one-time fee on earnings that multinational corporations have kept overseas. That would
generate billions of dollars in revenue, but only for a limited period. Obama's proposal could take some of that money and use it to
fund infrastructure projects, White House economic advisor Gene Sperling said.¶ Obama did not say Tuesday how much he wants.
But in his State of the Union address this year, the president named a $50-billion figure, with $40 billion aimed at the highways,
bridges, transit systems and airports in the most urgent need of repair.¶ Even with the exact dimensions of the new plan unknown,
analysts questioned whether the president expected lawmakers to take it at face value.¶ "He's delivering this major
economic pivot 72 hours before Congress leaves for a five-week recess," said Chris Krueger, managingdirector and senior policy analyst at Guggenheim Securities' Washington Research Group. "It almost seems like they're just throwing
a bunch of stuff at the wall just to say they're trying."¶ Obama may be "laying down markers" for the coming fight over the debt
ceiling, Krueger said.¶ "Any time the White House talks about infrastructure spending, Republicans kind of roll their eyes," he said.
"All they hear is 'stimulus.'"¶ In addition to disliking the new spending, House Republicans also oppose a tax overhaul that changes
the code for corporations, but not for individuals. Owners of small businesses who use the individual tax code would be at a
disadvantage if only the corporate tax rate were cut, they say.¶ The GOP has also demanded that corporate tax reform be "revenue
neutral," not raising money for job creation or any other goal, said Brendan Buck, press secretary for House Speaker John A. Boehner
(R-Ohio).¶ "After offering us two things he knows we oppose, the president is asking for additional stimulus spending which, as you
know, we also oppose," Buck said Tuesday. "So the president is taking his idea of tax reform, making it worse, and then demanding
ransom of more stimulus spending to get it.¶ "Some bargain," he said.¶ White House aides said Obama's proposal was revenue
neutral because the money for the construction projects would come from the one-time fee or other new revenue that would not
be permanent.¶ In his speech, Obama said he went to Chattanooga because he wanted to talk about "good jobs" in a "durable,
growing industry." Amazon recently announced it would hire 5,000 additional workers at centers around the country — jobs that
reportedly pay more than hourly wages at McDonald's but less than a middle-class salary.¶ White House aides defended the choice
of Amazon as the location for the speech, saying that many families expect to cobble together part-time jobs in order to live a
middle-class lifestyle.¶ Giving his second economic speech in as many weeks, Obama said he was looking for a wayto "break free of the same old arguments, where I propose an idea and Republicans just say
no because it's my idea."¶ "As Washington heads toward another budget debate," Obama
said, "the stakes could not be higher."
2. Political capital is key and top of the docket
O’Brien, 8/1 – (Michael O’Brien, Political Reporter for NBC News. August 1, 2013. “Boehner
backs short-term measure to avoid government shutdown,”
8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
Democratic House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said that President Obama is “one of the most
practically non-partisan presidents ” that she has ever seen in her career and that he “ really isworking” to forge a budget agreement .¶ “Here’s the thing — the president is one of the most practically non-
partisan presidents I have seen in the White House. I’ve been there since Ronald Reagan, and he really is working to try to g et some
bipartisan agreement. They’ve been working very hard to try to get the Senate consensus or some
agreement on how we can avoid a shutdown of government but also how you can even remove all doubt
that we’re not going to honor the full faith in credit of the United States of America by lifting the debt ceiling,” Pelosi said Friday in
an interview with the USA Today editorial board.¶ “There are some glimmers, a possibility of coming to a
grand bargain. The president is talking about a grand bargain for middle-income jobs, but the bigger, the grander the bargain
the more you can accommodate, shall we say, other things you don’t like so much. But weighing all the equities, this is the way
that we need to go forward,” Pelosi said.
8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
shameful-health-care-threats/ Raul A. Reyes “Senator Cruz and his pointless and shameful
health care threats”)
Cruz hopes to block passage of the continuing resolution that is necessary to finance the
government after September 30. But no matter how much Cruz amps up the rhetoric, his
threats are pointless and empty. As the Washington Post points out, he would need 41
Republicans in the Senate or 218 House Republicans to support such a filibuster. His plan has
nowhere near that level of support. Besides, the nonpartisan Congressional Research Office
says that implementation of the Act will occur regardless of defunding. Many of Cruz’scolleagues recognize that his plan is a losing proposition. Sen. Richard Burr (R-N.C.) called it
“the dumbest idea I’ve ever heard of.” Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) termed it “the political
equivalent of throwing a temper tantrum.” Neither Speaker of the House John Boehner nor
Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), both of whom oppose the health care law, are in favor of Cruz’s
approach. These Republican lawmakers understand that President Obama is not going to
abandon his signature legislative achievement. They also know that holding the whole
country hostage to their will is not a wise idea. Consider that the last time Republicans shut
down the government, during the Clinton Administration, it resulted in a backlash against the
GOP.
Top of the docket - Boehner calls for continuing resolution
O’Brien, 8/1 – (Michael O’Brien, Political Reporter for NBC News. August 1, 2013. “Boehner
backs short-term measure to avoid government shutdown,”
Democratic House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said that President Obama is “one of the most
practically non-partisan presidents ” that she has ever seen in her career and that he “ really is
working” to forge a budget agreement .¶ “Here’s the thing — the president is one of the most practically non-
partisan presidents I have seen in the White House. I’ve been there since Ronald Reagan, and he r eally is working to try to get some
bipartisan agreement. They’ve been working very hard to try to get the Senate consensus or some
agreement on how we can avoid a shutdown of government but also how you can even remove all doubtthat we’re not going to honor the full faith in credit of the United States of America by lifting the debt ceiling,” Pelosi said Friday in
an interview with the USA Today editorial board.¶ “There are some glimmers, a possibility of coming to a
grand bargain. The president is talking about a grand bargain for middle-income jobs, but the bigger, the grander the bargain
the more you can accommodate, shall we say, other things you don’t like so much. But weighing all the equities, this is the way
that we need to go forward,” Pelosi said.
8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
next-fiscal-cliff-obama-and-republicans-are-going-back-to-war)Some may disagree on what exactly constitutes the next fiscal cliff , but with our budget having already hit the debt
ceiling in May and the Treasury Department undertaking extraordinary measures to pay the government’s bills, the alarm has
been sounding off pretty loudly.
Despite this, Speaker Boehner is signaling that he does not plan to heed any warning and is willing to
cause real damage by threatening not to raise the debt ceiling. "We're not going to raise the debt ceiling without real cuts in
spending. It's as simple as that," he said.
The Senate is no better. A group of Republicans led by Sen. Ted Cruz (Texas) and Sen. Mike Lee (Utah) has indicated they
are willing to shut down the government if Obamacare is not defunded. Taken together, these threats
illustrate a total disregard for the financial health of the country. Looming in the not-so-distant future is the Continuing
Resolution, legislation that funds the government and is set to expire on September 30.
There is plenty of blame to go around. President Obama must also change course in order move the
country forward before his final term in the White House is up. Throughout his presidency, he has shown a
willingness to put programs, that American people across the political spectrum support, on
the cutting board in order to reach a deficit reduction deal with Republicans. This strategy does not work, but
the White House still entertains cutting these programs through the Grand Bargain, which is the potential deal to slow spending and
reduce the debt. Like many in Washington over the past four years, the Tea Party is unwilling to allow for any more tax increases
since the last fiscal showdown. Instead, the president should forcefully make the case to the American people that programs like
Social Security deserve to be expanded instead of cut.
PC Key to overcome Senate Republicans
Howley 8/4 --- (Patrick Howley is a reporter for the Daily Caller, August 4, 2013,
“Obama struggles to push ‘Better Bargain’ economic campaign,” Daily Caller,
Sasso 8/3 --- (Brendan Sasso is a staff writer for The Hill, August 3, 2013, “Obama:
Shutting down the government won't help middle class,” The Hill,
http://thehill.com/homenews/administration/315375-obama-shutting-down-the-government-wont-help-middle-class#ixzz2bFrZmLsT)President Obama warned congressional Republicans on Saturday not to try to use the threat of a
government shutdown to defund the health care law.
"Gutting critical investments in our future and threatening national default on the bills that Congress has already racked up – that’s not an economic plan," Obama said in his weekly address. "Denying health care to millions of Americans, or
shutting down the government just because I’m for keeping it open – that won’t help the middle class."
Republican lawmakers including Sens. Ted Cruz (Texas), Mike Lee (Utah), Rand Paul (Ky.) and Marco Rubio (Fla.) have
argued that congressional Republicans should block any government funding bill that provides
money for the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, Obama's signature health care law.
If Congress fails to pass a spending resolution by Sept. 30, it would trigger a government shutdown.
In his speech, Obama also reiterated his complaint that Republicans have focused on "phony" scandals.
"Too often over the past two years, Washington has taken its eye off the ball," he said. "They’ve allowed an endless parade of
political posturing and phony scandals to distract from growing our economy and strengthening the middle class."Obama has referred to "phony scandals" in previous speeches. When White House Press Secretary Jay Carney was asked earlier this
week what the president was referring to, he pointed to the controversy over the IRS's targeting of conservative groups and the
attack on the U.S. diplomatic post in Benghazi.
Obama said in his speech that he is open to working with Republicans to reform the federal
tax code, but only if the government also invests money in job creation."We can put construction workers back on the job rebuilding our infrastructure. We can boost manufacturing, so more American
companies can sell their products around the world," Obama said. "And we can help our community colleges arm our workers with
the skills they need in a global economy – all without adding a dime to the deficit."
Obama Key
News Journal 8/5 --- (The Daytona Beach News Journal Online, August 5, 2013,
“Government shutdown would benefit no one,” http://www.news-
Continuing resolution at the top of the docket – PC key
Parsons, 7/30 – (Christi Parsons, Associated Press Staff Writer for the Las Angeles Times. July30, 2013. “Obama offers new 'grand bargain' of corporate tax cuts and jobs,”
Now, the president is making clear his intent to try moving in a different direction, starting with
the newly refurbished grand bargain. Aides say Tuesday's announcement is the first of several new ideas Obama
will roll out as he prepares for budget negotiations this fall.¶ The White House and Congress face two
major deadlines in coming months: The government's authorization to spend money on many
programs will expire at the end of September unless Congress passes the annual appropriations bills before then,
which seems unlikely. Later in the fall, the government will once again need to raise its debt ceiling.¶ Under Obama's plan, the top
corporate rate would be cut to 28% from 35% for most businesses. Manufacturers would get a preferred rate of 25%.¶ As part of the
deal, the government could levy a one-time fee on earnings that multinational corporations have kept overseas. That would
generate billions of dollars in revenue, but only for a limited period. Obama's proposal could take some of that money and use it to
fund infrastructure projects, White House economic advisor Gene Sperling said.¶ Obama did not say Tuesday how much he wants.But in his State of the Union address this year, the president named a $50-billion figure, with $40 billion aimed at the highways,
bridges, transit systems and airports in the most urgent need of repair.¶ Even with the exact dimensions of the new plan unknown,
analysts questioned whether the president expected lawmakers to take it at face value.¶ "He's delivering this major
economic pivot 72 hours before Congress leaves for a five-week recess," said Chris Krueger, managing
director and senior policy analyst at Guggenheim Securities' Washington Research Group. "It almost seems like they're just throwing
a bunch of stuff at the wall just to say they're trying."¶ Obama may be "laying down markers" for the coming fight over the debt
ceiling, Krueger said.¶ "Any time the White House talks about infrastructure spending, Republicans kind of roll their eyes," he said.
"All they hear is 'stimulus.'"¶ In addition to disliking the new spending, House Republicans also oppose a tax overhaul that changes
the code for corporations, but not for individuals. Owners of small businesses who use the individual tax code would be at a
disadvantage if only the corporate tax rate were cut, they say.¶ The GOP has also demanded that corporate tax reform be "revenue
neutral," not raising money for job creation or any other goal, said Brendan Buck, press secretary for House Speaker John A. Boehner
(R-Ohio).¶ "After offering us two things he knows we oppose, the president is asking for additional stimulus spending which, as you
know, we also oppose," Buck said Tuesday. "So the president is taking his idea of tax reform, making it worse, and then demanding
ransom of more stimulus spending to get it.¶ "Some bargain," he said.¶ White House aides said Obama's proposal was revenue
neutral because the money for the construction projects would come from the one-time fee or other new revenue that would not
be permanent.¶ In his speech, Obama said he went to Chattanooga because he wanted to talk about "good jobs" in a "durable,
growing industry." Amazon recently announced it would hire 5,000 additional workers at centers around the country — jobs that
reportedly pay more than hourly wages at McDonald's but less than a middle-class salary.¶ White House aides defended the choice
of Amazon as the location for the speech, saying that many families expect to cobble together part-time jobs in order to live a
middle-class lifestyle.¶ Giving his second economic speech in as many weeks, Obama said he was looking for a way
to "break free of the same old arguments, where I propose an idea and Republicans just say
no because it's my idea."¶ "As Washington heads toward another budget debate," Obama
said, "the stakes could not be higher."
Will pass – Political capital key for negotiations
NBC News, 8/2 – (NBC News Political Staff. August 2, 2013. “Analysis: Congress on summer
break; out like a lamb,” http://www.kgw.com/news/politics/Analysis-Congress-on-summer-break-out-like-a-lamb-218134351.html)//SDL
*** Out like a lamb: Congress leaves town Friday for five weeks (returning Sept. 9th), and they leave a lot of
unfinished business on the table. In short, September and October now are going to be a mess. The assumption was
there would at least be some spending bills moved, the Farm bill dealt with, and possibly progress on immigration. And, yet, nothing
really happened other than a few deals on nominations in the Senate and the student loan compromise (which took ALL MONTH to
get done). And there is one common thread for the lack of progress and stunning inertia, inability
of the GOP to get on the same page on any of these issues. The only thing they can get on the same page
about are symbolic items that have no chance of becoming law. (See today’s 40th vote in the House against Obamacare, which, p er
8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
The letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nevada, organized by Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, was signed by11 fellow Republicans, including Vitter. It cites the president's recent decision to delay a mandate for one year that requires
employers with 50 or more workers to provide health insurance or pay a penalty while going ahead with implementation of the rest
of the law, including an individual mandate to purchase insurance -- with subsidies for low-income Americans -- as scheduled in
January.
C. 1995 Scare
Carden, 8/1 – (Dan Carden, Associated Press Staff Writer for NWI Politics. August 1, 2013.
“Hoosier's Obamacare funding fight could force government shutdown,”
House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, so far is not embracing Stutzman's proposal. A similarplan by four Tea Party senators also is failing to catch on in that chamber.¶ Many Republicans
fear a government shutdown, recalling that the 1995 GOP-led shutdown was critical in helping
Democratic President Bill Clinton win re-election.
D. Liberal media exaggerates threat
Schallhorn, 7/24 – (Kaitlyn Schallhorn, Associated Press Staff Writer for Red Alert Politics.
July 24, 2013. “Mike Lee: September’s continuing resolution vote ‘the last stop on the
“‘Irresponsible’ is a term that doesn’t go nearly far enough,” says Norm Ornstein, the American EnterpriseInstitute scholar who has become a scold of congressional Republicans. “You could say it’s a do-nothing Congress
but that doesn’t do justice to it. These guys are doing something, which is to destroy the
economic fabric of the country by holding the functions of government hostage to a non-
negotiable demand to eliminate Obamacare.Ӧ In a sense, the inaction on spending is just another sign of the
dysfunction in the chamber that has prevented negotiations on an overall budget framework, put bipartisan immigration legislation
on ice and created a standoff on the farm bill that will, if not overcome, cause milk prices to jump to as much as $8 per gallon next
year. But provoking a government shutdown would take things to a whole new depth.¶ A
shutdown is unlikely to achieve the goal of repealing health care reform; Rep. Tom Cole, R-Okla.,
one of the top political minds in the House, cautions his colleagues that shutting down the
government would be a “suicidal political tactic.” Polls suggest the same.
3. Cooler heads will prevail – political ramifications check Republican’s behavior Matthews, 7/23 – (Laura Matthews, Associated Press Staff Writer for the International
Business Times. July 23, 2013. “Continuing Resolution 2014: Can Republicans Really Force A
Government Shutdown Over Obamacare?” http://www.ibtimes.com/continuing-resolution-
The 2014 budget and appropriations process has been described as a “slow-motion train wreck ,”
but this is far too generous. For a collision to occur, locomotives must actually meet.¶ Having
failed to avert automatic, across-the-board budget cuts known as sequestration for 2013, Congress forced federal departments and
agencies, states and grantees to do more with less, resulting in lost jobs, furloughs, diminished access to vital programs like HeadStart and Meals on Wheels, and a failure to make investments we know are critical to the future.¶ The Ryan budget adopted by the
House majority establishes an insufficient $967 billion top-line discretionary spending level and assumes continuation of
sequestration in 2014 and beyond. Unfortunately, the legislative actions, transfers and reprogrammings, and deferrals of long-term
priorities that mitigated the worst effects of sequestration in 2013 are no longer available.¶ House appropriations bills
considered so far have made clear the consequences of the majority’s unwillingness to
eliminate sequestration for 2014 — from steep cuts to Amtrak and renewable energy and efficiency investments, to
the deprivation of 200,000 women and their babies of access to nutrition assistance, to the gutting of enforcement efforts for tax
fraud and key consumer financial protections.¶ And the worst is yet to come. The House majority has yet to
hold full committee mark-up sessions on the bills for which 2014 allocations were slashed
most dramatically, down an average of 21 percent from last year’s enacted levels. The effects on medical research, schools,
job training, clean air and water, and diplomacy and development will be devastating.¶ These drastic cuts disregard the fact that
Congress has already achieved $2.5 trillion in deficit reduction since 2010, $1.5 trillion of which come from discretionary
investments.¶ Despite the House majority’s supposed fealty to the 2014 sequestration spending level, it has exceeded by more than$47 billion the 2014 cap on defense spending of $498 billion. Without action by Congress, the administration would be forced to
sequester the remainder, exacerbating already severe deficiencies in military readiness. Funding levels that look robust now would
create a national security crisis overnight.¶ In stark contrast to these draconian and unnecessary cuts under Chairwoman
Barbara Mikulski’s leadership, the Senate is considering appropriations bills drafted to conform with
the top-line spending level to which Democrats and Republicans agreed in the Budget Control
Act. At a top-line spending level of $1.058 trillion, appropriations bills are lean yet maintain the critical services and investments on
which American families rely.¶ To keep the federal government from shutting down at the end of the
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1. Fiat answers this. The way the plan spends still eats the link even if the
actual spending money is small or short term.
2. New Link -- Small programs key to budget fights – battles occur at the
margins.
Schick, 2K (Brookings Institute, The Federal Budget: Politics, Policy, and Process, Pg. 73)
In the private world of budgeting, where many of the numbers are compiled, technical considerations often prevail. But in the
public arenas, political forces are on display, with politicians tweaking the budget at the margins
to obtain more spending or tax cuts than a strict application of the technical rules would allow.
Although only a few percentage points (or less) of the totals, the margins are the political
battlegrounds for budgeting. They represent the incremental changes from one year to the next,
differences between Democrats and Republicans, and elusive accommodations between the
president and Congress. In budgetary battle each side is armed with numbers that make its case; the numbers disagree
because the political combatants disagree. In the end, however, there can be budgetary peace only if presidential and congressionalpolitical arithmetic add up to the same numbers.
3. Small violations of budgetary rules spillover.
Schick, 2K (Brookings Institute, The Federal Budget: Politics, Policy, and Process, Pg. 53)
Budgeting pertains to the future, and since the future is unknown, it can only be assumed. Small
changes in the underlying assumptions can yield large differences in budget entries. Yet the budget
says more about its numbers than about its assumptions. The assumptions are where political opportunism and
manipulation thrive.
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1. Economic collapse causes numerous scenarios for nuclear war
Harris & Burrows 9 – Professors of History @ Cambridge PhD European History @ Cambridge, counselor in the National Intelligence Council (NIC) & member of the
NIC’s Long Range Analysis Unit Mathew, and Jennifer “Revisiting the Future: Geopolitical Effects of the
Financial Crisis” 2009 http://www.ciaonet.org/journals/twq/v32i2/f_0016178_13952.pdf Of course, the report encompasses more than economics and indeed believes the future is likely to be the result of a number of
intersecting and interlocking forces. With so many possible permutations of outcomes, each with ample Revisiting the
Future opportunity for unintended consequences, there is a growing sense of insecurity. Even so, history may be more
instructive than ever. While we continue to believe that the Great Depression is not likely to be repeated,
the lessons to be drawn from that period include the harmful effects on fledgling democracies and
multiethnic societies (think Central Europe in 1920s and 1930s) and on the sustainability of multilateral
institutions (think League of Nations in the same period). There is no reason to think that this would not
be true in the twenty-first as much as in the twentieth century. For that reason, the ways in
which
the potential for greater conflict could grow would seem to be even more apt
in aconstantly volatile economic environment as they would be if change would be steadier. In surveying those
risks, the report stressed the likelihood that terrorism and nonproliferation will remain priorities even as resource issues move
up on the international agenda. Terrorism’s appeal will decline if economic growth continues in the
Middle East and youth unemployment is reduced. For those terrorist groups that remain active in 2025,
however, the diffusion of technologies and scientific knowledge will place some of the world’s most dangerous capabilities
within their reach. Terrorist groups in 2025 will likely be a combination of descendants of long established
groups_inheriting organizational structures, command and control processes, and training procedures necessary to conduct
sophisticated attacks_and newly emergent collections of the angry and disenfranchised that become self-radicalized,
particularly in the absence of economic outlets that would become narrower in an
economic downturn. The most dangerous casualty of any economically-induced drawdown
of U.S. military presence would almost certainly be the Middle East. Although Iran’s acquisition of nuclear
weapons is not inevitable, worries about a nuclear-armed Iran could lead states in the region to develop
new security arrangements with external powers, acquire additional weapons, and
consider pursuing their own nuclear ambitions. It is not clear that the type of stable deterrent relationship
that existed between the great powers for most of the Cold War would emerge naturally in the Middle East with a nuclear Iran.
Episodes of low intensity conflict and terrorism taking place under a nuclear umbrella could lead to an
unintended escalation and broader conflict if clear red lines between those states involved are not well
established. The close proximity of potential nuclear rivals combined with underdeveloped surveillance
capabilities and mobile dual-capable Iranian missile systems also will produce inherent difficulties in achieving reliable
indications and warning of an impending nuclear attack. The lack of strategic depth in neighboring states like Israel, short
warning and missile flight times, and uncertainty of Iranian intentions may place more focus on
preemption rather than defense, potentially leading to escalating crises. 36 Types of conflict that the world
continues to experience, such as over resources, could reemerge, particularly if protectionism grows and
there is a resort to neo-mercantilist practices. Perceptions of renewed energy scarcity will drive
countries to take actions to assure their future access to energy supplies. In the worst case, this could result in
interstate conflicts if government leaders deem assured access to energy resources, for
example, to be essential for maintaining domestic stability and the survival of their regime. Even actions short of
war, however, will have important geopolitical implications. Maritime security concerns are providing a rationale for naval
buildups and modernization efforts, such as China’s and India’s development of blue water naval capabilities. If the fiscal
stimulus focus for these countries indeed turns inward, one of the most obvious funding
targets may be military. Buildup of regional naval capabilities could lead to increased
tensions, rivalries, and counterbalancing moves, but it also will create opportunities for multinational
Mathew J. Burrows, Counselor -- National Intelligence Council, and Jennifer Harris, Member
of NIC's Long Range Analysis Unit, April, '9 (Washington Quarterly, 32:2)Such was the world the NIC foresaw as the crisis unfolded. Now, emerging markets the world over have lost more than half of their
value since September 2008 alone. Banks that have never reported a net loss earnings quarter were dissolved in a matter of days.
Even with the one year anniversary of the Bear Stearns collapse approaching in March, markets may have yet to find a floor. The
proportions of the current crisis hardly need familiarizing. As the panic has not yet given way to a lucid picture of the impacts, most
economists and political forecasters are smart enough to shy away from sweeping predictions amid the fog of crisis. Yet, in the post-
crisis world, it seems conceivable that global growth will most likely be muted, deflation will remain a risk
while any decoupling of the industrialized from developing countries is unlikely, the state will be the
relative winner while authoritarianism may not, and U.S. consumption as the engine for global growth will slowly fade. Whether U.S.
political and market clout will follow, and whether U.S. political leadership will come equipped with knowledge of the strategic
forces affecting the United States remains to be seen. How Much of a Geopolitical ‘‘Game Changer’’ is the Financial Crisis? Mapping
the NIC’s predictions against early facts, one of the most interesting observations is less about any particular shock genera ted by the
financial crisis and more about its global reach. If anything, the crisis has underscored the importance of
globalization as the overriding force or ‘‘mega-driver’’ as it was characterized in both the NIC’s 2020 and 2025 Global
Trends works. Developing countries have been hurt as decoupling theories, assertions that the
emerging markets have appreciably weaned themselves from the U.S. economy, have been
dispelled. This second epicenter of the crisis in emerging markets could also continue to exacerbate and prolong the crisis.
Alongside foreseeable exposures, such as Pakistan with its large current account deficit, are less predictable panics like Dubai, whose
debt was financed on suddenly expensive dollars. Even those with cash reserves, such as Russia and South Korea, have been severely
buffeted.
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During the 1995-1996 shutdown, the United States was not undergoing any economic turmoil
besides the effects of the shutdown. While Bill Clinton certainly left office with the first projected budget surplus since 1969, he
was working with a stable economy. It was a relatively safe time to consider budget cuts and to
start paying down the deficit.¶ Today, we're still recovering from 'The Great Recession' and the new
economic fad is that the only way out of the recession is to immediately and severely cut spending. President Obama has already cut the deficit by $1.2 trillion dollars (and as pointed out by Jed Lewinson, it's $2.4 trillion counting
new tax revenue). Cut too much spending at this point, and the government will depress demand
and potentially drive the country back into recession.¶ This is not the time to aim for a
balanced budget. This is not a family trying to balance its budget- families don't have B-52s. This is the world'slargest economy trying to stay afloat without making bad decisions.
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Beckman 10 – Professor of Political ScienceMatthew N. Beckman, Professor of Political Science @ UC-Irvine, 2010, “Pushing the Agenda:
Presidential Leadership in U.S. Lawmaking, 1953-2004,” pg. 61-62
For cases where the president wants to lobby but has limited political capital to draw on (0 < C <
C1), looking back, Figure 2.11 affirms the intuitive: the president's legislative options are limited. Lacking enough
capital to induce leaders to accept any sort of "deal" that is better than he could get from lobbying pivotal voters, the president and his staffers'
only viable strategy is the vote-centered one. But, of course, even executing the vote-centered strategy does not yield much
influence; the president simply does not have enough "juice" to substantially alter members'
preferences or, in turn, the outcome. The president's prospects improve substantially, though, when
he allocates even modest levels of political capital (C, < C < c,.) to lobbying for a particular initiative. At this
point - specifically, at C1 _ an agenda-centered-strategy becomes viable. That is, with a medium investment of political
capital, now the president has enough resources to get opposing leaders to cut a "deal" with the
White House that is better than he could get from just lobbying pivotal voters. In fact, even with this rather mode st infusion of political capital,
C, to 4, an agenda-centered lobbying strategy allows a president to exert even more influence than would be possible with a massive investment ( up to
Gj) in voce-centered lobbying. And granting the president even more political capital to invest in an issue (c,. < C) only adds to an agenda-
centered strategy's attractiveness and effectiveness compared to the more familiar vote -centered strategy. Overall, the
predicted impact of the president's agenda-centered lobbying is real, and potentially substantial,
but also highly conditional. In contrast to a vote-centered strategy, which can be employed whenever a president is willing a nd able to invest
lobbying resources in advocating an issue, the White House's agenda-centered strategy only applies with (I) a far-off status quo, and (2) a medium to
large supply of political capital. Absent these prerequisites, the president's fate turns on pivotal voters and his ability to influence them via vote-
centered lobbying. But often these strategic stars do align - that is, the president is flush with political capital when seeking to change a distant status quo - and when they do, an agenda-centered strategy affords presidents not just a second path for exerting
influence but also a better path. Indeed, under these favorable conditions, the president gets far more policy
bang for his lobbying buck from an agenda-centered strategy than a vote-centered one - without having to prevail in an all-out floor
fight for pivotal voters' support.
Even if PC theory isn’t true, key legislative players believe it is
Schier, 11 – Dorothy H. and Edward C. Congdon Professor of Political Science at Carleton
College (Steven E, December. “The Contemporary Presidency: The Presidential Authority
Problem and the Political Power Trap.” Presidential Studies Quarterly Vol. 41 Issue 4, pp 793-
808.)
The concept of political capital captures many of the aspects of a president's political
authority. Paul Light defines several components of political capital: party support of the president in
Congress, public approval of the president's conduct of his job, the president's electoral margin, and patronage
appointments (Light 1999, 15). Light derived this list from the observations of 126 White House staff members he interviewed
(1999, 14). His indicators have two central uses. First, Light's research reveals that they are
central to the “players' perspective” in Washington. That is, those “in the game” view these
items as crucial for presidential effectiveness . Second, they relate to many central aspects of political
authority as defined by Skowronek. So on both theoretical and practical levels, the components of
political capital are central to the fate of presidencies. The data here will reveal that presidents
over the last 70 years have suffered from a trend of declining levels of political capital, a trend
that is at the heart of their political authority problem.
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Many scholars have examined particular aspects of presidential political capital, from congressional support (for example, Bond and
Fleisher 1992, 2000; Mayhew 2005; Peterson 1993) to job approval (Brace and Hinckley 1991; Kernell 1978; Nicholson Segura and
Woods 2002). From these, we know that presidential job approval is influenced by economic performance, tends to drop over time,
and that divided government can boost job approval. Also, job approval and control of Congress by fellow partisans boosts
presidential success in floor votes but does not produce more important legislation than does periods of divided government. These
“micro” findings, however, comport with a “macro trend” of declining presidential political
capital over time. This analysis explores that macro trend and relates it to previous micro findings.
Political capital theory is true – newest data proves that presidents have
significant legislative influence
Beckman 10 – Professor of Political Science
Matthew N. Beckman, Professor of Political Science @ UC-Irvine, 2010, “Pushing the Agenda:
Presidential Leadership in U.S. Lawmaking, 1953-2004,” pg. 2-3Developing presidential coalition building as a generalizable class of strategies is itself instructive, a way of bringing cla rity to presidential –
congressional dynamics that have previously appeared idiosyncratic, if not irrational. However, the study’s biggest payoff comes
not from identifying presidents’ legislative strategies but rather from discerning their substantive
effects. In realizing how presidents target congressional processes upstream (how bills get to the floor, if they do) to influence downs tream policy
outcomes (what passes or does not), we see that standard tests of presidential influence have missed most of it.Using original data and new analyses that account for the interrelationship between prevoting
and voting stages of the legislative process, I find that presidents’ legislative influence is real,
often substantial, and, to date, greatly underestimated.
Empirical studies and expert consensus proves political capital is key to the
agendaWang 10 ( Yuhua Wang Department of Political Science University of Michigan, he is also a member of the Wo Wang Clan, a
group of poli sci profs who are also ill rappers. “Congressional Weakness, Political Capital, and the Politics of Presidentia l Agency
published 07-23-2009 http://www.nhpoliticalcapital.com/readblobstory.php?id=566 Accessed
7/17/13 CSmith)
There is a reason why President Obama has been hell-bent on getting health care through
Congress this summer. A few decades ago, the political scientist Paul Light wrote in his book, The President’s
Agenda, about the dangers of the cycle of decreasing influence. Light argued that a president’s
political capital is at a maximum just after winning election and rapidly declines over time,making the achievement of major policy successes more difficult the longer the legislative
process drags on. Obama’s behavior on multiple policy fronts over the past six months
suggests that he is well aware of his limited window of opportunity, and the possibility that
with just a few small changes in the political environment it could close shut at any moment.
PC is real and key-and Obama needs to use it now or he’ll lose it
Mackenize 83(G. Calvin Mackenzie, The Goldfarb Family Distinguished Professor of Government at Colby
College where he has taught since 1978. He is a graduate of Bowdoin College, where he served
as a Trustee from 1986-1998, and he has a Ph.D. in Government from Harvard. The President'sAgenda: Domestic Policy Choice from Kennedy to Carter (with Notes on
Ronald Reagan). by Paul Charles Light The Journal of Politics, Vol. 45, No. 2 (May, 1983), pp. 528-
530 Accessed 7/17/13 CSmith)
Light sets out to determine how recent presidents and their staffs have selected the issues on which they will concentrate their time,
energy, and political capital. That pursuit leads him into a much fuller assessment of the whole executive role in the domestic policy-
making process. It results in a general explanation cum theory of the domestic policy frustrations of contemporary administrations
which Light calls the "No Win Presidency." Light relies heavily on two categories of evidence. One is an
ambitious set of interviews he conducted with 126 White House staff members from the
administrations of John Kennedy and his successors. The other is records of the OMB clearance process for
legislative proposals. They are two quite different data sources, and they are used here in a
way that is entirely complementary. The former provides vividness of insight; the latter servesas a reliable measure of agenda timing and a consistent con- firmation of the interview
findings. Light's argument is complex. To summarize it briefly hardly does it justice. But I shall try. He suggests that a new
president is possessed of certain resources which are essential to his efforts to shape the
domestic agenda. The most important of them are time , information, expertise, energy, and political
capital. As these resources are developed and squandered over time, two contrary patterns
emerge: a cycle of decreas- ing influence and a cycle of increasing effectiveness. A president's oppor-
tunities for influence are on the wane just as his staff's ability to take ad- vantage of those opportunities improves. Except at
the outset of a second term when the two cycles may be in benign (but temporary) alignment, it is
a no win situation for a president bent on setting his own agenda priorities. In a long and thoughtful concluding chapter Light denies
the inevitability of the leadership straitjacket he has described and suggests a series of escape routes that a wise president might
follow.
PC key, presidents can only juggle a few bills at a time
Barrett and Edwards 99(George C. Edwards III and Andrew Barrett Professor of Political Science at Texas A&M
University. He also holds the Jordan Chair in Presidential Studies and has served as the Olin
Professor of American Government at Oxford and the John Adams Fellow at the University of
London Prepared for presentation at the Congress and the President in a Partisan Era
Conference sponsored by the Program in American Politics in the Center for Presidential Studies,
The central argument of this book is that ideological disagreement alone does not begin to account for
the extent of party conflict in Congress. Matters of ideological controversy are a potent source
of partisan discord in the contemporary Congress, and Republican and Democratic legislators
are undoubtedly farther apart in ideological terms than they were 30 or 40 years ago (Binder 003;
Brownstein 007; McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal 006; Rohde 1991; Sinclair 006; Theriault 008). Nevertheless, there is far
more party conflict in the Congress than one would expect based on the ideological content of
the congressional agenda or the policy differences between liberals and conservatives. To
routinely attribute disagreement between congressional Republicans and Democrats to individual members’ ideological
differences is to overlook how the parties’ competition for elected office and chamber control
systematically shapes members’ behavior in office. Party conflict also stems from the
competitive struggle for office and influence, not only from members’ policy preferences.
Failure to take adequate account of ongoing electoral and power struggles results in theoriesof congressional politics without the politics. Congressional parties hold together and battle with
one another because of powerful competing political interests, not just because of members’
ideals or ideological preferences. Party members experience what David Truman (1959) called “shared risk.”
Members’ electoral and institutional interests are bound up with the fate of their parties.
Control of the institution enables a political party to further its members’ political goals of
winning office and wielding power, as well as its ideological goals. Majority party members have a
common interest in maintaining that control. Members of the minority party have a collective interest in becoming the majority
and taking control. This book argues that fellow partisans’ shared risk has wide-ranging effects on congressional party
politics. It leads members of one party to support efforts to discredit the opposition party on the
grounds of its incompetence and lack of integrity, not simply to oppose its ideological policy
agenda. It persuades members to rally around the initiatives of their own party’s president,
and, as a mirror image, the other party to resist initiatives championed by an opposing party’spresident. It prompts members to routinely back up their own party leadership’s efforts to
exert control over the floor agenda. And it encourages members and leaders to steer the
congressional agenda toward issues that allow them to differentiate themselves from their
partisan opposition and thus to make the case that voters should prefer one party over the
other. Members’ diverging political interests drive the parties apart on many issues that bear
no clear or direct relationship to the principled policy disagreements between liberals and
conservatives.
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Larocca 11 – Professor of Political Science at Oakland University (Roger, “The Bicameral Context of Presidential Agenda Setting”,
Congress & the Presidency, Volume 38, Issue 2, May 2011, accessed from: Taylor and Francis Online, ETC)
In Model 4, I also ran a parallel simulataneous probit model on House and Senate final passage for comparison. The president'simpact from the agenda-setting stage (Model 2) is very similar to his impact at the passage stage. I
believe that this offers evidence of the importance of the centrality of the agenda-setting stages in the House and Senate for
determining what passes in these chambers. Perhaps the most dramatic difference between the agenda-setting model and the
passage model is that the House and Senate have a stronger influence on each other in the passage model. Given the relatively
similar levels of presidential influence in the two models, this suggests that the president's indirect impact is even
stronger at the passage stage than at the floor stage. Overall, the floor consideration and passage of issues in
each chamber are among the most important influences on the f loor consideration and passage of issues in the other chamber. It is
this mutual influence that opens the possibility for the president to have indirect influence through
one chamber on the other. The combined direct and indirect effects that the president
exercises over the House and Senate agendas makes him a formidable agenda setter in both chambers.
The president's impact on the Senate in particular seems to arise partly from the indirect impact of his influence on the House
agenda. Studies, like Model 1, that examine the president's influence on the Senate, without controlling for the impact of the House,
are likely to overestimate the president's direct influence on the Senate.
President political capital makes issues more likely to pass – studies confirm
Larocca 11 – Professor of Political Science at Oakland University (Roger, “The Bicameral Context of Presidential Agenda Setting”,
Congress & the Presidency, Volume 38, Issue 2, May 2011, accessed from: Taylor and Francis Online, ETC)
I predicted that the president would exercise stronger positive direct effects on floor consideration in the House than in the Senate
for his major addresses to Congress. As I hypothesized, the magnitude of the direct and indirect effects of all of the independent
variables decreases as Issue scope increases, because broader issues are more likely to reach the floor simply because they cover
more bills. Table 3 shows that the president's speeches directly increase the chance of an issue
reaching the House floor by anywhere from 13.3 to 9.5 percentage points as Issue scope increases from 1 to 10
bills, while speeches only induce a 10.2 to 7.9 percentage point direct increase on the Senate floor across the same range. However,
because Table 4 shows that the House has a greater influence on the Senate than vice versa, the president exercises a
greater indirect influence on the Senate than the House. The president's speeches indirectly increase the
probability of House floor consideration from 3.0 to 2.4 perecentage points as Issue scope ranges from 1 to 10 bills,
but speeches induce a 9.6 to 5.9 percentage point indirect increase on the Senate floor across the same
range. As a result, Table 4 shows that the president's speeches actually exercise very similar levels of total influence on floor
consideration in the House and Senate, but most of the House influence is direct, whereas almost half of the Senate influence is
indirect.
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Ryan, 2009 – Former Director of the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies
(Selwyn, “Obama and Political Capital,” 1/18/2009,www.trinidadexpress.com/index.pl/article_opinion?id=161426968, JMP)
Obama will, however, begin his stint with a vast accumulation of political capital, perhaps more
than that held by any other modern leader. Seventy-eight per cent of Americans polled believe
that his inauguration is one of the most historic the country will witness. Political capital is,
however, a lumpy and fast diminishing asset in today's world of instant communication, which
once misspent, is rarely ever renewable. The world is full of political leaders like George Bush
and Tony Blair who had visions, promised a lot, and probably meant well, but who did not know
how to husband political capital with which they were provided as they assumed office. They
squandered it as quickly as they emptied the contents of the public vaults. Many will be
watching to see how Obama manages his assets and liabilities register. Watching with hope
would be the white young lady who waved a placard in Obama's face inscribed with theplaintive words, "I Trust You."
Obama’s political capital is finite
Weisenthal 2009 (7/21, Joe, Business Insider, http://www.businessinsider.com/another-bad-
poll-for-obama-2009-7)
The last 10 days have seen a spate of fresh polls all showing the same thing -- thatthe President's honeymoon period is coming to an end, and that he doesn't haveunlimited political capital. He is, after all, human, and despite the mindblowing ineptitude of the Republican
opposition, political warfare hurts. The bad polls are coming just as (or maybe because) the President is really digging into the
politically charged healthcare debate. Politico: Trust in President Barack Obama and his Democratic
allies to identify the right solutions to problems facing the country has dropped offsignificantly since March, according to a new Public Strategies Inc./POLITICO poll. Just as Obamaintensifies his efforts to fulfill a campaign promise and reach an agreement withCongress on health care reform, the number of Americans who say they trust thepresident has fallen from 66 percent to 54 percent. At the same time, the percentage of those who say they
do not trust the president has jumped from 31 to 42. But the news is also bad for the GOP. A series of high-profile affairs, the political suicide of
Sarah Palin, and a broad display of sheer buffoonery at the Sotomayor hearings ("Wait, just to clarify, have you now or have you ever used the
term 'wise Latina'?") hasn't helped their brand. So the President takes a hit, but they gain nothing.
8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
Obama won more legislative trophies during his first two years than Clinton did, but in many
respects, they were poisoned chalices. Health reform proved broadly unpopular because of
political missteps—a net negative for Democrats in the 2010 midterm. The stimulus, though
valuable, was too small to be a major political plus. Obama hailed it as a great victory rather
than pledging to come back for more until recovery was assured. He prematurely abandoned
the fight for jobs as his administration’s central theme, though the recession still wracked the
nation. And because of the administration’s alliance with Wall Street, Obama suffered both the
appearance and reality of being too close to the bankers, despite a partial success on financial
reform. Obama’s mortgage-rescue program was the worst of both worlds—it failed to deliver
enough relief to make an economic difference yet still signaled politically disabling sympathy for
both “deadbeat” homeowners and for bankers. (See this month’s special report on page A1.)
Health care fight proves winner’s win isn’t true for Obama
William GALSTON 11-4-10 [William, Senior Fellow, Governance Studies, Brookings,
“President Barack Obama’s First Two Years: Policy Accomplishments, Political Difficulties”
Brookings Institute -- Nov 4]
From the beginning, the administration operated on two fundamental political premises that
turned out to be mistaken. The first was that the economic collapse had opened the door to the
comprehensive change Obama had promised. As incoming Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel
famously put it, “you never want a serious crisis to go to waste.” In fact, as Emanuel himself
came to realize, there was a tension between the steps needed to arrest the economic declineand the measures needed to actualize the president’s vision of fundamental change. The
financial bailout and the stimulus package made it harder, not easier, to pass comprehensive
health reform.
Second, the administration believed that success would breed success—that the momentum
from one legislative victory would spill over into the next. The reverse was closer to the truth:
with each difficult vote, it became harder to persuade Democrats from swing districts and states
to cast the next one. In the event, House members who feared that they would pay a heavy
House (Edwards 1983) and high public expectations (Waterman, Jenkins-Smith, and Silva 1999), presidents are bound to be aware of
their public standing. More popular presidents should be inclined to offer more long-term and important policies than less popular
presidents, if only because they think that a stronger public standing gives them greater leeway to pursue such policies. In other
words clearly important to presidential success in Congress. A newly elected president’s arrival in Washington
typically coincides with a perceived electoral mandate, goodwill from the public and media,
and an air of bipartisan cooperation (Dominquez 2002). Presidents know that their political capital
is high upon taking office (Light 1999), so long as they “hit the ground running” (Pfiffner 1988),
they anticipate that their first years are most conducive to legislative success. The honeymoon
also applies to a president’s second term. As presidents become familiar with intricacies and peculiarities of the
office, they learn how to manage more situations effectively. If presidents are reelected, Light
(1999: 39) claims, “The first days of the second term offer the greatest opportunity for presidentialeffectiveness.” Therefore, Presidential agendas will be larger, and presidents will offer more
major and incremental policies during their first years of both terms. Honeymoon is a dummy variable: 1
for the first year of a president’s first and second terms and 0 otherwise.
Unfortunately, these factors are not in place in Afghanistan. The Obama administration is hesitant to expend the
political capital needed to overcome domestic opposition to cutting a deal with the Taliban
given the press of other issues, including paralysis over the budget, Syria, Egypt, North Korea,
Iran and Snowden’s assaults on the intelligence system. More importantly, the United States has little leverage over
Karzai's government, the Taliban and its associates or Pakistan. Both Karzai and the Pakistani government believe that America's focus on al-Qaida
means that the United States needs them more than they need the United States. Hence they are largely immune to pressure,
threats, suggestions or entreaties from Washington. And neither is particularly interested in an outright end to the extremist threat within their borders
since the threat holds America's interest, keeps outside assistance flowing in, mutes internal dissent to some degree and jus tifies heavy-handed
security measures to protect the regimes.
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Reich, 13 – (Simon Reich, Professor in Division of Global Affairs at Rutgers University. April 1,
2013. “Budget cuts: will American military power suffer?” http://theconversation.com/budget-cuts-will-american-military-power-suffer-13122)//SDL
A strong consensus among economists and policy wonks is that the slow and fragile American
economic recovery, five years after the 2008 crisis, will be endangered by any prolonged government
shutdown. Unemployment, “down” to 7.7%, may begin to rise again. ¶ Senate Majority leader Harry Reid has remained critical of
the Republican budget plan drafted by Republican leader Paul Ryan. EPA/Michael Reynolds¶ Yet an abiding question concerns the
effect of these domestic convulsions on America’s global standing, and its capacity to pursue its foreign policy goals. The most
obvious effect of the budget wrangling so far was the unprecedented downgrading of the United States’ credit rating by Standard
and Poors in August of 2011.¶ Yet this proved more symbolic than tangible. The United States has continued to borrow from foreign
investors in unprecedented amounts, The Dow Jones stock market index has reached new highs, unemployment has slowly declined
and its domestic housing market has roared back to life. Foreign investors clearly don’t treat an American budget crisis the way they
do a Cypriot one.¶ The more obvious issue concerns the possibility of cuts in the defense budget,
and their effects on America’s military capabilities. Senior Republicans want to preserve the
military budget intact. Their position presents a paradox: They are the traditional proponents of strong national defence.But as advocates of deep and prolonged budget cuts to a variety of social services (what Americans generally refer to as
“entitlement programmes”), it is hard for them to also argue that there is something special about the defense budget as the wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq wind down. That apparent contradiction hasn’t stopped Republicans from trying. While the issue of foreign
policy was relegated to the sidelines at last year’s Republican presidential convention in Tampa, there has been a trumpet
call by them to defend the defence budget in the current session of Congress.
Heg solves great power warsZhang and Shi, 1/22/11 – Yuhan Zhang is a researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, D.C.;
Lin Shi is from Columbia University. She also serves as an independent consultant for the Eurasia Group and a consultant for the
World Bank in Washington, D.C. (America’s decline: A harbinger of conflict and rivalry,
This does not necessarily mean that the US is in systemic decline, but it encompasses a trend that appears to be negative and
perhaps alarming. Although the US still possesses incomparable military prowess and its
economy remains the world’s largest, the once seemingly indomitable chasm that
separated America from anyone else is narrowing. Thus, the global distribution of power is
shifting, and the inevitable result will be a world that is less peaceful, liberal and
prosperous, burdened by a dearth of effective conflict regulation. Over the past two decades, no other
state has had the ability to seriously challenge the US military. Under these circumstances,
motivated by both opportunity and fear, many actors have bandwagoned with US hegemony and
accepted a subordinate role. Canada, most of Western Europe, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Singapore and
the Philippines have all joined the US, creating a status quo that has tended to mute great power
conflicts. However, as the hegemony that drew these powers together withers, so will the
pulling power behind the US alliance. The result will be an international order where
power is more diffuse, American interests and influence can be more readily challenged,and conflicts or wars may be harder to avoid. As history attests, power decline and
redistribution result in military confrontation. For example, in the late 19th century America’s emergence
as a regional power saw it launch its first overseas war of conquest towards Spain. By the turn of the 20th century,
accompanying the increase in US power and waning of British power, the American Navy had
begun to challenge the notion that Britain ‘rules the waves.’ Such a notion would
eventually see the US attain the status of sole guardians of the Western Hemisphere’s
security to become the order-creating Leviathan shaping the international system with
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Economic strength key to American influence- largest internal link
Hubbard, Assistant at Open Society Foundations Washington, ’10 [Jesse, 2010Hegemonic Stability Theory: An Empirical Analysis By: Jesse Hubbard Jesse
Hubbard Program, District Of Columbia International Affairs Previous National Democratic
Institute (NDI), National Defense University, Office of Congressman Jim Himes Education
PPE at University of Oxford, accessed: 7/13/13, ML]
Regression analysis of this data shows that Pearson’s r-value is -.836. In the case of American hegemony, economic
strength is a better predictor of violent conflict than even overall national power, which had
an r-value of -.819. The data is also well within the realm of statistical significance, with a p-value of .0014. While the
data for British hegemony was not as striking, the same overall pattern holds true in both cases. During both
periods of hegemony, hegemonic strength was negatively related with violent
conflict , and yet use of force by the hegemon was positively correlated with violent conflict in both cases. Finally, in
both cases, economic power was more closely associated with conflict levels thanmilitary power. Statistical analysis created a more complicated picture of the hegemon’s role in fostering
stability than initially anticipated. VI. Conclusions and Implications for Theory and Policy To elucidate some answers
regarding the complexities my analysis unearthed, I turned first to the existing theoretical literature on hegemonic
stability theory. The existing literature provides some potential frameworks for understanding these results. Since
economic strength proved to be of such crucial importance, reexamining the literature that focuses on hegemonic stability
theory’s economic implications was the logical first step. As explained above, the literature on hegemonic stability
theory can be broadly divided into two camps – that which focuses on the international economic system, and that
which focuses on armed conflict and instability. This research falls squarely into the second camp, but insights from
the first camp are still of relevance. Even Kindleberger’s early work on this question is of relevance.
Kindleberger posited that the economic instability between the First and Second World Wars
could be attributed to the lack of an economic hegemon (Kindleberger 1973). But economic
instability obviously has spillover effects into the international political arena. Keynes,
writing after WWI, warned in his seminal tract The Economic Consequences of the Peace that Germany’s economic
humiliation could have a radicalizing effect on the nation’s political culture (Keynes 1919). Given later events, his
warning seems prescient. In the years since the Second World War, however, the European continent
has not relapsed into armed conflict . What was different after the second global conflagration? Crucially,
the United States was in a far more powerful position than Britain was after WWI. As the tables above
show, Britain’s economic strength after the First World War was about 13% of the total in strength in the
international system. In contrast, the United States possessed about 53% of relative economic
power in the international system in the years immediately following WWII. The U.S. helped rebuild
Europe’s economic strength with billions of dollars in investment through the Marshall Plan, assistance
that was never available to the defeated powers after the First World War (Kindleberger 1973). The interwar years
were also marked by a series of debilitating trade wars that likely worsened the Great Depression (Ibid.). In contrast,
when Britain was more powerful, it was able to facilitate greater free trade, and after World War II, the United
States played a leading role in creating institutions like the GATT that had an essential
role in facilitating global trade (Organski 1958). The possibility that economic stability is an
important factor in the overall security environment should not be discounted, especially given the
results of my statistical analysis. Another theory that could provide insight into the patterns observed in this
research is that of preponderance of power. Gilpin theorized that when a state has the
preponderance of power in the international system, rivals are more likely to resolve their
disagreements without resorting to armed conflict (Gilpin 1983). The logic behind this claim is simple –
it makes more sense to challenge a weaker hegemon than a stronger one. This simple yet powerful theory can
help explain the puzzlingly strong positive correlation between military conflicts engaged
in by the hegemon and conflict overall. It is not necessarily that military involvement by the hegemon
instigates further conflict in the international system. Rather, this military involvement could be a function of the
hegemon’s weaker position, which is the true cause of the higher levels of conflict in the international system.
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Additionally, it is important to note that military power is, in the long run, dependent on economic
strength. Thus, it is possible that as hegemons lose relative economic power, other nations
are tempted to challenge them even if their short-term military capabilities are still strong. This would
help explain some of the variation found between the economic and military data. The results of this analysis are of
clear importance beyond the realm of theory. As the debate rages over the role of the United States in the world,
hegemonic stability theory has some useful insights to bring to the table. What this research makes clear is that a
strong hegemon can exert a positive influence on stability in the international system.However, this should not give policymakers a justification to engage in conflict or escalate military budgets purely for
the sake of international stability. If anything,this research points to the central importance of
economic influence in fostering international stability. To misconstrue these findings to justify
anything else would be a grave error indeed. Hegemons may play a stabilizing role in the international system, but
this role is complicated. It is economic strength, not military dominance that is the true test of hegemony. A weak
state with a strong military is a paper tiger – it may appear fearsome, but it is vulnerable to even a
short blast of wind.
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Sideman 11 --- (Alysha Sideman is a Federal Computer Week Contributor,
February23, 2011, “Agencies must determine computer security teams in face ofpotential federal shutdown,” http://fcw.com/Articles/2011/02/23/Agencies-
must-determine-computer-security-teams-in-face-of-shutdown.aspx?Page=1) With the WikiLeaks hacks and other threats to cybersecurity present, guarding against
cyberattacks has become a significant part of governing -- especially because most government
agencies have moved to online systems. As a potential government shutdown comes closer,
agencies must face new questions about defining “essential” computer personnel. Cyber threats weren’t as
significant during the 1995 furlough as they are today, reports NextGov. The publication adds that agencies
need to buck up and be organized. In late January, government officials, NATO and the European Union banded together in Brussels
to formulate a plan to battle cyber bandits, according to Defense Systems. Leaders there agreed that existing
cybersecurity measures were incomplete and decided to fast-track a new plan for cyber incident response.
Meanwhile, observers are wondering whether the U.S. government has a plan to deal withcyberattacks in the case of a shutdown. The lists of essential computer security personnel
drawn up 15 years ago are irrelevant today, computer specialists told NextGov. In 1995, the only agencies
concerned about cybersecurity were entities such as the FBI and CIA. Today, before any potential government shutdown happens, a
plan of essential IT personnel should be determined, the specialists add. Agencies should be figuring out which
systems will need daily surveillance and strategic defense, as well as evaluating the job
descriptions of the people operating in those systems, former federal executives told NextGov. Hord Tipton,
a former Interior Department CIO, agrees. “If they haven’t done it, there’s going to be a mad scramble,
and there’s going to be a hole in the system,” he told the site. All government departments are supposed to have
contingency plans on deck that spell out essential systems and the employees associated with them, according to federal rules.
Meanwhile, some experts say determining which IT workers are essential depends more on the
length of the shutdown. Jeffrey Wheatman, a security and privacy analyst with the Gartner research
group, tells NextGov that a shutdown lasting a couple of weeks “would require incidentresponse personnel, network administrators and staff who monitor firewall logs for potential
intrusions.” If a shutdown lasted a month or longer, more employees would need to report, he
said, adding: “New threats could emerge during that time frame, which demands people with
strategy-oriented job functions to devise new lines of defense.” Employees who are deemed “essential”
are critical to national security. Cyber warfare or holes in cybersecurity can threaten a nation’s infrastructure. In
particular, the electric grid, the nation’s military assets, financial sector and telecommunications
networks can be vulnerable in the face of an attack, reports Federal Computer Week.
Cyber power causes great power nuclear war
Fritz 9 --- (Jason Fritz is a Researcher for International Commission on Nuclear
Nonproliferation and Disarmament, former Army officer and consultant, and has
a master of international relations at Bond University, July 2009, “Hacking
Nuclear Command and Control,”
http://www.icnnd.org/latest/research/Jason_Fritz_Hacking_NC2.pdf) This paper will analyse the threat of cyber terrorism in regard to nuclear weapons. Specifically, this research will use
open source knowledge to identify the structure of nuclear command and control centres, how those structures might be
compromised through computer network operations, and how doing so would fit within established cyber terrorists’
capabilities, strategies, and tactics. If access to command and control centres is obtained,
terrorists could fake or actually cause one nuclear-armed state to attack another,
thus provoking a nuclear response from another nuclear power. This may be an
easier alternative for terrorist groups than building or acquiring a nuclear weapon or
dirty bomb themselves. This would also act as a force equaliser, and provide
terrorists with the asymmetric benefits of high speed, removal of geographicaldistance, and a relatively low cost. Continuing difficulties in developing computer
tracking technologies which could trace the identity of intruders, and difficulties in establishing
an internationally agreed upon legal framework to guide responses to computer network operations, point towards an
inherent weakness in using computer networks to manage nuclear weaponry. This is
particularly relevant to reducing the hair trigger posture of existing nuclear arsenals.
All computers which are connected to the internet are susceptible to infiltration and remote control. Computers which
operate on a closed network may also be compromised by various hacker methods,
such as privilege escalation, roaming notebooks, wireless access points, embedded
exploits in software and hardware, and maintenance entry points. For example, e-mail
spoofing targeted at individuals who have access to a closed network, could lead to
the installation of a virus on an open network. This virus could then be carelessly transported on
removable data storage between the open and closed network. Information found on the internet may
also reveal how to access these closed networks directly. Efforts by militaries to place
increasing reliance on computer networks, including experimental technology such as
autonomous systems, and their desire to have multiple launch options, such as
nuclear triad capability, enables multiple entry points for terrorists. For example, if a terrestrial
command centre is impenetrable, perhaps isolating one nuclear armed submarine would prove an easier task. There is
evidence to suggest multiple attempts have been made by hackers to compromise
the extremely low radio frequency once used by the US Navy to send nuclear launch
approval to submerged submarines. Additionally, the alleged Soviet system known as
Perimetr was designed to automatically launch nuclear weapons if it was unable toestablish communications with Soviet leadership. This was intended as a retaliatory
response in the event that nuclear weapons had decapitated Soviet leadership;
however it did not account for the possibility of cyber terrorists blocking
communications through computer network operations in an attempt to engage the
system. Should a warhead be launched, damage could be further enhanced through additional computer network
operations. By using proxies, multi-layered attacks could be engineered. Terrorists could
remotely commandeer computers in China and use them to launch a US nuclear
attack against Russia. Thus Russia would believe it was under attack from the US and
the US would believe China was responsible. Further, emergency response
communications could be disrupted, transportation could be shut down, anddisinformation, such as misdirection, could be planted, thereby hindering the disaster
relief effort and maximizing destruction. Disruptions in communication and the use
of disinformation could also be used to provoke uninformed responses. For example,
a nuclear strike between India and Pakistan could be coordinated with Distributed
Denial of Service attacks against key networks, so they would have further difficulty
in identifying what happened and be forced to respond quickly. Terrorists could also knock out
communications between these states so they cannot discuss the situation. Alternatively, amidst the confusion
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Silk 93 (Leonard, Professor of Economics – Pace University, “Dangers of Slow Growth”, Foreign
Affairs, 72(1), Winter, p. 173-174)
In the absence of such shifts of human and capital resources to expanding civilian industries, there are strongeconomic pressures on arms-producing nations to maintain high levels of military production and to sell
weapons, both conventional and dual-use nuclear technology, wherever buyers can be found. Without a
revival of national economies and the global economy, the production and proliferation of
weapons will continue, creating more Iraqs, Yuugoslavias, Somalias and Cambodias - or
worse. Like the Great Depression, the current economic slump has fanned the fires of nationalist,
ethnic and religious hatred around the world. Economic hardship is not the only cause of
these social and political pathologies, but it aggravates all of them, and in turn they feed back on
economic development. They also undermine efforts to deal with such global problems as
environmental pollution, the production and trafficking of drugs, crime, sickness, famine,
AIDS and other plagues. Growth will not solve all those problems by itself But
economic growth -
and growth alone - creates the additional resources that make it possible to achieve such
fundamental goals as higher living standards, national and collective security, a healthier
environment, and more liberal and open economies and societies.
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Many have argued that economic activity, affluence, and growth automatically lead to resource
depletion, environmental deterioration, and ecological collapse. Yet greater productivity and
prosperity -- which is what economists mean by growth -- have become prerequisite for
controlling urban pollution and protecting sensitive ecological systems such as rain forests.
Otherwise, destitute people who are unable to acquire food and fuel will create pollution and
destroy forests. Without economic growth, which also correlates with lower fertility, the
environmental and population problems of the South will only get worse. For impoverished
countries facing environmental disaster, economic growth may be the one thing that is
sustainable.
Economic decline turns environmentThe Wildlife Society 09, Making Life: The Wildlife Society Blog, international non-profit scientific
and educational association dedicated to excellence in wildlife stewardship through science and
education, 3/31/9
There is no doubt that a deep recession has the potential to hurt wildlife professionals and the
important work they do. Wildlife management and conservation are not free –salaries must be
paid and project expenses covered. Decreased tax revenues and private and corporate
donations flowing into state and federal agencies, universities, consulting companies and NGOs
could result in widespread personnel reductions, either through layoffs, hiring freezes, or
regular furloughs. In addition, money for critical research and conservation projects could dry
up. All this means fewer people spending fewer hours managing and conserving our preciouswildlife resources. This also means fewer people studying wildlife and fewer projects intended to recover threatened or
endangered species. Should these trends continue or worsen, it will not be good for wildlife. Indeed, wildlife management and conservation activities were seriously
underfunded before the recession began. In addition, fewer qualified students or their families may have the resources to support a relevant college or post-graduate education,
thus making pursuit of a career in wildlife management and conservation difficult, if not impossible. This comes at a time when many baby boomers are seriously contemplating
retirement and up to 70% of leaders in natural resource fields, including the wildlife profession, are slated to retire within the next 10-15 years. The economic downturn may
delay some retirement plans, making it difficult for young wildlife professionals to find jobs. Many could go on to work in other professions as a result. However, baby boomers
cannot delay their decisions forever and must leave their jobs at some point due to age or failing health. Thus, one impact of this poorly timed recession could be a huge
demographic hole in the next generation of wildlife and other natural resource professionals. Hopefully, this will be partially offset by what appears to be an increasing interest
by students in public service and in so-called “green” jobs, of which the wildlife profession is certainly a leading indicator. As far as the impact of the recession on wildlife itself is
concerned, the jury is still out. A significant decrease in rampant, poorly thought-out development could, in fact, be good for wildlife, especially if it results in fewer habitats
being modified, fragmented or destroyed. Such trends could be accelerated by economic concerns, which may finally force people to pay more attention to gas mileage and
other forms of wasteful consumerism that harm the environment.On the other hand, a long recession could also become a
convenient excuse for new and even more destructive waves of construction, energy
development, industrialization and agricultural activity across the landscape, many of which will
be characterized as “necessary” for economic recovery. Without a careful assessment of the
consequences, this could hurt wildlife conservation. In such times, science will become evenmore critical for assessing the potential consequences and making well-considered decisions.
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Burrows and Windrem 1994 – *NYT journalist, professor of journalism at New York University
and the founder and director of its graduate Science and Environmental Reporting Program,**Senior Research Fellow at the NYU Center on Law and Security, former NBC producer (William
and Robert, “Critical Mass: the dangerous race for superweapons in a fragmenting world”, p.
491-2, Google Books)
Economics is in many respects proliferation’s catalyst. As we have noted, economic desperation
drives Russia and some of the former Warsaw Pact nations to peddle weapons and technology.
The possibility of considerable profits or at least balanced international payments also prompts
Third World countries like China, Brazil, and Israel to do the same. Economics, as well as such
related issues as overpopulation, drive proliferation just as surely as do purely political motives.
Unfortunately, that subject is beyond the scope of this book. Suffice it to say that, all things
being equal, well-off, relatively secure societies like today’s Japan are less likely to buy or sell
superweapon technology than those that are insecure, needy, or desperate. Ultimately, solvingeconomic problems, especially as they are driven by population pressure, is the surest way to
defuse proliferation and enhance true national security.
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Griswold 2007 - director of the Center for Trade Policy Studies (4/20, Daniel, “Trade, Democracy
and Peace”, http://www.freetrade.org/node/681)
A second and even more potent way that trade has promoted peace is by promoting more
economic integration. As national economies become more intertwined with each other, those
nations have more to lose should war break out. War in a globalized world not only means
human casualties and bigger government, but also ruptured trade and investment ties that
impose lasting damage on the economy. In short, globalization has dramatically raised the
economic cost of war.
Economic growth is the basis of strong relations and diplomacy.
Summers 1999-10-28 (Lawrence H., fmr Treasury Secretary, current Director of the White
House's National Economic Council, Charles W. Eliot University Professor at Harvard University's
Kennedy School of Government, 27th President of Harvard University, "Economic Engagement:The Risks of Malign Neglect" Brookings, http://www.brookings.edu/events/1999/1028global-
economics.aspx)
Let me address the economic part of this argument. The first crucial part of what we have done
for 50 years and need to continue to do is to be a vigorous proponent of support for open-
markets policies. The crucial link between closer economic integration and our national security
is this: We are much less likely as a nation to be drawn into conflict if nations of the world are
strong, confident and forging closer connections than if they are financially unstable and
disconnected. Trade promotes prosperity. And by promoting prosperity, it promotes peace. You
know, if you look at the history of the world's conflicts, a surprisingly high fraction have their
roots in economic issues, whether those economic issues are poor economic performance that is a breeding ground for hostile nationalism or whetherthose conflicts have their roots in rising economic power that feels constrained by closed markets abroad. Think about the roots of World War I in German economic expansion
and the barriers it encountered and the roots of the Second World War in the Pacific. There may never have been so radical a change in the bala nce of global economic power
as there has been in the emerging markets of the world, particularly in Asia, in the last 25 years. That it has taken place without major conflict is in no small part a tribute to
increased integration of the world's economies and support for cooperative institutions to cement that integration. By supporting liberalization in
Asia, we have invested in our future security and in the spread of our core values. Examples such
as Korea -- not just in Asia -- as Korea, Taiwan and Argentina illustrate that economic
development and openness bring democratization in their wake. And there is no better way to
spur this process than by integrating these economies into the global marketplace.
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Barfield 2009 – resident scholar at AEI (10/1, Claude, “Protectionism and the Global Economic
Crisis”, http://www.aei.org/article/101169, WEA)
The impact on world trade of recent protectionist tendencies--including increased tariffs, anti-
dumping measures, sector subsidies, and "buy national" provisions--depends on the swiftness of
economic recovery from the current crisis. If the global economy continues to improve,
protectionist government policies will likely fade; however, if the recovery weakens and a
recession returns, the pressures for protectionist measures may mount.
The impact of protectionism--both outright and "murky"--on world trade will be highly
dependent on the future course of the economic crisis. If the "green shoots" of an economic
recovery blossom and bear fruit, then the (thus-far) moderate upsurge of protectionist
government actions is likely to fade; if on the other hand, the world should plunge back into a
"double dip" recession then all bets would be off.
Certainly, the absolute numbers chronicling the world economy from 2007 through 2009 arestark. World output slowed appreciably from 3.5 percent growth in 2007 to 1.7 percent in 2008.
Then, for the first time since World War II, the World Bank predicts that in 2009 world GDP will
decline (2.9 percent in the latest projection). Similarly, a decline in foreign direct investment
flows began in 2008 and is projected to deepen in 2009, dropping some 30 percent in year-over-
year numbers.
Trade figures were no exception to the negative trends. World trade by volume grew 6 percent
in 2007, then by only 2 percent in 2008. For 2009, the projection is for an unprecedented
decline of 11 percent.[1]
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Schaub 4 (Drew, Professor of Political Science – Penn State University, Journal of Conflict
Resolution, 48(2), April)
Despite the caveats, our analysis suggests important policy implications for the war against
terrorism. National governments should realize that economic globalization is not the cause of,
but a possible partial solution to, transnational terrorism. Although opening up one’s border
facilitates the movement of terrorists and their activities, our results show that the effect of
such facilitation appears weak. It does not precipitate a significant rise in transnational terrorist
attacks within countries. This is an important lesson for policy makers who are designing
antiterrorism policies. More important, economic openness, to the extent that it promotes
economic development, may actually help to reduce indirectly the number of transnational
terrorist incidents inside a country. Closing borders to foreign goods and capital may produce
undesirable effects. Economic closure and autarky can generate more incentives to engage in
transnational terrorist activities by hindering economic development. Antiterrorism policymeasures should be designed with caution. They should not be designed to slow down
economic globalization. Promoting economic development and reducing poverty should be
important components of the global war against terrorism. Such effects are structural and
system-wide. It is in the best interest of the United States not only to develop by itself but
also to help other countries to grow quickly. The effect of economic development on the
number of transnational terrorist incidents is large. The role of economic development
deserves much more attention from policy makers than it currently enjoys.
Prosperity and growth are essential to progressive social change.
Nordhaus & Shellenberger, 07
Break Through: From the Death of Environmentalism to the Politics of Possibility, Ted & Michael,Managing Directors of American Environics, A social values research and strategy firm 35-37
Just as prosperity tends to bring out the best of human nature, poverty and collapse tend to
bring out the worst. Not only are authoritarian values strongest in situations where our basic
material and security needs aren't being met, they also become stronger in societies
experiencing economic downturns. Economic collapse in Europe after World War I, in Yugoslavia
after the fall of communism, and in Rwanda in the early 1990s triggered an authoritarian reflex
that fed the growth of fascism and violence. The populations in those countries, feeling profoundly insecure at the physiological,
psychological, and cultural levels, embraced authoritarianism and other lower-order materialist values. This is also what occurred in Iraq after the U.S. invasion. This shift away
from fulfillment and toward survival values appears to be occurring in the United States, albeit far more gradually than in places like the former Communist-bloc countries.
Survival values, including fatalism, ecological fatalism, sexism, everyday rage, and the acceptance of violence, are on the rise in the United States. The reasons for America’s
gradual move away from fulfillment and toward survival values are complex. Part of it appears to be driven by increasing economic insecurity. This insecurity has several likely
causes: the globalization of the economy; the absence of a new social contract for things like health care, child care and retirement appropriate for our postindustrial age; and
status competitions driven by rising social inequality. Conservatives tend to believe that all Americans are getting richer while liberals tend to believe that the rich are gettingricher and the poor are getting poorer. In our discussion of security in chapter 7 we argue that what is happening is a little bit of both: homeownership and purchasing power
have indeed been rising, but so have household and consumer debt and the amount of time Americans spend working. While cuts to the social safety net have not pushed
millions of people onto the street, they have fed social insecurity and increased competitio n with the Joneses. It is not just environmentalists who misunderstand the
prosperity-fulfillment connection. In private conversations, meetings and discussions, we often hear progressives lament public apathy and cynicism and make statements such
as “Things are going to have to get a lot worse before they get better.” We emphatically disagree. In our view, things have to get better before they can get better. Immiseration
theory—the view that increasing suffering leads to progressive social change—has been repeatedly discredited by history. Progressive social reforms,
from the Civil Rights Act to the Clean Water Act, tend to occur during times of prosperity and
rising expectations—not immiseration and declining expectations. Both the environmental
movement and the civil rights movement emerged as a consequence of rising prosperity . It was the
middle-class, young, and educated black Americans who were on the forefront of the civil rights movement. Poor blacks were active, but the movement was overwhelmingly led
by educated, middle-class intellectuals and community leaders (preachers prominent among them). This was also the case with the white supporters of the civil rights
movement, who tended to be more highly educated and more affluent than the general American population. In short, the civil rights movement
no more emerged because African Americans were suddenly denied their freedom than the
environmental movement emerged because American suddenly started polluting.
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Nordhaus and Shellenberger 2008 – founders of the Break Through Institute, Managing
Directors of American Environics, A social values research and strategy firm (Ted and Michael,Break Through, pages 165-6) *note: emphasis and ellipses are in the original text, not the way I
cut it
In his 2005 book The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, Benjamin Friedman assembled
an impressive body of evidence showing how, during times of economic growth, people become
more empathic, expansive, and generous toward others, including immigrants, racial minorities,
gays, and women. And he described how we become less generous and more status conscious
during times of rising insecurity, such as the period after 1973.
The impact of this economic stagnation on Americans’ attitudes, and the consequences for
American society, were strikingly similar to the changes that had taken place during the
prolonged agriculture depression of the 1880s and early 1890s, and again during the stop-and-
go decade that followed World War I. Movement toward opening American society, eitherdomestically or with respect to outsiders, mostly slowed or ceased . . . Attitudes among average
citizens now forces to question the security of their own economic position and made even
more anxious for their children’s, became less generous and less tolerant . . . In each case large
numbers of people have come to believe that some hidden, purposeful cabal must be at fault,
and only its defeat can restore the America they love and of which they feel a part. An in each
case as they sought that end, the openness and tolerance of our society, and our commitment
to our democratic ideas, have suffered.26
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The whole world, to some degree, is feeling the effects of the current global downturn. The fear is, however, that the poor and
disadvantaged will be forced to bear the brunt of the suffering. Governments are making tough decisions in
these difficult times. They have been forced through both external and internal financial factors to make cuts and choices that
ensure economic stability. The danger now, however, is that these economic concerns will take precedence over
human rights issues. Speaking last month, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, appealed to both
governments and the corporate world to ensure that their policies and practices do not jeopardize people's human rights. In an
address to a Special Session of the Human Rights Council, Pillay warned that the downturn in economies around the world was
likely to “undermine access to work, affordability of food and housing, as well as of water, basic
health care and education.” She also urged states to “ensure that domestic policy adjustments, particularly those in fiscal
spending, are not taken at the expense of the poor through cutbacks in basic services and social protection mechanisms.” Read
more The apprehension is shared by other groups and advocates. To compound the problem, the fear is that notonly will new human rights issues be born out of the increased poverty the global downturn will
bring, but we – as nations – will begin to turn a blind eye to the issues that already exist. In the rush to
protect ourselves will we leave those in most need of our help exposed? Turning a blind eye Sir Hugh Cortazzi is a distinguished
academic and author. He is also a former British ambassador to Japan and frequent advocate of human
rights. Speaking from his home in London he described his fear for the future: “I think, as people, we tend to turn a
blind eye to human rights issues when we think something else is more important, that
something could be the economy or the threat of war. I think that is a dangerous situation, it’s under standable
but not desirable. It’s a question of priority. What I’m frightened of is people will say: ‘let’s put human rights on
the backburner.” Cortazzi has already seen this shift in focus away from human rights with the new American administration.
As a former diplomat, he recognises the politics at play: “This was certainly the case when US Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton went to China recently. She gave more time to the theme of China’s economic
situation than she did to the human rights issues there. She could have at least given equal time both –
especially when you consider what is happening in Tibet currently.” David Bachman, China Studies professor at the University of
Washington, says it’s hard to tell from history if economic issues usually take precedence over human rights: “Human rights
were really not an issue for the US governments during the Great Depression and the only other major
recession was ’80-’82. Then, President Regan began with his notion of the ‘Evil Empire’ that minimalised all human rights policies in
almost all respects, except to criticise the Soviet Union. So there’s really not a lot to go on.” However, he does believe that it is
inevitable that the focus will not be on human rights issues: “But yes, the US government is going to pay more attention to domestic
issues and fundamental national security issues than human rights,” he continued. Unable to afford rights Losing the focus on
human rights, should it happen, would be anathema to groups like of Amnesty. They believe their work in drawing attention to
rights abuses and putting pressure on governments to change their behaviour is hard enough without having to battle a global
downturn too. The problem is two-fold. On the international front – as seen with Clinton’s visit to China – the hunger for putting
pressure on countries with tarnished rights records is dissipating. While on the home front, cutbacks in education and health care
are also inevitable. Amnesty’s Noreen Hartigan says: “There is a real risk that the most marginalised will be further disenfranchised
during this recession. There is no system to guarantee social justice in decision-making. We need to challenge the notion that we
cannot afford to deliver on economic and social rights.”
8/13/2019 Continuing Resolution Negative - DDI 2013 SS
When lawmakers return to session in September, they face a myriad of difficult issues. A
continuing resolution to fund government operations must be worked out and approved.
Congress must also vote to raise the debt ceiling or risk sending the government into default. ¶
The fate of just those two measures seems dim, if recent history is to be any guide.¶ House
Republican leaders continue to struggle to forge consensus among their own divided caucus. A
routine spending bill had to be pulled from the floor just blast week because the leadership
feared they could not muster the needed votes from their GOP colleagues.¶ Not only hascompromise proved to be elusive, is has even come to be denigrated among the extreme
factions of the parties. But democracy is first and foremost an exercise in the art of compromise,
and that was how Congress used to function for more than 200 years. But the people in
Washington today seem to prefer playing petty political games over working together for the