-3 FEB 2006 Ministry of J'ustice WELLINGTON Wai 1130 # A57 Contextual Material on Maori and Socio-Economic Issues in the National Park Inquiry District, 1890 - 1990: A Scoping Report Leanne Boulton February 2006 Commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal for the National Park District Inquiry (Wai 1130)
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- 3 FEB 2006
Ministry of J'ustice WELLINGTON
Wai 1130 # A57
Contextual Material on Maori and
Socio-Economic Issues in the National
Park Inquiry District, 1890 - 1990:
A Scoping Report
Leanne Boulton
February 2006
Commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal for the National Park
The second chapter identifies and assesses the sources on economic and employment
opportunities available to Maori in the inquiry district in the agricultural sector both as farmers
utilising Maori land, and as labourers on Pakeha owned farms in and around the National Park
inquiry district. The chapter begins with an examination of sources relating to small scale
domestic horticulture in and around Maori kainga in the district. This is followed by a discussion
of sources of data on Maori agriculture, Maori sheep farming, Maori dairy farming and flax
milling.
The third chapter investigates the sources of information available on the location and scale of
the indigenous timber milling industry in the district. It also examines the sources available for a
discussion of timber leases on Maori land as a means for Maori communities to secure income
from royalties and employment in timber milling. This is followed by a discussion of the sources
relating to Maori employment in the State Forests adjacent to the inquiry district.
The fourth chapter in this part of the report deals with sources that outline the development of
various types of tourism in and around the inquiry district from 1890 to 1990. This is followed by
an assessment of sources of information regarding Maori involvement in those tourism ventures
as employees and as owners of tourism businesses, both in New Zealand and in and around the
inquiry district. In particular this chapter looks at sources that discuss Maori opportunities to
develop thermal springs at Tokaanu and Ketetahi, and trout fishing in Lake Rotoaira and other
waterways in the district, as tourist attractions.
The final chapter in this part identifies and discusses sources relating to the types of employment
created by the Tongariro Power Development Scheme based at Turangi and Maori employment
on the scheme. This is followed by a review of sources that discuss the impact of the completion
of the scheme upon Maori previously employed in its construction. It also looks at sources that
document the nature, scope and success of government programmes to address employment in
Turangi and the surrounding area after the completion of the scheme.
Part 3 - Living Standards and Social Services for Maori contains five chapters: Employment and
Income Levels, Housing, Living Conditions, Medical Services and Education. Chapter one begins
by examining sources that deal with Maori employment and unemployment levels for Maori in
New Zealand as whole and then for Maori in the inquiry district specifically. A similar section
relating to Maori income levels follows.
39 SOC 15: 67; SOC 17: 80
17
The second chapter in this part of the report deals with sources on the housing conditions of
Maori in the National Park inquiry district. The first section of this chapter explores sources that
provide an overview of the Crown’s policy with regard to Maori housing and identifies trends and
issues that may be relevant to this district. The remainder of the chapter assesses the sources
available for an investigation of housing standards in the inquiry district. This includes sources on
the role played by Maori Councils and, later, the Maori Affairs Welfare Division (and its associated
Welfare Officers and Tribal Committees) in improving Maori housing conditions in Maori
settlements.
Chapter three complements the preceding chapter on housing as it deals with sources relating to
sanitation, water and food supplies in these homes, and various initiatives to improvethese
ammenities. The chapter is structured chronologically. It deals first with sources related to these
issues from the 1890 to 1920 period. This is followed by a discussion of the Maori councils and
health councils’ period from 1920 to 1940. The chapter concludes with an assessment of sources
relating to the period 1945 - 1970 when tribal executives, tribal committees and welfare officers
under the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945 were active. Finally, there is a brief
section on the post 1970 period.
Chapter four identifies and discusses the significance of sources relating to the provision and use
of health services by Maori in and around the National Park inquiry district. This chapter begins
by examining sources relating to the provision of medical officers/doctors and dispensers to Maori
in the National Park inquiry district. Subsequent sections of the chapter discuss sources related
to Maori district nurses, the medical role of Native school teachers, hospitals and dental services.
The final chapter of part 3 of this report deals with sources on Maori access to and participation
and achievement in early childhood, primary, secondary, and tertiary education between 1890
and 1990. As participation in tertiary education was, until the last few decades of this period,
limited to few Maori, sources on trade and other post-secondary training for Maori are also
discussed. A conclusion and recommendations follow this.
18
Part 1: Maori Population andSettlement Patterns
19
1.1 Maori Settlement Patterns in and around the NationalPark Inquiry District
1.1.1 Introduction
The commission for this scoping report requires that the report identifies and discusses the
significance of sources relating to ‘Maori population and settlement within the boundaries of the
National Park inquiry district’. The commission asks that comment be made on any sources that
contain material relating to ‘inward and outward migration and any factors contributing to the
demographic history of the inquiry district.’ Baseline population and settlement data about the
number, distribution and iwi/hapu affiliation of Maori living in and around the National Park
inquiry district is important in assessing the impact of socio-economic issues upon tangata
whenua living there in the twentieth century. Therefore, it would also be useful to have some
analysis of how Maori population in townships and settlements in and around the inquiry district
changed over this period and the iwi and hapu affiliations of that population. This chapter
identifies and examines the sources for such information and provides some conclusions as to
their usefulness and limitations.
1.1.2 Sources for Identifying Settlements and Townships
This section of the report considers sources for the names and locations of two types of
settlements in the district: towns which were essentially Pakeha settler towns in which there was
also a Maori population, and those settlements that were essentially Maori kainga.
a) Townships
Contemporary maps are an obvious starting point for locating townships and settlements. ‘Maps
of the National Park Inquiry District: A Thematic Overview Map Book to Support Waitangi
Tribunal Hearings’, Crown Forestry Rental Trust, June 2005 (Wai 1130 #A48) provides the most
comprehensive compilation of maps of the district. The most useful maps for establishing the
location of townships are the topographical maps in plates 21 - 30. The maps show only
contemporary townships and features. However many current placenames mark settlements that
have disappeared and should be noted and checked against historical maps (see below).
Alexander Turnbull Library Pictorial Collection contains many photographs of townships in and
around the inquiry region. Many are undated but appear to be from the 1900 - 1930 period.
They are helpful in assessing the size of townships in different periods.
Two of particular interest are:
20
• F3004 ½ - photograph Taupo County, Tokaanu 'Tokaanu with thermal area in foreground
(telephoto shot), July 1952, Nat Pub Studios' is typed on a sticker on back. This shows some
rather poor housing in the foreground. There is also a photograph of Tokaanu in 1890 in
Barbara Cooper, The Head of the Lake = Te Mata O Tauponui: a history, Turangi Historical
Society, Turangi, 1981.
• F33013 ½ - photograph Taupo County, Turangi, 1962 'Aerial view of Bridge Lodge -
Turangi Jan 1962, Nat Pub studio' is typed on a sticker on back. This shows Turangi before it
was redeveloped as a hydro town.
b) Maori Kainga/Settlements
i) Secondary Sources for Identifying and Locating Maori Kainga
Ann Williams and Tony Walton, Early Landuse Patterns in the Lake Taupo Area, Science for
Conservation 222, Department of Conservation, Wellington, 2003 is the principal secondary
source available for naming and locating Maori kainga in the inquiry district. Although their
discussion of the pattern of Maori kainga in the district relates primarily to the nineteenth century
they emphasis that the location of Maori kainga has remained stable and twentieth century
kainga are generally on or close to the site of earlier settlements. Williams and Walton provide a
critical review and synthesis of what is known about Maori settlement patterns in the Lake
Taupo/Lake Rotoaira district. They summarise and critically evaluate the evidence from
archaeological surveys, ethnographical and early historical accounts by Europeans in the area.
They analyse and discuss the evidence regarding settlements from early maps (ML 2177, ML
2178 & SO 14534) discussed further below. The report has a good bibliography, including two
sources that may be worth pursuing to locate further Maori kainga in the inquiry district:
D C Nevin & G E Nevin, Archaeological Site Survey - Rotoaira State Forest 141, June 1979, New
Zealand Forest Service Report.
R G Ward, ‘Maori Settlement in the Taupo County 1830 - 1880’, Journal of the Polynesian Society,
65, 1956, 41 - 44.
Williams and Walton, 2003, should be read in conjunction with the detailed material on Maori
archaeological sites in the northern portion of the inquiry district in Mary Newman, Archaeological
Investigations in the Vicinity of Lake Rotoaria and the Lower Tongariro River, 1966 - 1971, New
Zealand Historic Places Trust, Wellington, 1988. The term ‘archaeological site’ as used by
Newman includes pa, kainga, pits, ditches, banks, traditional sites, burial sites, artefact findspots,
miscellaneous sites (tracks, springs, mutilated trees) and sites associated with farming, timber
21
and flax milling. Newman provides a discussion of the archaeological sites discovered during
several archaeological surveys carried out during the construction of the Tongariro Power
Development scheme. The cicumstances surrounding this salvage archaeology are discussed in
the Waitangi Tribunal’s, Turangi Township Report 1995, Brookers, Wellington, pp 155-160. This
discussion notes that archaeological sites of significance to Maori in Turangi were lost, as the
archaeological surveys did not begin until February 1966, some time after earthmoving
commenced. Newman includes a list of all the registered archaeological sites in the area with
site numbers, grid references and descriptions.40 These are shown plotted on a map, however the
site numbering on the map is difficult to follow as the two sequences of site numbers listed in the
text are not clearly distinguished from one another. Some grid reference checking would be
necessary to ensure accurate site identification. There are also brief chapters on the findings of
excavations at the Opotaka and Poutu kainga on the shores of Lake Rotoaira. The changing
location of Opotaka kainga is documented in an article: Tony Walton, ‘Settlement at Opotaka’,
New Zealand Historic Places, Jul 1994; 48, pp 39-41.
ii) Historical Maps
As discussed in Williams and Walton, historical maps also provide an important tool for locating
Maori kainga in the inquiry district. The historical maps located so far cover the northern part of
the inquiry district. ML 2178 a ‘Plan of Okahukura Blocks’ from 1883 shows the bush line and
remnant areas of bush and the names and locations of many Maori kainga.
The CFRT map book reproduces an 1886 map of the Tauponuiatia block:
• ‘Plate 35 - Map of Tauponuiatia Blocks ML 5995D - 1886 External Boundaries
• ‘Plate 36 - Plan of Tauponuiatia Shewing Subdivisions, As adjudicated - ML 5995B’
Unfortunately the detail on neither reproduction can be read, although ML 5995B looks to contain
more place-name information that ML 5995D. Better copies of both are probably available
through Land Online.
ML 2177, a ‘Plan of Subdivision of Okahukura Block’ from 1895 covers much of the same area as
shown on ML 2178. Unfortunately it is quite difficult to read but does provide a useful
comparison of bush line and kainga. It also shows a number of sheep yards and shepherd’s huts
40 As archaeological sites are located and described they are registered with the New Zealand Archaeological Association.Each site in the country has a unique number, for example N112/75 Kotukutuku kainga is site number 75 the imperialsurvey map N112 (these numbers have since been converted to an equivalent metric map series)
22
that are important evidence of sheep farming on this block. These could be mapped and used in
conjunction with the sources on Maori sheep farming discussed later in this report.
SO 14534, a ‘Topographical Plan of Pihanga Survey District’, from 1900 covers only the area
immediately around Lakes Rotoaira and Rotopounamu and land on either side of the Tongariro
River as far south as the Ohurire Stream. This map shows a number of old Maori tracks as well
as the dray tracks that were being used at that time, and some place names.
A lithograph of the Pihanga Survey District (Alexander Turnbull Library Map collection 932/1 WN-
10) from 1924 shows a number of place names in the northern part of the district around Lake
Rotoaira. Further twentieth century maps may also be available from the Alexander Turnbull
Library Map Collection.
iii) Contemporary Maps
The contemporary topographical maps in plates 21 - 30 of the CFRT mapbook, 2005, show some
old timber mill sites and disused quarries. These sites could be mapped alongside sites identified
from Williams and Walton, 2003 and Newman, 1988. This would build a picture of industry sites
that may have provided employment for Maori in nearby townships and settlements. These
maps are also useful for identifying the location of current tourist facilities such as ski fields, ski
villages, fishing camps, boating facilities and outdoor recreation centres.
iv) Historical Photographs
There are a few photographs of Maori kainga in the inquiry district; these helpful in asessing the
size of Maori settlements at different dates. Alexander Turnbull Library Pictorial Collection PA1-q-
913 contains a 1913 photograph album that includes a group of images of Maori at Otukou, the
meeting house there known as Okahukura, images of Otukou village and hot springs, and
Ketetahi Springs and cookhouse/shelter. There are also a number of photographs of Otukou in
Deirdre Gardiner, He Ohaki na nga matua tupuna ko Okahukura: The Story of a Tuwharetoa
Wharepuni, Otukou Marae Committee, Turangi, 1993, including a view of the settlement in 1905
(p 61), photographs of Otukou Native school in 1949 (p 89), and Otokou marae in 1993 (p 110 -
11).
23
v) Contemporary Accounts
Contemporary accounts often provide descriptions of the location and size of Maori settlements at
a particular date. Although there are a number of well known historical accounts by European
travellers, explorers, scientists and missionaries in the Taupo/Rotoaira area for the period from
1840 to 1880, there seem to be few for the early 1900s. There may be some accounts in
newspapers of the period but locating them would require considerable time combing through
reels of microfilm. Four that may be worth pursuing are:
• K [Kennedy], ‘A Visit to Lake Rotoaira', printed at the Daily Telegraph Office, Napier, 1885.
• ‘Pakeha and Maori: A narrative of the Premier’s Trip through the Native Districts of the North
Island’ in AJHR 1895 G-1. Describes Seddon’s visit and meeting with Maori at Moawhango,
also describes Karioi, a Maori Kainga called Waione (two miles west of Karioi), Ohakune, a
Maori Kainga called Toanui (six miles west of Ohakune), and Raetihi.
• ‘Up the Wanganui River to Tokaanu’ in the New Zealand Official Yearbook, 1900, pp 509 -
519.
• MSY-4600, Alexander Turnbull Library Manuscripts Collection, New Zealand Journals/Dudley
Alexander [aide-de-camp to Governor General Lord Ranfurly], journal of a March 1901 tour
on the Governor’s train through the Central North Island to Lake Taupo.
In addition to locating settlements and townships within and around the National Park inquiry
district, it is necessary to discuss some of the factors that shaped that settlement pattern. In
particular background material is needed on the effects of the physical environment, changing
land-use patterns and land alienation had upon the location and viability of settlements and
townships.
1.1.3(b) Physical Geography and Landuse Patterns
Russell Kirkpatrick, Kataraina Belshaw and John Campbell, ‘Land-based Cultural Resources and
Waterways and Environmental impacts (Rotorua, Taupo and Kaingaroa), 1840 - 2000’, December
2004, Wai 1130 #A7(a) investigates the prejudice suffered by Maori as a result of the impact of
environmental change in the Central North Island inquiry district from 1840 to the present.
Section 2.1 outlines the physical geography of the Central North Island, that is, the impact of the
physical environmental on land use potential, vegetation cover and Maori population. In particular
they discuss soil types, drainage and fertility; topography, temperature, and vegetation cover.
24
Kirkpatrick et al’s discussion of these factors is interspersed with full colour maps in which these
data are represented visually (figs 2.2 to 2.12).
With regard to the areas within the National Park inquiry district they concluded that the ‘free-
draining pumice soil of low natural fertility’ in the area should be considered as a constraining
factor when looking at opportunities for land development and employment. However, the note
that this soil is particularly suitable for forestry.41 Low average annual temperatures in much of
the inquiry district compound these soil quality limitations. ‘Figure 2.3 shows that the annual
temperature over the National Park inquiry district mountains and plateau surrounding Ruapehu,
Tongariro and Ngaruruhoe and Pihanga is under 10 degrees Celsius. However the area around
Lake Rotoaira and the fringes of the inquiry district is lower and therefore ‘mild’ with annual
temperatures between 10 and 12.5 degrees Celsius.’42 This suggests a climatic explanation for the
concentation of Maori settlement on the blocks around Lake Rotoaira.
In his 1955 MA thesis ‘Land Development in the Taupo County’ R G Ward briefly discusses the
tendency for settlements to be built around lakes and along the bush line (p 29). These patterns
are discussed in slightly more detail in Williams and Walton, in their sections on the
archaeological evidence, early European historical accounts, and evidence from early maps. In
particular they discuss the impact that clearance of the bush from pre-history to the twentieth
century has had on Maori settlement landuse and patterns. These sources provide a useful
context for factors that shaped Maori settlement in the area.
1.1.3(c) The Development of Infrastructure and European Settlement
The pattern of townships in and around the inquiry district was significantly influenced by the
way in which patterns of infrastructure such as coach routes, roads and railway lines developed.
Townships sprung up to construct and service these routes. This is particularly obvious in the
south and west where almost all the current towns began as stations on the Main Trunk Railway
Line. In turn this infrastructure made it possible to clear and mill indigenous forests and, later, to
farm land adjacent to these routes.
Local histories are a particularly good source of dates for the establishment of railway, road and
coach links between various settlements and townships. The Waitangi Tribunal’s Turangi
Township Report 1995, Brookers, Wellington, pp 9-12 provides a summary of the Maori and
41 Russell Kirkpatrick, Kataraina Belshaw and John Campbell, ‘Land-based Cultural Resources and Waterways andenvironmental impacts (Rotorua, Taupo and Kaingaroa), 1840 - 2000’, Wai 1130 #A7(a), pp 48, 52 and 6442 Kirkpatrick, Belshaw and Campbell, 2004, Figure 2.6, p 54
25
European settlement in and around Turangi and Tokaanu. There are also two books by Barbara
Cooper on the Taupo-Turangi area: The Head of the Lake, 1981 and The Remotest Interior: A
History of Taupo, Moana Press, Tauranga, 1989. For the Karioi, Raetihi and Ohakune area
Elizabeth C Allen, In the Hills of the Waimarino: the human story of the development of the
district, Wanganui Newspapers Ltd, Wanganui, n/d and R H Volkerling, and K L Stewart, From
Sand to Papa: A history of the Whanganui County, Wanganui, 1986 are useful. For Raurimu Kate
Hill, Raurimu Frontier Town 1900 - 1925: A social archaeological perspective, Dept of
Anthropology, University of Auckland, 1999, for Kakahi Peter McIntyre, Kakahi New Zealand, AH
& AW Reed, Wellington, 1972 deal with the railway construction and the timber and farming
industries. There is also a history of Owhango: Owhango, spanning 100 years: Owhango School
& District Reunion, February 6th - 8th 2004, Owhango School reunion committee, 2004. The
development of sheep farming and transport links to the Taihape and Whanganui River are deal
with in R A L Batley, Moawhango Valley and School: a short history of the inland Patea published
to commemorate the diamond jubilee of the Moawhango Maori School, 1897 - 1957, Moawhango
School Jubilee Committee, 1958.
1.1.4 Conclusion
There is a significant set of sources that would enable Maori kainga, townships and associated
industrial sites to be identified and plotted to produce a comprehensive maps giving a good
picture of the settlement pattern in the district. However, this exercise is designed simply to form
a context for the Maori population data, so would only be worth completing if there was
adequate Maori population data available. Sources for population data are examined in the next
chapter.
1.2 Maori Population Trends for the National Park Inquirydistrict
1.2.1 Introduction
Maori population data and Maori population trends for the National Park inquiry district need to
be viewed in the context of national and regional Maori population data and trends. Therefore
key national and regional Maori population sources are considered briefly in this chapter as a
preface to a more detailed discussion of Maori population sources for the National Park inquiry
district. Some Maori population data for settlements and townships in and around the inquiry
district derived from Maori voters’ rolls and electoral rolls for Western Maori is also presented and
discussed below.
26
1.2.2 National Trends in Maori Population
There is an abundance of secondary sources relating to Maori population data at a national level.
The most comprehensive presentation and discussion of national population data for Maori can
be found in Ian Pool, Te Iwi Maori: A New Zealand Population Past, Present and Projected,
Auckland University Press, Auckland, 1991. Pool covers the period from 1840 to 1986. He
presents tables and graphs showing population figures and age structure, population growth, life
expectancy, mortality and fertility. These are accompanied by analysis of the trends in these
data and a discussion of the reasons for these trends, especially in terms of urbanisation and
migration. Although this provides a comprehensive contextual overview, further primary data
could be located by using C N Mako, A Directory of the Location of Statistics on the New Zealand
Maori Population from Official Sources, Ministry of Maori Affairs, Wellington, 1991.
Pool could also be supplemented by a number of sources that discuss Maori and urbanisation.
The Hunn Report (J K Hunn, Report on the Department of Maori Affairs, Government Printer,
Wellington, 1960) tabulates and briefly discusses the percentage of total Maori population in
cities and boroughs for the period 1926 to 1956 (p 19). The statistical Supplement at the back of
the report provides graphs, tables and notes on Maori population (pp 107 - 114). J R McCreary,
‘Population Growth and Urbanisation', in Erik Schwimmer (ed) Maori People in the Nineteen-
Sixties: A Symposium, Auckland, 1968, pp 187 - 204 presents and discusses Maori population
data In a similar way to Pool. However, he also includes data on Maori urbanisation as well as a
discussion of reasons for increasing Maori urbanisation but he only covers the period between
1936 and 1961. There is also brief discussion of Maori urbanisation (p 110) in Ernest Beaglehole,
‘The Maori in New Zealand: A Case Study of Socio-Economic Integration in International Labour
Review, vol. 76, No. 2 (August 1957), pp 103 - 123, 106 - 107; and in John Forster, ‘The Social
Position of Maori’ in Erik Schwimmer (ed), Maori People in the Nineteen-Sixties: A Symposium,
Auckland, 1968, pp 97 - 117. Emma Stevens, ‘Socio-Economic Consequences of Land Loss for
Maori in the Whanganui, Rangitikei, Manawatu and Horowhenua Districts’, Wai 903 #A32, June
1997 argues that Maori urbanisation in the Whanganui, Rangitikei, Manawatu and Horowhenua
districts in the late 1920s and early 1930s. It is not clear whether this was also the case in the
National Park inquiry district.
1.2.3 Maori Population within the National Park Inquiry District
1.2.3(a) Secondary Sources on Regional Population Change
Secondary sources draw on Maori population data published in the New Zealand Census of
Population and Dwellings. To evaluate these secondary sources is necessary to give a brief
history of Maori census data. The Census Act 1877 ‘provided for general censuses to be taken in
27
1878 and 1881, and every fifth year from then on.’ The only exception to this provision was in
1931 when the census was postponed owing to the economic depression; the 1941 census was
postponed until 1945 owing to wartime conditions and the pattern of five yearly censuses was
resumed in 1951.43 From 1886 and for subsequent censuses, books were supplied to officers of
the Native Department in each district.’ Maori were recorded by county, age, sex and iwi up until
1901 and by county, age and sex until 1921. From 1926 the Maori census was taken in one
night (though not on the same night at the general census) and Maori completed their own
census form for the first time. From the 1950s the Maori census was fully integrated into the
general census.44 From the 1981 census onwards population data are presented for each
Territorial Authority (TA) area. This section identifies and evaluates these sources and discusses
the limits of the data they present in terms of the data’s ability to provide a complete and
accurate picture of Maori population in the inquiry district over the 1890 to 1990 period.
Several secondary sources provide an overview of changes in the general population of the
Central North Island, and change in the Maori population of the region from the mid-1980s
onwards. Kirkpatrick et al includes a map showing Territorial Authority areas and total population
density for 2001 (Figure 2.14). This is acommpanied by a ‘cartogram’ in which each Territorial
authority area is shown coloured and sized according to its percentage of population growth.
Areas with high population growth are shown as large while those with low or negative growth
(net population loss) are shown as small (fig 2.16). They also offer a brief discussion of general
population growth in the Taupo district between 1991 and 2001.
R Bedford, J Lidgard, B McLaughlin and J Newell, Demographic Change and Employment in the
Central North Island, 1986 - 1996, Department of Geography, University of Waikato, Hamilton,
2001 discuss and map Maori population growth in the wider Central North Island region taking in
‘the lowlands of the Waikato basin and the coastal plains of the Bay of Plenty, as well as the
rolling hills and steeper slopes in the “King Country”, through the Coromandel, around Rotorua
and Taupo, and along the northern perimeter of East Cape.’ This region takes in the whole of
the National Park inquiry district as well as the major population centres of Rotorua, Tauranga
and Hamilton and their extensive hinterlands.
43 ‘POPULATION’, from An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, edited by A H McLintock, originally published in 1966. Te Ara -The Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, updated 11-Ju-2005 URL: http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/1966/P/Population/en44 Tahu Kuutai, Ian Pool & Janet Sceats, ‘Central North Island Iwi: population Patterns and Trends’, April 2002, Wai 1200#A44, p 16
28
Within that area Bedford et al calculate the percentage of the total population of the area living in
five levels of settlements: major cities, other towns (3,000+ pop in 1996), nucleated settlements
(between 500 and 3,000 pop in 1996), densely settled rural areas (6 or more people per square
km) and sparsely settled rural areas (less than 6 people per square km). They then look at how
those proportions have changed over the 1986 to 1996 period for the total population and for the
Maori population. They also use Territorial Authority area and calculate the percentage of
population change for the total population and for the Maori population across this period.
There are several highly technical papers that attempt to model internal migration/mobility. They
are useful in both identifying regional migration patterns and explaining the factors that cause
individuals to become mobile.
• David C Maré and Wai Kin Choy, Regional Labour Market Adjustment and the Movement of
People: A Review, Treasury Working Paper 01/08, 2001.
• Suzi Kerr, Dave Maré, William Power and Jason Timmins, Internal Mobility in New Zealand,
Treasury Working Paper, 01/4, 2001.
It is possible that there is more accessible general material, particularly studies by geographers,
on regional migration trends and population density.
1.2.3(b) Secondary Sources on Taupo-Tongariro Maori Population
R J Lowe, He Kaupapa Korero Te Puawaitanga o Nga Iwi 1874 - 1951: Iwi in Demographic
Change, 1874 - 1951, a working paper for the Department of Maori Affairs, June 1989 uses Maori
population data for counties from census records. He creates regions for which he tabulates total
Maori population, recorded Maori population (excluding half-castes living as Europeans) and
recorded half-castes living as Europeans. The three districts relevant to the inquiry district
defined by Lowe are ‘Rotorua-Taupo’, ‘West Taupo’ and ‘Whanganui’. However, these data only
covers the 1891 to 1951 period and because it covers such large areas it cannot provide an
accurate data set for Maori population in the inquiry district.
The area considered in Kukutai et al’s report includes some but not all of the National Park
inquiry district (see Fig 1.1. on p 8). Essentially Kukutai et al worked on a premise that the
Central North Island inquiry region took in Lake Rotoaira and small area to the west of that lake.
Therefore, the Maori population data Kukutai et al produced for their report is of not very useful
in mapping Maori population and settlement patterns in the National Park inquiry district because
it excludes significant areas and includes large area that lie outside the National Park inquiry
district.
29
However, Kukutai et al do provide some data for the period after 1981 for the Taupo Territorial
Authority area (part of the inquiry district) in ‘Appendix 9A(i): CNI Maori, 1906 - 1996’. There are
tables showing the percentage of the Maori population in the Taupo TA in each age group (male,
female and total) for 1981, 1986, 1991 and 1996. ‘Appendix 11A: Net Migration of CNI Maori by
TA, 1981 - 96’ provides tables showing the number and percentage of Maori (male, female and
total) in each age group that migrated in/out of the Taupo TA (a negative figure represents a net
loss while a positive figure represents a net gain). Tables are provided for the 1981 - 1886, 1986
- 1991 and 1991 - 1996 inter-census periods. Census data for 1991 for the Taupo Territorial
Authority area is collected together and summarised in Lesia Hay Small, Census Data: a graphical
representation, Taupo District Council, Taupo, 1998. Again, these data are not particularly useful
because it only covers a brief time period and includes only part of the inquiry district.
Peter Crawford, Turangi 1975: Ministry of Works & Development Town, Community and Service
Centre: a survey of the social and economic problems of the community of Turangi and a
discussion of the future development of the settlement, Taupo Regional Development Committee,
1976 provides tables showing total population and the Maori population. His data are tabulated
from the census and take into account all town areas, camps, prisons and localities across the
Taupo and Taumaranui counties, Turangi township, and the wider area of Southern Taupo-
Tongariro for 1966 and 1971. This is a better indication of population in the inquiry district but
still includes figures for counties and boroughs, areas too large to accurately count Maori in the
inquiry district.
1.2.3(c) Primary Sources for the Maori Population of the National Park Inquiry
i) Census Data
As the secondary sources demonstrate there are a number of difficulties in using Maori census
data to construct a time series of Maori population for the National Park inquiry district:
1) INHERENT INACCURACIES IN THE CENSUS DATAThe accuracy of census data before 1926, when Maori began to complete their own census
forms, was very dependent upon the observer or government official’s sources of information and
how much they could travel in the district. The relative isolation of districts like the Tongariro
National Park area could restrict both the numbers of observers or government officials who
settled there and how easily they could travel. Kukutai et al also noted that some censuses seem
to provide better coverage than others. They concluded that the 1881, 1891 and 1901 censuses
30
are better than those from 1878, 1886 and 1896. They estimate that ‘even as late as 1926, the
level of under-enumeration nationally might have been as high as 10%.’
Whether Maori were willing to supply information also affected the accuracy of the census data.
In places like the Taupo and Tongariro districts where there were strong links to the Rohe Potae
and to the Kingitanga reluctance and refusal to supply information were not uncommon. Kukttai
et al state that the 1916 census ‘was notable for under-enumeration’ especially for counties like
West Taupo where there were strong affiliations with the Kingitanga. They also cite evidence
from district enumerator’s reports that suggests that fear of recruitment during World War I,
particularly in Waikato and West Taupo, made Maori reluctant to take part in the census.4546
2) THE INQUIRY DISTRICT TAKES IN PORTIONS OF FOUR COUNTIESThe census records Maori population at county level until 1981. However, while it is certainly
possible to tabulate these county figures for Maori population they have little value in establishing
an accurate series of data recording Maori population in the inquiry district. This is because the
inquiry district is split over four counties. Many of these counties include significant population
centres and large hinterlands that are not within the inquiry district. Thus the use of Maori
population figures for the counties that the inquiry district crosses as population figures for this
inquiry would be rather misleading.
From 1981 onwards the boundaries of territorial authorities (TA) are used to record census
population data; these match District Council boundaries. The National Park inquiry falls within
two of these: Taupo and Ruapehu. Though TA area are a better match to the shape of the
inquiry district than the old counties, they are still not a perfect fit and Maori population figures
from censuses from 1981 onwards still do not provide an accurate indication of Maori population
in the inquiry district.
3) COUNTY BOUNDARIES CHANGE OVER TIMEIn any case, the configuration of these counties changed considerably over time. For example, up
to and including the 1921 census the Taupo region was split over two counties: East and West
Taupo. In the 1926 census a Taupo county was created and some of the land from the former
West Taupo County was included in the Taumaranui County. Other more minor boundary
adjustments happened on a regular basis. By the 1950s the census shows separate population
figures for town districts, boroughs and urban area. In some census tables these are included in
45 Kukutai, Pool & Sceats, 2002, p 1646 Kukutai, Pool & Sceats, 2002, p 16
31
the county figure, in other all are excluded or only ‘dependant’ town districts or boroughs are
included in the county totals.47 This makes comparing Maori population figures for whole counties
over time impossible.
4) DEFINITIONS OF WHO IS COUNTED AS ‘MAORI’ CHANGE OVER TIMEOne of the greatest difficulties with Maori population census data is that the official definition of
whom is counted as Maori changed considerably from census to census. The other difficulty with
census data is that county tallies of Maori include all Maori not just tangata whenua of the
county.
Overall an exploration of the census data for Maori population leads to the conclusion that
Kukutai et al reached in their report, that the changing nature of the census ‘make time-series
analysis impossible at a sub-national level.’ 48 Aside from census data there are several other
primary sources that could provide an indication of the Maori population of certain kainga and
show when certain settlements and townships contained Maori inhabitants.
ii) Native School Records
Native School’s records may prove to be a source of Maori population data for small Maori
settlements. Archives New Zealand Auckland files for a number of Native schools in and around
the inquiry district provides some raw data for pupils attending. Registers of admissions, progress
and withdrawals, for example, list each child in the index and give them a register number.
Those examined during this scoping exercise suggest that many Maori pupils (and their families)
moved frequently. The register includes ‘Last school attended before admission to this school’
and ‘destination’ of those leaving (this can be a place or an occupation). These data could be
tabulated to chart patterns of migration in and out of these settlements over time as well as to
give a rough count of child population.
However some of the files are bound and/or fragile and cannot be photocopied so tabulation
would have to be done in-situ at Archives New Zealand Auckland. Rolls, registers and letters
regarding how many children required transport to school are available for the Native schools at
Tokaanu (1985 - 1944), Otukou (1926 - 1946) and Moawhango (1897 - 1951). These files are
listed in the education chapter.
47 A good explanation of counties, boroughs and town districts can be found in A H McLintock (ed), Encyclopaedia of NewZealand, Government Printer, Wellington, 1966 under ‘Local Government’48 Kukutai, Pool & Sceats, 2002, p 16
32
iii) Data from Maori Electoral Rolls
Maori voters’ rolls and electoral rolls for Western Maori from 1908, 1919, 1949-51 and 1954 give
the name of the person who voted or registered to vote, their iwi, their hapu, their address (town
or kainga or general locality) and their gender. These data have a significant number of
limitations for showing Maori population. Firstly, only those over the voting age are recorded (this
excluded children and youths) and secondly, not all Maori living in those places registered on the
Maori roll. In addition, it is unknown what proportion of the Maori population those names that
appear on the rolls represent. In most cases the number of Maori voters for each town or
settlement is too small to treat the sample as a reliable indication of the patterns in the whole
Maori population of the township. Where the data show changing numbers of Maori in a
settlement it can not be assumed that this reflects a rise or drop in the Maori population of a
settlement. It may be that it simply reflects changing trends in the number of Maori choosing to
enrol to vote in the Western Maori seat. Bearing these limitations in mind these data do at least
indicate which kainga and townships had at least some Maori inhabitants in these years, and
some cautious observations regarding change in Maori population numbers and iwi composition
can be made.
The data presented below have been adjusted for accuracy. This involved making the spelling of
place names and iwi and hapu name consistent where it was obvious that the names are the
same. Where the address includes the name of a town and another place names the entry is
counted under the name of the town. Therefore the data indicate Maori voters living in and in
close proximity to towns and settlements. Aside from clearing up obvious spelling
inconsistencies, iwi and hapu affiliations have not been adjusted in any way, simply tabulated as
they appear on these rolls. It is acknowledged that electoral procedures may not have enabled
Maori voters to indicate the full range of their iwi and hapu affliations. It should also be noted
that iwi and hapu identity is dynamic, and definitions of what constitutes an iwi and a hapu are
subject to political and cultural change. Therefore, these data should be viewed as a snapshot of
a sample of the Maori population of these settlements from official records at certain dates, not
as indications of current iwi and hapu identities in the inquiry district.
In keeping with the purposes of a scoping report, the graphs below intend simply to indicate
patterns and to point to anything interesting in terms of a change in population numbers or
composition that might be worth further investigation. Therefore analysis of the data is restricted
to a discussion of general trends. However, the full data set is shown in appendices 2 - 5 of this
report.
A. SIGNIFICANT SOUTHERN POPULATION CENTRES (KARIOI, RAETIHI AND OHAKUNE)
Source: Maori Voters Rolls for Western Maori 1908, 1919 and Maori Electoral Rolls for Western
The numbers of Maori voters living at Raetihi increased from just 15 on the 1908 Maori voters roll
to 184 on the 1954 Western Maori roll. A similar pattern is found in Ohakune, although the
numbers of Maori on the 1919 Maori voters roll were much lower (just one person) and by 1954
there were 120 Maori from the township on the Western Maori roll. These increases may reflect
a growth in Maori population in the townships.
In comparison, the number of Maori on voters rolls and Western Maori electoral rolls living in
Karioi remained more or less static between 1908 and 1954 (varying between 59 and 45 people).
This might suggest that the Maori population of the township was also static.
The great majority of Maori voters living at the three southern centres gave their iwi as
Whanganui or Wainui-a-Rua (which appears, from an examination of hapu affiliations, to be
Whanganui iwi). Of those who identified as Whanganui or Wainui-a-Rua in Raetihi, the majority
identified their hapu as Ngati Uenuku. The pattern in Ohakune was significantly different, those
identifying as Whanganui iwi (also including Ati Hau, Ngati Hau, Wainui-a-Rua) making up just
over 50 percent of the Maori voters. Hapu affiliation amongst those who identified as Whanganui
was decidedly more mixed with the largest single group identifying as Ngati Rangi hapu. In Karioi
amongst those who identified as Whanganui iwi there was a predominance of those identifying as
Ngati Rangi hapu (including those who identified as Ngati Rangi jointly with other hapu and the
occasional person who identified their iwi as Ngati Rangi).
B) RAILWAY AND MILLING TOWNS ON THE WESTERN BOUNDARY (HOROPITO, POKAKA, ERUA,NATIONAL PARK, RAURIMU, OWHANGO & KAKAHI)(Source: Maori Voters Rolls for Western Maori 1908, 1919 and Maori Electoral Rolls for Western
It is clear from these figures that Tokaanu was a more significant and established centre for
Maori population than Turangi. Maori voters living in Turangi only begin appearing on the Maori
electoral rolls in 1949. However, there was a significant leap in their numbers by 1954 (up from
17 in 1949-51 to 57 in 1954). This may indicate that Turangi experienced an influx of Maori in
the early 1950s.
By contrast the number of Maori voters living in Tokaanu remained stable at between 61 and 71
between 1919 and 1954. However, there was an unexplained leap in numbers (up to 89) in
1919.
In both Turangi and Tokaanu the majority of Maori voters identified as Ngati Tuwharetoa. In
Turangi the hapu groups to whom most Ngati Tuwharetoa voters affiliated were Ngati Turangi,
Ngati Hine and Ngati Rongomai. In Tokaanu the largest number of Ngati Tuwharetoa voters
identified as Ngati Kurauria, Ngati te Rangiita, Ngati Turangi[tukua] and Ngati Turumakina.
1.2.4 Conclusion
The sources are insufficient to provide an accurate time series of data for Maori population in the
National Park inquiry for the period 1890 to 1990 because the census data can only provide Maori
population statistics at the county and territorial authority level. These are too broad to
accurately calculate Maori population in the inquiry district. The census data themesleves have a
number of limitations in terms of accuracy, changing county boundaries and definitions of who is
43
counted as Maori. This leads to the conclusion that Kukutai, Pool & Sceats reached in their report,
that is the changing nature of the census ‘make time-series analysis impossible at a sub-national
level.’49 As the inquiry district takes in parts of four counties, even tabulating Maori populations
for those counties can not produce a set of data that accurately reflects Maori population in the
inquiry district.
Maori voters rolls and electoral rolls for Western Maori from 1908, 1919, 1949-51 and 1954
cannot give a Maori population figure for settlements and townships, but simply indicate which
kainga and townships had Maori inhabitants in these years and which iwi and hapu those voters
affliated to. Native school registers of admissions, progress and withdrawals could be statistically
analysed to chart patterns of migration of those pupils to and from destinations within and
outside the inquiry district. However only the Otukou, Tokaanu and perhaps Moawhango Native
schools have enough data for such an analysis and the numbers of pupils who did move may
actually be too small to be statistically significant. In the absence of accurate population data, a
useful analysis to determine migration trends is not possible.
49 Kukutai, Pool & Sceats, 2002, p 16
Part 2: Economic and EmploymentOpportunities for Maori
45
2.1 Customary Resource Use2.1.1 Introduction
The commission for this scoping report requires that sources relating to economic and
employment opportunities for Maori within the inquiry district be identified and their significance
discussed. A section on customary resource use has been included in this scoping report under
economic opportunities because the gathering of fish, birds and possibly game formed part of a
mixed economy for Maori in some parts of the inquiry district until the 1950s. Customary
resource use provided food for communities and should be considered alongside the other
avenues open to Maori for economic support such as small scale subsistence agriculture around
kainga and settlements, Maori-owned and run farms, income from rents and licences on farm and
bush lands, and wages from labouring in public works, farming, forestry, hydro construction and
other sectors. This section identifies and evaluates sources in terms of what they are able to say
about the types of customary resources utilised by Maori living in the National Park inquiry district
and the duration and extent of that resource use within the 1890 to 1990 period. Finally, these
sources are considered in terms of what they are able to show regarding the impact of Crown
wildlife management policies and practices upon Maori customary resource use in the inquiry
district.
2.1.2 Identifying Customary Resources and their Use in the National Park Inquiry
District, 1890 - 1990
2.1.2(a) Introduction
Particular statements of claim for Wai 1130 provide an indication of the range of customary
resource use that may have taken place in and around the inquiry district.50 This includes:
In general:
• Gathering of medicinal plants from the forest
• Harvesting foods from forests and waterways to be used in trade with other hapu, to provide
for whanau and hapu, and to host manuhiri
In particular:
• Harvesting traditional foods such as pikopiko and komata (plants), and kereru (bird) for the
sustenance and good health of pregnant women, the elderly and the sick
• Bird species gathered also included kaka, tui and bellbirds
• Uncultivated mahinga kai included birds, fernroot, berries and kiore
50 Wai 37, 833 & 933, Ngati Hikairo consolidated SOC, 22 July 2005; Wai 575, 61, 226, 269, 480, 490 & 502,comprehensive claim on behalf of Tuwharetoa, 4th amended SOC, 26 July 2005; Wai 1260, hapu of Ngati Waewae,amended SOC, 5 August 2005 and Wai 1262, hapu of Ngati Hikairo ki Tongariro, amended SOC, 12 August 2005
46
• Resources, including feathers and raupo, used for making tools, clothing, and to support
other economic activities
• Use of feathers of the kiwi and the kereru for garments
• Gathering of timber to build whare
• Fishing for koaro in waterways but especially in Lake Rotoaira and the Wairehu Stream
• Fishing of trout as source of food in the waterways of the district as indigenous fish stock
became depleted by the introduction of trout into those waterways
• Tuna fishing on streams using hinaki
2.1.2(b) Nineteenth Century Customary Resource Use
The taking of customary resources for food had a strong basis in traditional knowledge and
practice. While these practices were not static and were subject to changes as the environment
was modified, populations relocated and new technology was introduced, many of the resources
Maori in the inquiry district had depended upon in the nineteenth century remained important
into the twentieth century. Therefore, sources which discuss Maori customary resource use in the
National Park inquiry district during the nineteenth century provide information that has some
relevance to the types of customary resources, their location, methods of gathering, preservation
and use in the inquiry district.
Williams and Walton provide the best summary of what is known about customary resources in
the nineteenth century in the Taupo-Tongariro area. They review evidence regarding the use of
aquatic resources. This includes fish, particularly koaro, common bully and inanga (whitebait),
shellfish, principally freshwater mussels, and koura (freshwater crayfish). They also summarise
the evidence regarding eels and waterfowl as well as the trade in pumice and obsidian from the
area as materials for tool making.
Casebook research for the National Park inquiry examines Maori Land Court minute books as a
source of information regarding customary resource use in the nineteenth century. This is useful
in supplementing the list of resources that have traditional been important to Maori in the inquiry
district. Robyn Anderson, ‘Tongariro National Park: An Overview Report on the Relationship
between Maori and the Crown in the Establishment of the Tongariro National Park’, April 2005
(Wai 1130 #A9) draws on a considerable body of Native Land Court minutes from the 1870s -
1880s. This evidence provides details of birding, eeling, rat catching, dressing of flax, digging for
47
ochre, collecting fern root, and the taking of titi (mutton bird) from ledge on the mountain.51
These court minutes include those for the Okahukura Block where a witness from Ngati
Waewae/Ngati Rongomai described working of ochre at Ngaroro-o-nga-whenua and collecting of
fern root at Owharoa and other sites on the Ngapuna and Papakai blocks.52 Anderson discusses
the limitation of these accounts as evidence but concludes, despite those limitations, that, ‘most
witnesses in the blocks around Tongariro and Ruapehu gave the impression of the continuing
collection of resources in the area well into the nineteenth century and up to the land being put
through the court.’53 She also concludes that ‘European visitors tended to confirm that the area
was still being utilised for traditional resources - if not entirely in traditional ways - in the third
quarter of the nineteenth century.’54 She cites Kerry-Nicholls who listed berries and fruit species
still being gathered in forests round Tongariro and Ruapehu in 1884. These berries provided bait
for Kereru and other birds, dyes, and special woods, as well as fodder for cattle and horses.55
2.1.2(c) Twentieth Century Customary Resource Use
There are a number of sources that provide fragmentary data on the nature, location and extent
of Maori customary resource use in the inquiry district during the twentieth century. All of these
sources relate to the period up to about the 1950s.
i) General
Kukutai et al make brief reference to twentieth century customary resource use. Pool’s
interviews with kaumatua in the Taupo area about the 1920s - 1950s period indicate that while
housing, water supply and sanitation was very poor, in any settlements food ‘appeared to have
been plentiful right up to the 1950s. Native fish species were harvested until about that time,
when the combination of introduced species and rising lake levels, reduced stocks significantly.
Wild pig and cattle provided the necessary sources of protein.’56
ii) Birds
Anderson, 2005 provides important information about the harvesting of titi (mutton bird) within
the Tongariro National Park in the 1920s. A 1923 report stated that, ‘All the birds originally
51 Robyn Anderson, ‘Tongariro National Park: An Overview Report on the Relationship between Maori and the Crown inthe Establishment of the Tongariro National Park’, April 2005, Wai 1130, #A9, p 2352 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 2553 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 2654 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 2855 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, pp 28 - 29 citing Kerry-Nicholls, King Country, Christchurch, first published1884 reprinted 1974, pp 267, 352 - 35456 Kukutai, Pool & Sceats, 2002, p 89
48
known in the park are still represented there. Mutton-birds, or ocean petrels, also come to rest in
the slopes if the mountains. The young birds area delicacy with the Maoris, who often take them
before they are ready for flight to the sea.’57
Anderson notes that:
It is unknown whether park officials took active steps to prevent Maori from taking
resources such as mutton-bird from the mountain. The first annual report of the park
board [cited above] suggests that the practice had continued, but this does not accord
with either the official record, or the current understanding of claimants. The issue was
never mentioned in Cullen’s reports, and indeed, the species was rarely mentioned at all.
It would seem that traditional harvesting had already declined by the early twentieth
century; Richard Akipita of Ngati Rangi and Ngati Rangiteauria stated, in 1997, that he
had been surprised to learn from his uncle, in the 1960s, that ‘the old people used to
hunt mutton birds on Mount Ruapehu.58
Anderson considers that it is likely that this decline in customary harvesting had resulted from the
damage inflicted on the species by the Norwegian rat, the changing lifestyle of local Maori, and
the general withdrawal from the area, rather than from active policing by the park warden. She
also notes that, in 1959, the Wildlife Service conducted an unsuccessful search for nesting
grounds of the black and mottled petrels which were ‘thought to have nested there in the past’.59
It is clear from Gardiner, 1993 that bird hunting remained important at Otukou near Lake
Rotoaira throughout the first half of the twentieth century. She cites an account by James
Cowan who visited the settlement in 1900 that mentions fowling pieces (rifles used for shooting
birds) hanging in the in wharenui at Otukou. This is certainly circumstantial evidence that birds
remained a source of food. In addition, Gardiner provides a rich description of birding practices
at Otukou up till the 1950s. Her account of the taking of titi (mutton bird or taiko) on Mount
Tongariro in the early decades of the twentieth century verifies and amplifies the account given
in sources cited by Anderson. Gardiner also discusses the taking, preserving and use of kereru,
also known in the area as kukupa, as well as tui, komako, tieke and kakariki.
57 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 216 citing a Report of the Board of the Tongariro National Park, AJHR,1923, sess II C - 13, p 258 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, pp 221 - 222 citing Aotea Maori Land Court Minute Book, 70, 28 January1997, p 9959 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 222 citing the Report of the Department of Internal Affairs, AJHR 1959,H-22, p 25
49
iii) Fish
Both indigenous fish species and introduced trout (from about 1920) were used by Maori in the
inquiry district as a source of food in the twentieth century. There are scattered references to
Maori fishing for indigenous fish species and later for trout in a number of casebook and other
secondary sources, almost all of these relate to Lake Rotoaira and its tributaries. Tony Walzl,
‘Hydro-electricity Issues: The Tongariro Power Development Scheme, February 2005 (wai 11300
#A8) cites a number of pieces of evidence that indicate that koaro from Lake Rotoaira were an
important food source for Maori in the area. He discusses a 1905 petition by 138 Maori
requesting that trout not be introduced, and expressing fears that this would endanger
indigenous fish. Walzl also cites evidence from 1919 - 1920 of koara being count frequently and
in good numbers by Maori living around the lake. He cites a 1919 report by R J Tillyard that
makes it clear that kaoro were an important food source for Maori. 60 Copies of all source material
cited by Walzl are available in the document bank that accompanies his report.
There are indications that kaoro formed an important part of the customary trading pattern
amongst the iwi of the region. Cathy Marr, ‘Crown Impacts on Customary Maori Authority over
the Coast, Inland Waterways (other than the Whanganui River) and associated mahinga kai in
the Whanganui Inquiry District’, June 2003 (Wai 903 #A36) mentions that ‘the upper Whanganui
people traded piharau for a particular koaro unique to Lake Rotoaira on the edge of the district.’61
Several other secondary sources provide evidence that is helpful in assessing the nature, location
and extent of customary fishing in the inquiry district, and its importance as a food source for
Maori in the twentieth century. John Te H Grace, Tuwharetoa: A History of the Maori People of
the Taupo Area, Reed, reprint 2005 (first published 1959) has a chapter entitled ‘Native Fish of
Taupo’. This provides the names, descriptions and location of various indigenous fish species in
waterways in the Taupo region and detailed material on customary fishing methods. The
Waitangi Tribunal’s Turangi Township Report 1995, Brookers, Wellington, pp 132 - 133 includes a
discussion of the impact of the Tongariro Power Development Scheme on the Tokaanu River.
The report cites tangata whenua evidence from that inquiry regarding the types of fish and plants
gathered from the river and the practices surrounding this customary harvesting. Gardiner also
provides a description of the taking, drying and smoking of koaro from Lake Rotoaira and other
waterways and states that this was practiced at Otukou through to the 1950s. It is possible that
60 Tony Walzl, ‘Hydro-electricity Issues: The Tongariro Power Development Scheme, February 2005, Wai 1130 #A8,pp 8 - 10
50
Reverend H J Fletcher, 1919: ‘The Edible fish of Taupo-nui-a-Tia’, Transactions of the New
Zealand Institute, 51: 259 - 264 may provide further material on customary fishing in the inquiry
district.
It is not possible to tell from these limited sources whether there were significant changes in
customary resource usage over the twentieth century. Anderson, 2005 outlines evidence from
the National Park Board’s annual reports from 1930s that noted the loss of bird and indigenous
fish species and numbers due to stouts, fires from Maori land, railways and the prison
construction.62 She also records that
‘[Elsdon] Best in 1929, had described how Maori caught large numbers of whitebait in
Taupo and Rotoaira, but by the 1970s, native species remained abundant only at
Rotopuanamu, surrounded as it was, by dense bush cover and where trout had not been
introduced. McDowell was to comment in his 1978 study on New Zealand’s freshwater
fishes, that there were no longer the numbers to merit any traditional fishing activity in
the Central North Island District.’63
The impact of the introduction of trout and of the construction of the Tongariro Power
Development Scheme on the availability of indigenous fish species is also a significant issue. This
will be addressed in an upcoming gap filling research on environmental impact of the Tongariro
Power Development Scheme.
2.1.3 The Impact of Crown Regulation on Customary Resources use in the National
Park Inquiry District, 1890 - 1900
2.1.3(a) Introduction
Crown regulation of customary resources had the potential to significantly impact upon the ability
of Maori in the inquiry district to utilise customary resources as a food source during the
twentieth century. This section examines sources that may provide an indication of what
regulations the Crown put in place, when and how they applied to Maori use of customary
resources in the inquiry district and what impact this had upon individual Maori using such
resources. This includes the introduction of fishing seasons, fishing regulation and licences for
trout and indigenous fish species, as well as restrictions and/or prohibitions on the taking of
various species of native birds and plants (inside and outside the Tongariro National Park).
61 Cathy Marr, ‘Crown Impacts on Customary Maori Authority over the Coast, Inland Waterways (other than theWhanganui River) and associated mahinga kai in the Whanganui Inquiry District’, June 2003, Wai 903 #A36, pp 28 - 2962 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, pp 216 - 21863 Anderson,Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 218
51
2.1.3(b) Secondary Sources
Key policies, administrative agencies and legislation regulating Maori ownership control and
access to customary resources in New Zealand over the twentieth century are well documented
in a number of research reports on Tribunal records of inquiry. In particular, two volumes
produced for the Wai 262 (Flora and Fauna) inquiry provide an excellent overview:
• C Marr, R Hodge, & B White, ‘Crown Laws, Policies and Practices in relation to Flora and
Fauna, 1840 - 1912’, (Wai 262 #K5).
• R McLean and T Smith, ‘The Crown and Flora and Fauna: legislation, Policies and Practices,
1983 - 1998’, July 1999, (Wai 262 #H6).
Both volumes have comprehensive footnotes and bibliography should any further sources need to
be located.
With regard to how these regulations may have been implemented within the Tongariro National
Park, Anderson provides an outline of the way in which the Tongariro National Park was
regulated from the first Tongariro National Park by-laws in 1908 to the Conservation Act 1987.
Anderson concluded that:
The lack of consideration of Maori customary righyts for much of the park’s history was
partly because their [Maori] title had already been extinguished to the bulk of the lands
contained within it; and while the maunga were “auspicious in Maori tradition” they had
not themselves, been used intensively for mahinga kai. Thus, there was little need, in
official thinking, for reference to Maori views. Nor was there the same sort of criticism,
by Maori, of the policies introduced for the preservation of flora and fauna in the case of
Tongariro as there had been, for example, at the central laes and Whanganui National
Park where customary fishing practices had been severely eroded by exotic introductions
and other ‘improvements’ followed by scenery preservation measures.64
Anderson’s examination of the regulation of the National Park is supplemented by Nicholas Bayley
and Mark Derby, ‘Tongariro National Park Management from 1980 to the Present: A Scoping
Report’, September 2004, (Wai 1130 #A6). Bayley and Derby primarily focus upon the building of
a relationship between the Department of Conservation and tangata whenua in terms of
conservation and concrete initiatives to involve iwi in the management of the Park. Therefore,
there is not much discussion in the report regarding customary resource use, other than citing
mentions in legislation and in Tongariro National Park management plans.
64 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 221
52
2.1.3(c) Primary Sources
The Crown’s regulation of trout fishing in the inquiry district, and the provision for Maori both to
take trout and to exercise certain powers over the trout fishery at Lake Rotoaira under fishing
regulations became intertwined with Ngati Tuwharetoa attempts to develop trout fishing at Lake
Rotoaira as tourist venture in the twentieth century. This is discussed further in the chapter on
tourism and many of the sources listed and discussed in that chapter are also relevant to the
issue of the impact of regulation on Maori customary fishing.
A number of general files at Archives New Zealand Wellington were also identified but not
examined during this scoping exercise. These may contain material about the impact of Crown
regulation of customary fish, birds, game and plants on Maori in the inquiry district:
• AANS W3546 box 3 WIL 1/6/17 Legislation - breaches and prosecutions of wildlife legislation
- Waimarino Acclimatisation Society district 1969 - 1975
• AANS W3832 box 4 2/19/6 Waimarino Acclimatisation Society - Game Season 1967 - 1977
• ADOE 16612 M1 1/7/56 Fishing regulations: Waimarino Acclimatisation Society complaint of
There is a marked difference in the change in sheep numbers over the 1886 to 1905 period
between Maori and non-Maori farmers.
Maori owned flocks rapidly increased and declined in numbers, particularly in the most favoured
locations.
By contrast, non-Maori owned flocks tended to increase rapidly in locations they favoured, then
stabilise over a significant period before a sudden and sharp decline. Non-Maori sheep numbers
in less favoured locations tended to grow and decline slowly.
There is also a marked difference in the pattern of sheep numbers between Maori and Non-
Maori farmers from location to location over the 1886 – 1905 period.
Non-Maori sheep farming was concentrated in and around Moawhango and Karioi while Maori
sheep farming was concentrated around Moawhango and Tokaanu.
The Raetihi area was an increasingly important sheep farming area for both Maori and non-Maori
farmers after 1898. After 1903 non-Maori owned sheep numbers in the Raetihi area were higher
than for Karioi. The number of Maori owned sheep at Raetihi outstripped the numbers at
Tokaanu by 1901, at Moawhango by 1902 and Karioi by 1904 (although numbers at Karioi
bounced back by the following year).
Moawhango was a key location for sheep farming in the wider National Park area in this period
for both Maori and non-Maori farmers. Here the number of sheep owned by Maori outstripped
those owned by non-Maori between 1887 and 1898-99 but after 1899 numbers of sheep owned
by non-Maori were larger than those owned by Maori.
The number of sheep owned by Maori at Moawhango peaked in 1898 (at 90,678) and rapidly
declined until 1901 (to 39,610) when the decline slowed, but by 1905 sheep numbers were as
low as 1,799. By contrast the number of sheep owned by non-Maori at Moawhango did not
peak until 1900 (at 63,462) then fell only slightly in in 1901 (to 62,232) after which decline was
slowed, but falling as low as 16,800 in 1903.
68
For Maori farmers sheep farmers on the Okahukura Block the raw data from the sheep returns
could be used in conjunction with an analysis of evidence of sheep farming activity (sheep yards
and shepherd’s huts) on maps of the block. Williams and Walton give a comprehensive analysis
of these early maps of the Okahukura block with regard to sheep farming structures such as
shepherd’s huts and sheep yards. This could then be used with Newman’s list of archaeological
sites associated with farming in the area north and west of Lake Rotoaira (see settlement section
of this report). Gardiner also cites an extract from a 1901 account by James Cowan who noted
that empty sheep dip drums were being used as fireplaces at Otukou.
The sources discussed above do give some explanations for the decline in Maori sheep farming in
and around the inquiry district but none examine trends and explanations in any real depth. So
far only a small body of material dealing with the barriers Maori farmers faced has been located.
There are several CNI casebook reports that provide a detailed account of the Crown’s Maori
Land Development Policy in the twentieth century and Ngati Tuwharetoa response to that policy.
In particular, Michael Belgrave, David Young & Anna Deason, ‘Crown Policy with respect to Maori
Land 1953-1999’, September 2004 (Wai 1200 #A66) and Terry Hearn, ‘Taupo-Kaingaroa
Twentieth Century Overview: Land Alienation and Land Administration: 1900-1993’, September
2004 (Wai 1200 # A68) may provide general material on barriers facing Maori farmers in the
wider Taupo region.
There is a good general paper on the history of lending to Maori land owners and some of the
barriers Maori land owners faced in accessing finance by G B Ogle, Lending to Maori farmers,
MAF Technical Paper 91/9, July 1991, MAF, Wellington, 1993. There is also some brief general
comment on the problems of getting finance for land development in the 1890s in Emma
Stevens, ‘Socio-Economic Consequences of Land Loss for Maori in the Whanganui, Rangitkei,
Manawatu and Horowhenua Districts’, June 1997, (Wai 903 #A32). Rose, 2004 briefly discusses
a petition from Whanganui Maori in 1903 asking for Government assistance in developing their
land in the upper Whanganui River and Raetihi areas. There is some discussion of the costs
Maori faced in getting title to the Rangiwaea block in Stout and Ngata 1907. This may be useful
as an indication of some of the typical costs and difficulties Maori farmers faced.
2.2.4 Maori Wage Labouring on Farms in the Region
There are very few sources of data regarding Maori wage labouring on farms in the inquiry
district. All mentions come from secondary sources and are of a general nature. Stevens makes
brief comments about the types of wage labour Maori were engaging in the Whanganui district in
69
the 1890s and early 1900s. This provides an indication of the types of farm labouring that Maori
in this inquiry district may have been engaged in. Volkerling and Stewart make important but
general comments about Maori wage labouring on Pakeha farms in the Raetihi and Waimarino
areas in the 1880s - 1910 period. Rose, 2004 notes that the Karioi Native School Logbook makes
occasional reference to pupils absent from school assisting with shearing on local farms in the
early 1900s.
The only other sources relating to the extent of Maori wage labouring in the farming sector come
from two recent studies of the central North Island. They provide an indication of general trends
and issues in farm labour but are for the total population and in any case present data for
Territorial authority areas that are far wider than the inquiry district. R Bedford, J Lidgard, B
McLaughlin and J Newell, Demographic Change and Employment in the Central North Island,
1986 - 1996, Department of Geography, University of Waikato, Hamilton, 2001 include a table
showing full and part-time employment in Central North Island Territorial Authority area for 1996.
They give the name of the Territorial Authority area (those relevant to the inquiry district are
‘Taupo’ and ‘Ruapehu’) the number of people employed in ‘rural industry’. They then tabulate the
percentage of that group involved in the following types of farming:
• Dairy
• Sheep/beef
• Other Livestock
• Horticulture/Orchards
• Forestry/Logging
• Other (hunting, fishing, trapping and ‘agricultural’)
Unfortunately these figures are for the total population, not the Maori population. Bedford, A
Joseph and J Ligard, Rural Central North Island: Studies of Agriculture-Community Linkages,
Department of Geography, University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1999 provide some perspectives on
changing rural labour patterns in the latter half of the twentieth century. They also give an
analysis of what the 1996 census shows about employment and unemployment in rural areas of
the central North Island.
It may be possible to do a cohort analysis of the Western Maori electoral roll to investigate Maori
farm employment in the National Park inquiry district over time. Tony Walzl has used Maori
electoral rolls as a source of data for a cohort analysis of Maori forestry employment in the CNI
inquiry district (see Tony Walzl, ‘Maori and Forestry (Taupo-Rotorua-Kaingaroa), 1890 - 1990:
Supplementary Report, April 2005, (Wai 1200 #G16) pp 418 - 438). This method, as Walzl
70
notes, has a number of limitations - the Maori rolls do not capture all Maori living in the inquiry
district as many are registered on the general roll, while others do not appear on any electoral
roll. Farm work is often casual and part time and many people who did the occasional farm-
labouring job will not have listed themselves as farm labourer. Still, this would give relatively
accurate trends even if the data is subject to under-enumeration for the reasons just noted.
However, a cohort analysis would be very labour intensive.
2.2.5 Development Schemes & Farm Settlements
The Crown’s Development Schemes represented a potentially significant avenue for Maori
farming and employment from the 1920s onwards. Only one development scheme, at Taurewa,
was established in the National Park inquiry district. Anne Beaglehole has been commissioned to
produce a report on that scheme for the Wai 1300 inquiry. The Waitangi Tribunal’s Turangi
Township Report 1995, Brookers, Wellington, pp 13-20 gives an excellent brief history of the
Tokaanu Development Scheme drawing on a research report by Paul Hamer, ‘Report of Paul
Hamer on the Tokaanu Development Scheme, 1930 - 1968 (Wai 84 #B12). Several maps of the
scheme included in this portion of the Tribunal’s report indicate that the scheme included blocks
of Maori land in the Turangi and Tokaanu area. Of these blocks only Ohuanga North blocks 1B2,
3A2 and 3B strictly fall within the boundaries of the National Park inquiry district (this is shown on
plate 11 of the CFRT National Park Map Book). These blocks were incorporated into the Tokaanu
Development Scheme in 1937.68
Development schemes have been economically significant for Ngati Tuwharetoa in the Central
North Island inquiry district. Ashley Gould, ‘Maori Land Development Schemes: generic
Overview, c. 1920 - 1993’, September 2004 covers the legislative and policy background to
development schemes and Ngati Tuwharetoa responses to those policies. Hearn, 2004 includes
case studies of a large number of these Taupo development schemes. In addition, Grace
provides a brief but useful overview of development schemes in the Taupo district (pp 525 -
529). A map in R G Ward, ‘Land Development in the Taupo County’, MA thesis, University of New
Zealand, 1955 titled ‘Land Development Blocks’ is useful in locating both Maori Affairs and Lands
and Survey administered land development schemes in the Taupo County (up to 1955).
2.2.6 Flax Milling
Short-lived flax mills at Otukou, Tokaanu and Waitahanui provided employment opportunities for
Maori. However, there is a little detail on their operation, or on how many people they employed
68 Paula Berghan, ‘Block Research Narratives of the Tongariro National Park District, 1865 - 2000, July 2004, Wai 1130,#A5, p 75
71
(particularly how many Maori were employed). Ward, 1955 notes the location of the flax mills
and their short lived operation and states that the flax mill at Otukou was still operating in 1925.
Cooper, 1989 briefly notes that flax mills in the area started operating in 1880 and peaked in
about 1905 but continued until the 1930s. Gardiner mentions that by the 1920s timber milling
had taken over from the flax mill at Otukou as the main employer.
2.2.7 Dairy Farming
It is not clear whether there was any dairy farming in the actual National Park inquiry district.
However, a dairy factory was built at Waihi in 1920, and according to Ward, 1955, ‘ Cream was
supplied by Maori farmers at Tokaanu and Tauranga-Taupo, while other supplies were sent by
launch from Poukura, Whanganui and Waihaha. Pack horses also carried cream from small farms
west of the lake’.69 He also provides a photograph of the dairy factory. Cooper, 1989 also
mentions the dairy factory at Waihi but focuses on the role of Father Langerwerf, the Catholic
priest at Waihi during its construction and operation. The Waitangi Tribunal’s Turangi Township
Report 1995 states that ‘the factory operated for eight years and was then coverted to a sawmill.’
They concluded that the reason for the failure of the venture was that ‘the remoteness of the are
from markets and the inadequate area available for suitable pasture meant that butter production
was uneconomic. The Tribunal’s report also notes that diarying was introduced to the Tokaanu
Development Scheme in 1943 but that ‘transport costs were considerable because the nearest
dairy factory was at Kaitieke, 69 kilometres (43 miles) away.’70 Rose, 2004 includes discussion
about barriers faced by Maori in the Whanganui inquiry district (including the Raetihi and
Ohakune areas) in trying to run dairy farms in the 1920s and 30s. Barriers she identified include
the economic depression, increasing debts and noxious weeds.
2.2.8 Conclusion
In conclusion, the sources relating to Maori participation and success as farmers and as wage
labourers in the agricultural sector in the National Park inquiry district are too fragmented to
provide a clear and comprehensive account. Annual sheep returns offer a rich source of
statistical data that if fully tabulated and analysed could provide an accurate and detailed picture
of Maori sheep farming in the inquiry district over the first half of the twentieth century.
However, there is little secondary research that explains the trends indicated in the statistics.
69 R G Ward, ‘Land Development in the Taupo County’, MA thesis, University of New Zealand, 1955, p 3770 Waitangi Tribunal, Turangi Township Report 1995, Brookers, Wellington, p 16
72
2.3 Forestry2.3.1 Indigenous Timber Forestry
2.3.1(a) Introduction
Indigenous timber milling, and later exotic timber planting and milling, was one of the most
significant economic activities in and around the National Park inquiry district in the twentieth
century. The first part of this chapter identifies and discusses primary and secondary sources
available for an investigation of the location and scale of the indigenous timber milling industry in
the district. It also examines the sources available for a discussion of timber leases on Maori land
in the district that provided royalties as well as employment opportunities for Maori owners. This
section excludes sources that deal with Ngati Tuwharetoa’s agreement with the Tongariro Timber
Company and subsequent dealings as Tony Walzl has provided extensive coverage of this issue in
his forestry reports for the Central North Island Inquiry.71 The second part of this chapter
identifies and discusses sources that provide an overview of State Forests in the inquiry district
and the employment opportunities they offered Maori.
2.3.1(b) Indigenous Timber Milling
i) Location and Extent of Indigenous Timber Milling in the Inquiry District
Employment opportunities for Maori in the timber milling industry depended on the establishment
of a timber milling industry in and around the inquiry district. Therefore, a clear and
comprehensive picture of the industry - when and where timber mills were established, what
blocks of land they were milling and whether that land was Crown or Maori land - is important if
employment opportunities for Maori are to be investigated further. This section identifies and
discusses sources that deal with timber milling in the district from the early years of the twentieth
century until the early 1960s.
There are a number of secondary sources that discuss the development of timber milling in the
region. Cooper, 1989 gives a general idea of the timing and extent of the timber milling industry
in the northern part of the inquiry district. Cooper notes that timber milling on Ngati Tuwharetoa
land in the northern Taupo region began in 1902 with the establishment of the Taupo Timber
Company. However, she states that ‘At the southern end of the lake there was a later
development of the timber industry. By the 1940s about 30 mills were operating.’72
71 A plan attached to the Stout-Ngata Commission Report ‘Native Lands and Native-Land Tenure: Report of Native LandCommission, on Agreement by Ngati Tuwharetoa Tribe and a Company for Sale of Timber and Construction of Railway’ inAJHR 1908, G-1T shows that parts of the Waione, Waimanu and Okahukura blocks inside the National Park inquiry districtwere included in the Tongariro Timber Company lands72 Cooper,The Remote Interior, 1989, p 92
73
There are a variety of local, community and school histories that provide details of the
establishment of timber mills on the southern and western fringe of the inquiry district. Elizabeth
C Allen, In the Hills of the Waimarino: the human story of the development of the district,
Wanganui Newspapers Ltd, Wanganui, n/d discusses and names a number of timber mills
established around the Ohakune and Raetihi areas between 1905 and 1910. She also discusses
the growth of Rangataua as a timber milling centre and produces statistics for feet of timber per
annum taken out through Raetihi and Ohakune Railway stations from 1908 (when the Main Trunk
Line opened) to 1945.
Owhango, spanning 100 years: Owhango School & District Reunion, February 6th - 8th 2004,
Owhango School Reunion Committee, 2004 contains a useful discussion of each of the sawmills
in the vicinity of Owhango. It gives few dates in the text but there is a good timeline at the back
of the book that should be used in conjunction with the section on sawmills. There is also a
history of timber mills at Kakahi: William Williams and Davis Lowe, The Kakahi Sawmills, Lodestar
Press, Auckland, 1978. Hill, 1999 provides some details of sawmills and Raurimu and Kakahi and
their dependence on the railway line. There is a brief history of indigenous timber logging within
the boundaries of what is now the Tongariro State Forest between 1903 and 1978, including
names and dates of companies and the location of their mills, in Tongariro State Forest: A
management plan for the forest areas and Raurimu and Taurewa farm settlements, NZ Forest
Service/Dept of Lands and Survey, Wellington, 1986.
The other means of identifying saw mills and finding out about their operations, including
possibly material on Maori employment, is Forsetry Department files sawmill registration files for
the Wellington Conservancy at Archives New Zealand, Wellington. Time did not permit these files
to be sampled but their references are arranged alphabetically by township in List A at the end of
this chapter.
ii) Leasing of Indigenous Timber Rights by Maori Land Owners
A search of Forestry Department files at Archives New Zealand has revealed that the owners of a
number of blocks of Maori land in the north and north-west of the district had entered into leases
with milling companies for timber rights on their land. These were important commercial
agreements entered into by Maori owners for the economic benefit that royalties and
employment would provide. These files could provide a case study that would look at:
a) The terms of the lease agreement
b) What income these leases provided for Maori owners and whether it was what was agreed to
74
c) The nature, extent and duration of employment opportunities for Maori owners
d) The nature of the role played by the District Maori Land Board and the Maori Trustee as
agents for the owners.
These leases will need to be placed in the context of the Crown’s regulation of the indigenous
timber milling industry. An important resource here is Walzl, October 2004. Section 1 Part A of
this report deals with Crown regulation before 1920, Part C provides details of various Crown
policies and practices with regard to Maori indigenous timber industry for the same period.
Timber leases on the Okahukura block serve as an example of the way in which sources might be
combined to allow a case study that places the lease in the wider context of the overall socio-
economic status of a community. Walzl, October 2004 provides a narrative of the involvement of
the Crown in the two leases: Okahukura 8M2B3B (2,222 acres) held by Mr J Bishara of
Taumaranui under a five year lease from January 1936 and Okahukura 8M2C2C (1,915 acres)
held by the Otukou Timber Company for ten years from May 1931.73 As Walzl is primarily
concerned with issues surrounding Crown attempts to acquire the land involved, his source is
MA-MLP 1, 1911/26, Archive New Zealand Wellington.
A Justice Department Companies file, BADZ 5181, 585, 3593, Otukou Timber Company Limited
(1929 - 41), Archives New Zealand, Auckland provides a further source for the 8M2C2C lease to
the Otukou Timber Company. The file almost entirely comprises legal documents relating to the
lease in 1929 to Samuel Bishara, Taumaranui Commission Agent and Harry Simpson, Taumaranui
Sawmiller and their subsequent subletting of the timber rights to the Otukou Timber Company.
There are also documents dealing with the liquidation of the company in 1939. The file clearly
shows that the royalties were being paid to the Maori owners via the Aotea District Maori Land
Board.
Several files dealing with the marae and the Native School at Otukou provide further information
about the importance of the timber mills near the settlement as a source of employment.
Correspondence in BAAA 1001, 878a, 48/8 pt 1 Maori schools - Conveyance & board, school
transport - Otukou (1930 - 1937), Archives New Zealand, Auckland indicates that there were
Maori communities living at the timber mills near Otukou in the 1930s. For example, in August
1930, nine European and six Maori children were living at the Otukou Timber Company Mill (three
miles from the school). In February 1931, there were 18 children living over three miles from the
75
school: ‘Ten at Bishara’s saw-mill beneath Mt Tongariro about three and a quarter miles away
and the other eight at ‘Kapoa’s’ mill about seven miles away in the direction of National Park.’
There is also some discussion of the place that the timber mills held economically and socially in
the Otukou settlement in Gardiner, 1993. ABJZ 4948, 28a, 8/3/5 pt 1 marae - Otukou (1949 -
91), Archives New Zealand, Auckland contains a very informative letter from H G Schroder,
Otukou Maori School, on 13 November 1952 to Mr Corbett, Minister of Maori Affairs outlining his
fears for the community as the timber milling industry winds down in the next decade. He states
that:
With the drastic reduction in timber cutting necessary during the next ten years these
people - the parents - realise that the outlook for their children is fairly grim. They are
feeling the pinch at present as the youths and daughters who have left school are in
most cases lolling around the homes doing nothing. Some have been employed in the
adjacent timber mills but have proved unreliable and the mill owners have resorted to
the erection of state houses to attract married Pakeha families.74
Schoder speculates on alternative economic ventures that could support the community once the
timber mills close. He tells Corbett that:
I have pointed out that they [Maori] are surrounded by fertile land capable of being
developed into excellent sheep and cattle country. I have had opinions on this from very
efficient farmers of the Taihape district. They - the Maoris admit this - but - no money
and who will lend to them? 75
Corbett’s reply to Schoder on 1 December 1952 is also on file. He agrees that ‘the future of the
children of that district will not be encouraging when the timber milling ceased. The inevitable
drift to the towns and cities in search of work must take place, unless other forms of employment
are to replace the timber mills.’ He is unwilling to consider a development scheme for farming
when ‘there are large areas of land that are more suitable for development than what is found
around Rotoaira’. These letters place the decline of the timber mill within the wider context of
avenues open to Maori, particularly school leavers, at Otukou in the 1950s. A revealing letter
dated March 1990 from the Otukou Marae Training Trust to the Iwi Transition Agency asking for
resources to run a Tongariro Outdoor Guides training course indicates the struggle of the
community at Otukou to find economic opportunities:
73 Tony Walzl, ‘Maori and Forestry (Taupo, Kaingaroa, Rotorua), 1890 - 1990’, October 2004, Wai 1200 #A80, pp 342 -347.74 H G Schroder, Otukou Maori School, to Mr Corbett, Minister of Maori Affairs, 13 November 1952, ABJZ 4948, 28a, 8/3/5pt 1, Archives New Zealand, Auckland75 Mr Corbett, Minister of Maori Affairs to H G Schroder, Otukou Maori School, 1 December 1952, ABJZ 4948, 28a, 8/3/5pt 1, Archives New Zealand, Auckland
76
Over the past few years, employment within our region has come to virtually nil with the
completion of the Power Development, corporatization of the forestry and the closing of
many of the service industries. We feel that now we must look to tourism as the future
for employment for our young and in so doing we must look to providing some training
to gear our young people to that end.76
There are also a large number of Archives New Zealand, Wellington files on timber leases on
other Maori land blocks in the inquiry district. These files are listed alphabetically by land block
at the end of this chapter as List B.
2.3.2 Timber Milling in State Forests
2.3.2(a) Introduction
The establishment of state forests at Rangataua, Karioi, Erua, Taurewa and Tongariro in the
twentieth century may also have provided employment for Maori in the inquiry district. This
section assesses the sources available to summarise their establishment, location and extent, and
place these forests in the broader context of the development of state forestry in New Zealand.
This is followed by an examination of the primary sources relating to the operation of each of
these forests in terms of their usefulness in providing information on the nature and extent of
Maori wage labouring.
2.3.2(b) State Forestry in New Zealand: The National Context
The description for the New Zealand Forest Service record group ADSQ on Archives New Zealand
online catalogue provides a very useful summary of the development of the Forest Service and
the matters over which they hold jurisdiction. Again, the most comprehensive source of
information on the development of exotic forestry in New Zealand is Walzl, October 2004. Section
3 of this report deals with exotic timber afforestation and Central North Island Maori between
1890 and 1990. Part A provides a very useful chronological overview of the development of
exotic timber afforestation in New Zealand. This could be drawn on to put the development of
state forests in and around the inquiry district in a national context. If further background is
required there are a number of histories of exotic state forestry in New Zealand, including:
76 Okutou Marae Training Trust to Tuwharetoa Tari Maori [Iwi Transition Agency], Turangi, March 1990, ABJZ 4948, 28a,8/3/5 pt 1, Archives New Zealand, Auckland
77
• F Allsop, First fifty years of New Zealand's Forest Service: a history from the time of its
setting up in 1919 to the celebration of its fiftieth anniversary in 1969, A R Shearer,
Government Printer, Wellington, 1973
• Andrew Kirkland, A Century of State-honed Enterprise: 100 years of state plantation forestry
in New Zealand, Profile Books, Auckland, 1997
• M M Roche, History of New Zealand Forestry, NZ Forestry Corporation in association with GP
Books, Wellington, 1990
• M M Roche, Forest Policy in New Zealand: an historical geography 1840 - 1919, Dunmore
Press, Palmerston North, 1987
2.3.2(c) Maori Wage Labouring in State Forests in and around the Inquiry District
Sources discovered during this scoping exercise have not been able to provide any specific
information about Maori employment in the state forests adjacent to the National Park inquiry
district. Roche, 1990 briefly discusses the numbers employed by the Forest Service nationally
between 1921 and 1929 and gives some details of the 1931 ‘No. 5 Scheme’ and the numbers
employed on it in 22 local authority areas during the Depression.
However, the most relevant information comes from Walzl, October 2004. Section 3, Part C deals
with Maori labour in the exotic forestry industry in the Central North Island between 1890 and
1990. This contains no material specific to the inquiry district but may be useful for identifying
trends and patterns of Maori wage labour in state forests. Walzl also deals with the restructuring
of the forestry sector in the 1980s and 1990s in the above reports and in further detail in Tony
Walzl, April 2005. In this supplementary report he provides a cohort analysis of forestry workers
using Maori electoral rolls for the Eastern Maori. His method suggests a means of calculating the
number of Maori in the National Park inquiry district employed in forestry. Despite capturing only
those Maori on the Maori roll, and with occupation self-identified, this could provide data that
would show trends and give an approximation of the size of the Maori forestry work force.
However a cohort analysis requires considerable time and effort.
Walzl’s research is supplemented by two reports from the 1980s: Employment in the Forestry and
Logging Industry, Research and Planning Division, Department of Labour, Wellington, 1974 and
Charles Crothers, and Cluny McPherson, Selected Demographic and Social Characteristics of the
Forestry and Logging workforces and comments on their possible social significance, Department
of Sociology, University of Auckland, Auckland, 1984. These provide a national analysis of the
78
types of occupations, age, gender, educational qualifications, geographic location, housing and
amenities of forestry workers.
There are a number of Archives New Zealand Wellington files that deal specifically with the
operation of each of the state forests in and around the inquiry district. The limited sampling
undertaken for this scoping report did not reveal any information regarding employment in the
state forests generally, or about employment of Maori specifically. These files are listed by state
forest and type of file at the end of this chapter as List C.
2.3.3 Exotic Plantation Forestry on Maori Land
The issue of exotic forestry on Maori land in the National Park inquiry district is to be addressed
by Tony Walzl in a gap-filling research report on exotic forestry leases commissioned for this
inquiry.
2.3.4 Conclusions
The primary sources regarding indigenous timber-milling companies and state forests located
during this scoping exercise do not appear, from the limited sampling that has been possible, to
contain a large amount of material about Maori employment in either of these parts of the
forestry sector in this inquiry district. The archives files on timber leases on Maori land appear to
be a more fruitful avenue for further research. These leases represent significant commercial
ventures by Maori landowners as well as providing what was often the only employment in
isolated Maori kainga in the first half of the twentieth century. The leases and timber mills at
Otukou appear to have the most comprehensive set of sources but other lease files may be
equally fruitful. If the Maori Trustee (as successor to the district Maori land board) was acting as
an agent for Maori owners then there may be important files at the Office of the Maori Trustee in
Wanganui and/or Rotorua.
79
List A: Saw Mill Registration Files - Archives New Zealand, Wellington
an excellent overview of the physical layout of the power scheme, its planning and the selection
of Turangi as a site for development. Tony Walzl, ‘Hydro-electricity Issues: The Tongariro Power
Development Scheme’, February 2005 provides a more detailed discussion of the impetus for the
scheme and the various phases of its construction. Most of this paraphrases the section from
John E Martin, (ed), People, Politics and Power Stations: Electric Power Generation in New
Zealand, 1880 - 1998, Electricity Corporation of New Zealand and Historical Branch, Department
of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 1991 on the Tongariro Power Development Scheme. Kirkpatrick et
al, 2004, have a useful diagram of the scheme (Figure 9.7 p 395). This should be sufficient to
provide a basic outline of the scheme as a context for a discussion of employment opportunities.
2.5.3 Employment in Turangi during and after the Tongariro Power Development
Scheme
Sources relating to the Crown’s consultation with iwi and hapu at Turangi during the planning
and construction of the power scheme could provide material regarding iwi and hapu
expectations and Crown promises regarding the redevelopment of the township’s ammenities and
employment opportunities. Tony Walzl, February 2005, provides a detailed discussion of the
planning and consultation with Maori carried out by the Crown and most of the sources he cites
are available in the volumes of supporting documents accompanying his report. Also of
significance is the Waitangi Tribunal’s Turangi Township Report 1995, Brookers, Wellington. The
98
report provides a summary of the meetings held between Maori and the Crown and a detailed
analysis of the undertakings made by the Crown (pp 33 - 65). The report also draws on tangata
whenua evidence to document the perceptions of Ngati Turangitukua people at Turangi of the
social and economic changes brought by the power scheme and their experience of the Crown’s
consultation (pp 201 - 213). However, much of this discussion relates to the impact of loss of
land and issues surrounding compensation.
Sources documenting Maori employment in Turangi on the Tongariro Power Development and
associated businesses are rather meagre. What information there is on employment in the
township during the construction of the power scheme offers little that is specifically about Maori
employment. Several surveys of Turangi inhabitants in the 1970s and 80s provide data on
employment in the township. The general figures and discussion of the employers and types of
employment engaged in are a useful background but none provide any data about Maori
employment. Peter Crawford, Turangi 1975: Ministry of Works & Development Town,
Community and Service Centre: a survey of the social and economic problems of the community
of Turangi and a discussion of the future development of the settlement, Taupo Regional
Development Committee, 1976 includes a table showing the last place of residence for Turangi
residences surveyed. This is very useful and indicates that a high proportion of the workers on
the power scheme came from outside the inquiry district (many having worked on power
schemes in other North Island centres). Crawford discusses the nature and scale of employment
at the Ministry of Works and Development (the major employer), the Forest Service, New
Zealand Electricity Department, the Justice Department, and other production and service
businesses at Turangi. In a similar survey Bill Wasley, Turangi in the 1980s: a study of people,
employment and the future of Turangi, Taupo County Council, Taupo, 1980 discusses various
employment opportunities available in the area (horticulture, forestry, employment in prisons
etc.). This is useful background material but again provides no data on Maori employment.
The limited time available for this scoping exercise did not permit a systematic search of Ministry
of Works files at Archives New Zealand. Such a search may provide further material on Maori
employed on the Tongariro Power Development Scheme.
2.5.4 Crown Assistance to Unemployed Tongariro Development Scheme Workers
Without comprehensive data on Maori employment on the scheme it is difficult to know how
many local Maori were left unemployed once the scheme was completed. However, there seems
no doubt that the completion of construction was followed by a downturn in the Turangi
economy. Several newspaper articles give some indication of the socio-economic status of
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Turangi residents after the completion of the power scheme. Graham Reid, ‘A River flows through
it; Turangi: The town that could have been', the New Zealand Herald, 10 April 1999, J:1-2
describes a visit to Turangi, charts its history and described its current problems, particularly
unemployment and crime. Philip Kitchin, ‘Power to the People', the Dominion, 23 March 2001, p 9
reflected on the impact of the Tongariro Power Development on Turangi, and Helen Bain, ‘Power
to the People', the Dominion, 8 January 2002 p 10 outlines the history of Turangi and its citizens
and comments on economic opportunities and disparities in socio-economic status between the
unemployed, and wealthy tourists and skiers.
It is difficult to piece together a picture of Crown assistance to unemployed workers in the
Turangi-Tongariro region in the wake of forestry restructuring and the winding up of the
Tongariro Power Scheme construction. In part this is because this is recent history. There are a
number of files at Archives New Zealand, Auckland from Te Puni Kokiri Turangi Office that deal
with various government and community employment schemes and youth programmes and
initiatives for Maori between 1987 and 1990 in Turangi. These are listed at the end of this
chapter. Overall, these files mostly contain administrative material with only a few scattered
references to Maori individuals offered training.
2.5.5 Conclusion
Sources examined during this scoping exercise indicate that the material relating to Maori
employment on the Tongariro Power Development scheme, and other employment this scheme
generated in Turangi and the surrounding area, is insufficient to provide a clear and
comprehensive account. Likewise, the material relating to the Crown responses to Maori
unemployment in the wake of the scheme’s completion is too fragmented to provide a reliable
account.
2.6 Other Employment OpportunitiesThere are several other avenues for Maori employment mentioned in the sources examined
during this scoping exercise. These avenues may be potentially significant:
2.6.1 Public Works - Constructing Roads and other Structures
Maori employment in public works projects (other than the Tongariro Power Development
Scheme) requires consideration. In her chapter on the Waikune Prison, Cathy Marr, ‘The
Waimarino Report: The investigation, purchase and creation of reserves in the Waimarino Block,
and associated issues, 2004, (Wai 903 #A60) has raised the issue of the impact extensive use of
prison labour in the district had upon Maori ability to obtain employment on road gangs.
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2.6.2 Railway Construction and Operation
The construction of the Main Trunk Line was a significant employment opportunity in the 1890s
and early 1900s to the south and west of the inquiry district. The extent of this enterprise is well
documented in Hill, 1999. While Hill argues that the vast majority of the work force engaged in
railway construction were British migrants, Volkerling and Stewart, 1986 note that many Maori
‘were casual labourers. The settlements on the lower Whanganui-o-te-Ao River became
depopulated after 1900, when many of their inhabitants left to seek employment on the
construction of the Main Trunk Railway.’79 It is unclear how many Maori from the inquiry district
were engaged in construction work, nor how many worked as railway operators in the period up
to 1990.
2.6.3 Deer, Opossum and Wild Horse Capture
Anderson noted that by the 1930s red deer ‘were becoming well established in the area north of
Rotoaira, around Pihanga and Kakaramea, and in the western portion of the park, where they
had migrated from the Kaimanawa Ranges.’ There are also mentions of deer hunting parties in
the 1940s and by the 1950s annual shooting permits for deer and opossum were being issued.
The Wildlife Control Act 1977 set up systematic eradication programmes.80 Anderson also briefly
mentions that ‘As the habitat changed and was changed, so too did the use of these lands as
evidenced by … the round-up of horses for hides and dog-meat at Rangipo-Waiu and
Rangiwaea.’81 It is unclear whether Maori were involved in hunting deer, opossums and wild
horses for income in the inquiry district and if so what the scale of the enterprise was, what
barriers they may have faced in exploiting this avenue and what contribution this made to Maori
income.
2.6.4 Other Small Town Job Opportunities
Rose, 2004 includes discussion of 1959 attempts to establish a hostel to accommodate young
Maori working in Raetihi. Clearly the hospital there provided some employment for Maori in
domestic service positions and there was unspecified mention of other employment. A
photograph in Te Ao Hou, No. 17, December 1956 under the heading ‘Industry in the Country’
shows Maori women working at sewing machines. The caption reads ‘This small clothing factory
at Tokaanu, providing employment for up to ten women in an area where no other industrial
work exists, has been supplying to the Army.’
79 R H Voekerling & K L Stewart, From Sand to Papa: A History of the Whanganui County, Wanganui County Council,Wanganui, 1986, pp 145 - 14680 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 22081 Anderson, Tongariro National Park, 2005, p 29
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2.6.5 Conclusion
There may be material in archival files relating to these various economic opportunities. However,
it is likely that this material, if it exists, is to be found in general files that would require
considerable time and effort to sift through with little guarantee of finding a significant body of
material.
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Archives New Zealand, Auckland - File on Maori Employment Training, Turangi,
However, Rose, 2004 has already used these extensively and provided a very thorough section
on Maori living conditions in the Karioi, Raetihi and Ohakune areas. It is clear that the log books
from the Native school at Moawhango did survive, as extracts from them are reprinted in Batley,
1958. An entry dated 31 March 1898 records that ‘some of the Maori scholars will be going away
for the winter. Food is scarce in the pa. The dry weather, and the frosts have played havoc with
the potato crops.’
Maori dependence on potatoes and other food crops for survival made communities particularly
vulnerable to adverse climatic events or diseases and pests in crops. The 1905-1906 potato blight
appears to have had a particularly severe effect on Maori crops and therefore upon Maori living
conditions. Once again Rose, 2004 provides a good overview of the blight and the Crown’s
response to it, with particular reference to the impact on Maori in the Whanganui inquiry district.
Tony Walzl, ‘Maori and Forestry (Taupo - Rotorua - Kaingaroa), 1890 - 1990, October 2004 (Wai
82 Bruce Stirling, ‘Taupo-Kaingaroa Nineteenth Century Overview’, September 2004 (Wai 1200 #A39), p 250 citing Locke
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1200 #A80) provides some information about the impact of the potato blight in the Taupo-
Turangi area. He discusses Ngati Tuwharetoa motivations for seeking an agreement with the
Tongariro Timber Company in April 1906. A covering letter by solicitors Travers, Russell &
Campbell accompanied this application. This explained that the agreement would,
enable our clients to utilise their lands to advantage and to obtain a revenue therefrom
wherewith to maintain themselves and to educate their children. They are at present
without any resources and find it difficult to provide food and clothing for themselves and
their families. As you are aware, conditions of Maori life have changed very much in the
last twenty years. The younger generation has lost the arts and knowledge of
maintaining themselves without money, as their fathers were able to do, and the
complete failure of the potato crops in Taupo this year has threatened them with
starvation. European provisions and clothing have now become a necessity to Maoris,
and our clients find great difficulty in obtaining money to enable them to buy sufficient
for their requirements.83
A second letter from the Solicitors in January 1907 stated that, ‘The Native owners whom I represent are
very poor. They have no rich lands outside the area under discussion and they depend for the
maintenance education and prospects of themselves and their children upon the development of the
before mentioned blocks of land.’84
Maori agricultural statistics presented in chapter 2 of this report indicate that potatoes were a
significant crop for Maori in the counties into which the inquiry district fell. However, it is still
unclear to what extent Maori in the inquiry district were growing potatoes and what the impact, if
any, of the potato blight was on their crops. It is possible that further material could be found in
national files on the potato blight at Archives New Zealand Wellington. These are listed as List A
at the end of this chapter. Rose’s discussion of the potato blight in the Whanganui district relied
heavily upon files located through the register books of the Department for Maori Affairs,
suggesting this as a fruitful source of material. However locating material in this way is an
extremely time consuming progress with no guarantee that a significant body of data will be
found.
to Native Minister, 30 May 1874, AJHR 1874, G-2, pp 18 - 2183 Tony Walzl, ‘Maori and Forestry (Taupo - Rotorua - Kaingaroa), 1890 - 1990, October 2004 (Wai 1200 #A80) citingTravers etc. to Under-Secretary, Native Department, 25 Apr 1906, MA1 5/15/1 pt 1, Archives New Zealand, Wellington84 Tony Walzl, ‘Maori and Forestry (Taupo - Rotorua - Kaingaroa), 1890 - 1990, October 2004 (Wai 1200 #A80) citingSkerrett/Wylie to Premier, 22 Jan 1907, MA1 5/15/1 pt 1, Archives New Zealand, Wellington.
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3.4.3 Maori Living Standards and the Work of the Maori Councils, 1920 - 1945
3.4.3(a) Introduction
Aside from the general files, register books and census enumerator’s reports discussed above,
the key source of information on Maori living conditions in the period between about 1920 and
1945 are Department of Maori Affairs and Department of Health files. These relate to the work
of the Maori Councils (later Maori Health Councils) and various Maori Health Department officials.
‘The Maori Councils Act 1900 set up councils that were to have similar powers to Pakeha local
authorities. The councils were responsible for promoting the health and welfare of the people in
their community and were empowered to make by-laws governing matters relating to health, the
sanitation of houses, drunkenness and numerous other welfare concerns.’85 Dr Maui Pomare was
appointed first Medical Officer for Maori in 1900.86 ‘Native Sanitary Inspectors were also assigned
in local districts to support Pomare in his role.’87 However, Pomare resigned in 1910 and there
were no Health officers responsible for Maori health for the next ten years.88 The Councils were
revived under section 66 of the Health Act 1920, which empowered the Governor General to
declare Maori Councils to be Health Councils to carry out sanitary work and enforce by laws with
the approval of the Director of Maori Hygiene. Dr Rangihiroa [Peter Buck] was appointed the
Director of Maori Hygiene to oversee this work.89
3.3.4(b) Secondary Sources
There are a number of comprehensive overviews of the organization and role of Maori councils,
Maori Medical Officers and Native Sanitary Inspectors. These should provide the background
required for a discussion of the living conditions of Maori reported by these councils and officials
in the inquiry district, as well as any measures these councils and officials took to improve those
conditions. These sources also draw conclusions about the general effectiveness of the Maori
Councils and some of the factors that hindered their work. The most authoritative treatment of
the Maori Councils role with regard to living conditions is Raeburn Lange, May the People Live: A
History of Maori Health Development, 1900 - 1920, Auckland University Press, Auckland, 1999.
See particularly pp 189 - 205 on the Maori Councils, pp 205 - 225 on the work of the Native
Sanitary Inspectors and pp 225 - 228 for Lange’s assessment of the effectiveness of the Councils.
Lange’s map of Maori Council Districts on p 190 is also very useful and shows that the Tongariro
Maori Council covered the entire area of the inquiry district. In Appendix II Lange tabulates
85 Emma Stevens, ‘Socio-economic Consequences of Land Loss for Maori in the Whanganui, Rangitikei, Manawatu &Horowhenua Districts, 1870 - 1960’, June 1997, Wai 903 #A32, p 7386 Stevens, 1997, p 7487 Stevens, 1997, p 7488 Rose, 2004, p 252.89 Williams, 2001, p 64.
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central government Maori health funding from 1884 to 1920. This can be supplemented by Derek
Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, 1840 - 1940, Victoria University Press in association
with the Historical Branch, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 1999.
In his recent book Richard S Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Maori Relations
in New Zealand/Aotearoa, 1900 - 1950, Victoria University Press, Wellington, 2004 puts the Maori
Councils in the context of Maori and Crown committee across the 1900 to 1950 period, and
discusses them in terms of Crown-Maori relationships and Maori autonomy. Hill also covers the
Ratana church’s opposition to the Maori Councils and their establishment of alternative councils in
the 1920s, as does Stevens, June 1997. The Whanganui district was an area in which the church
had a considerable influence in the 1920s. It appears that the Ratana church did have a
significant following in the National Park inquiry district in this period. Gardiner, 1993 describes
how Otukou became a centre for the Ratana faith in the district in the mid-1920s. It is unclear
whether followers attempted to establish their own health committee at Otukou and other
settlements in the vicinity.
3.3.4(c) Primary Sources
There is a significant body of primary sources for Maori living conditions in this period. This
consists of Department of Maori Affairs and Health Department files held at Archives New
Zealand Wellington. There are three significant groups of files: on the Tongariro Maori Council;
on the sanitation and Maori health in the Wanganui and Taupo-Tokaanu areas, and general files
on Maori Councils. This section discusses each group of files, identifies relevant files and, where
possible, makes some comment on their contents and potential usefulness.
i) Files relating to the Tongariro Maori Council
There are three Health Department files that deal with the Tongariro Maori Council between 1919
and 1938:
• H 1, 121/19 (B 75) Maori Health Councils - Tongariro, 1919-1928
• H 1, 121/19 (B 75) Maori Health Councils - Tongariro, 1928-1935
• H 1, 121/19 (B 131) Maori Health Councils - Tongariro, 1935-1938
It is likely that these files will be a significant source of material on living conditions on this period
and the role of the Tongariro Maori Council and the Crown in attempting to improve those living
conditions. The 1935-1938 file was sampled. It deals with the taking over of the Tongariro Maori
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Council by the Tuwharetoa Trust Board under s.16 of the Native Purposes Act 1935. What is
clear from this file is that there were a number of village committees, often called ‘komiti marae’,
established under the charge of the Tongariro Maori Council. The file lists the name and
members of the following village committees as at 17 March 1937: Pukawa, Tokaanu, Hirangi,
Waitahanui, Waipahihi and Mokai. These were gazetted in NZ Gazette No. 32, 13/5/1937, p
1138. A Komiti Marae o Nukuhau me Tapuaeharuru, and a Komiti Marae o Oruanui were
gazetted in January the following year (NZ Gazette No. 5, 27/1/1938, p 142). However, there is
nothing in this file beyond details of establishment.
There are also two Department of Maori Affairs files that relate to the Tongariro Maori Council.
MA 1/526, 26/6/19 Tuwharetoa Trust Board - Tongariro Maori Council, 1935-1943 deals with the
official takeover of the Tongariro Maori Council by the Tuwharetoa Trust Board. Section 16 of the
Native Purposes Act 1935 was passed to give legal sanction to this change. The file does not
deal with the work of the Council, other than in a letter from the Tuwharetoa Trust Board
Secretary suggesting that new marae or village committees be elected. He writes: ‘I may say it is
necessary that something be done immediately with the hope that some better control will
eventuate over our maraes, as among other things a certain amount of drink is finding its way
into the pas.’90 Also noted in the file is that the relevant legislation governing Maori Councils was
the Maori Councils Act 1900 and s. 66 of the Health Act 1920. At least one set of by-laws passed
by the Tongariro Maori Council was gazetted (see NZ Gazette 26/1/1922). MA W 1369, 26/3/22
box 20 Tongariro Maori Council bylaws, 1924-1938 relates to the Council’s by-laws, and almost
certainly contains copies of those by-laws. This file could also be checked for any
correspondence or minutes of meetings that cover discussion about the need for by-laws to deal
with certain problems in Maori settlements in the district.
ii) Files relating to Sanitation and Maori Health in the Whanganui & Tokaanu-Taupo Districts
There are a number of Health Department files that touch on Maori living conditions and the
work of the Councils in the inquiry district:
• H 1, 177/19/2 (13817) Sanitation - complaint re Tokaanu, 1927-1928
• H 1, 16163, 194/1/19 Maori Hygiene - Native health - Wanganui, 1921-1933
• H 1, 16163, 194/1/19 (B 125) Maori Hygiene - Native health - Wanganui, 1925-1928
• H 1, 16163, 194/1/25 (13962) Maori Hygiene - Native health - Wanganui, 1931
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• H 1, 194/2/3 Maori Hygiene - Native health - Inspector TRT Hooper, 1927-1931
• H 1, 194/1/17 (13934) Native Health - Taupo, 1921-1935
• H 1, 36/74 (37930) Tongrio (tuwhere toa) [sic] [Title on front of the file reads ‘Sanitation of
There is also a Department of Maori Affairs file, MA 1/526, 26/6/23 Tuwharetoa Trust Board -
Public Convenience, water supply and roading, 1937-1957 that deal with the activities of the
Tuwharetoa Trust Board after it took over the functions of the Maori Council. This contains
material relating to moves by the Tuwharetoa Trust Board moves to subsidise water supplies at
Toakaanu, Hirangi, Pukawa and Korohe pa. There was also a question of extending a water
supply to Tokaanu Township itself and of the provision of public toilets in the Tokaanu Native
Township. This is an important file and should be read in the context of the whole programme of
health, welfare and social development being undertaken by the Tuwharetoa Trust Board from
the mid-1930s. This included water supply, sanitation, district nurse and hospital services and
dental care for Maori children. This programme is discussed further in the chapter on medical
services.
In addition, there are several Maori affairs files that deal with its investigations of how the
Tuwharetoa Trust Board was dealing with its finances during the Depression. MA 1/522, 26/6/10
pt 1 Tuwharetoa Trust Board - Loans to Natives, 1933-1938 contains a detailed report prompted
by the Trust Board’s application to the Department of Maori Affairs for a £5000 loan. This report
illustrates the extent to which Tuwharetoa individuals were suffering financial hardship as well as
what income and assets they had available to use as security against a loan from the Board. This
included security of mortgage, royalties from the Tongariro Timber Company (which were
expected), and on sundry rents (from shares in other blocks) and Tokaanu Native Township
rents. Aside from reports and schedules, much of the file deals with individual loans. The other
two files identified may provide further examples:
• MA 1/522, 26/6/10 pt 2 Tuwharetoa Trust Board - Loans to Maoris, 1938-1953
• MA 1/525, 26/6/16 Tuwharetoa Trust Board - Store accounts and Indigent Natives, 1934-
1940
90 Secretary Tuwharetoa Trust Borad to Under-Secreatry, Native Department, 7 Setember 1936, H 1, 121/19 (B 131)Maori Health Councils - Tongariro, 1935-1938, Archives New Zealand, Wellington
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iii) General Files relating to Maori Councils
A number of general files on Maori Councils may contain material on the Tongariro Maori Council.
These general files appear in List B at the end of this chapter. The files regarding appointment of
members of the Maori Councils are most likely to be purely administrative and provide little
material about the work on the Tongariro Maori Council but reports of the Superintendent of
Maori Councils should also be checked.
3.4.4 Maori Living Conditions and the Work of the Maori Welfare Division, 1945 -
1970
3.4.4(a) Introduction
Between 1946 and 1949 the Maori Affairs Department Welfare Division expanded substantially as
it took up a wide range of duties under the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945.
An extensive departmental and community structure was established. The seven Native Land
Court districts were used as the main administrative unit, with subsections, or zones within each
district. ‘These zones were further subdivided into tribal districts, which in turn were subdivided
into Tribal Committee areas. Tribal Executives represented the tribal districts and Tribal
Committees were formed for the Tribal Committee areas. Welfare Officers were appointed on a
district basis and were responsible for keeping personal contact with a certain number of
Executives and Committees.’91 The establishment of executives and committees was not
compulsory but ‘by March 1948, the Department could report that 85% of the Maori population
was organised in areas gazetted under the Act.’92
3.4.4(b) Secondary Sources
There are a number of secondary sources that discuss the establishment and operation of these
committees and executives and the work of Maori Affairs officials. Many offer an assessment of
the effectiveness of the system in improving Maori welfare. Williams, 2001, pp 64 - 68 provides a
thorough background to and overview of the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945,
then goes on to discuss the organisation and function of the Maori Welfare Division. Orange,
1977 provides a very useful overview of the functions carried out by the Department and the
tribal committees and executives. Aroha Harris, ‘Maori and ‘the Maori Affairs’, Bronwyn Dalley and
Margaret Tennant (eds), Past Judgement: Social Policy in New Zealand History, Otago University
Press, Dunedin, 2004 examines the interface between Maori leadership, Maori community
91 Claudia Orange, ‘A kind of Equality: Labour and the Maori People, 1935 - 1949, MA thesis, Auckland University,Auckland,1977, p 18992 Orange, 1977, p 189
130
agendas and the Welfare Division. Th is is an important assessment of how the executives and
committees functioned at the local and tribal level. Hill, 2004 places the Welfare Division and its
associated structures in the context of Maori and Crown committee, the Crown-Maori
relationships and Maori autonomy during the1900 - 1950 period. Bronwyn Labrum, ‘Bringing
Families up from Scratch: The distinctive workings of the Maori State Welfare, 1944 - 1970’, New
Zealand Journal of History, 36(2), 2002, pp 161 - 184 focuses on the ideologies implicit in the
Maori Affairs Department policies for Maori families’ home and income management in the post-
war period, and how these fit with broader notions of assimilation and integration. Bronwyn
Dalley, ‘Moving Out of the Realm of Myth: Government Child Welfare Services to Maori, 1925 -
1972’ New Zealand Journal of History, 32(2), 1998, pp 189 - 207 examines the work of the Child
Welfare Branch of the Department of Education and its co-operation with Welfare Officers and
Tribal Committees.
3.4.4(c) Primary Sources
The lists of tribal executives and committees shown below have been compiled from a number of
the Archives New Zealand Auckland files discussed in this section of the chapter. It should be
noted that there is sometimes confusion in these files as to which executive were responsible for
certain committees.
Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive No. 1
Te Rangiita Tribal Committee
Mangakoura Tribal Committee
Maroa Tribal Committee
Mokai Tribal Committee
Tutakamoana Tribal Committee
Oruanui Tribal Committee
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Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive No. 2
Tauponuiatia Tribal Committee
Rotongoio-Waitahanui Tribal Committee
Waipahihi Tribal Committee
Ohaki Tribal Committee
Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive No. 3
Ongarue Tribal Committee
Nihoniho-Ohura Tribal Committee
Taringamotu Tribal Committee
Taumaranui Tribal Committee
Manunui Tribal Committee
Kauriki Tribal Committee
Kakahi Tribal Committee
Taurewa Tribal Committee
Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive No. 4
Tongariro Tribal Committee
Turangi Tribal Committee
Korohe Tribal Committee
Tokaanu Tribal Committee
Turumakina Tribal Committee
Pukawa Tribal Committee
Rongomai Tribal Committee
a) Tribal Executives
There are a number of files for the Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive No.1 (1947 - 1955) and
Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive No. 2 (1949 - 1955). However, they contain little beyond
administrative material and basic information. BAJJ 4945, 1471f, 31/20/5 pt 1, Tuwharetoa No. 1
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Tribal Executive, 1947-1955 contains only a couple of standard record forms. These record that
the Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive No. 1 was gazetted on 8 January 1947 for the Tuwharetoa No. 1
tribal district. It was in Maori Affairs Welfare Division zone 20 whose office was in Taumarunui.
R Keepa and Mrs Jorgensen were the Welfare Officers for that zone, with Kahi Hurae and T Wall
as Maori Wardens. The last recorded election of members to the executive was on 19 March
1952. These details are useful when gathering information from other Maori Affairs files and
annual reports.
BAJJ 4945, 1471g, 31/20/5 pt 2, Tuwharetoa No. 1 Tribal Executive, 1947-1955 appears to be
the main file of correspondence between the Tribal executive and the Welfare Officers regarding
meetings and issues to be discussed. It also contains a list of Tribal Executives and their
respective Tribal Committees. There is a small amount of material regarding railways
apprenticeship vacancies at railway workshops in Otahutu, East Town, Hutt, Addington and
Hillside. Welfare Officer were asking to make these opportunities known to parents and school
leavers, and district officer were instructed to assist those making applications.
pencilled minutes of a meeting of Tuwharetoa No. 2 Tribal Executive, Taupo. Besides electing
wardens, and discussing their duties and by-laws, housing at Mokai was discussed. The
executive also dealt with a complaint that dogs from the Nukuhau pa were biting horses and
students cycling to and from Taupo School. There was also discussion about the appointment of
a district nurse. BAAJ 4945, 1471n, 31/20/15 pt 2, Tuwharetoa No. 2 Tribal Executive, 1949-
1954 ontains a survey of housing and living conditions at Waitahanui. The remainder of the file
is purely administrative.
b) Tribal Committees
Apart from what may be found in general files, there are only a limited number of files relating
specifically to tribal committees within the inquiry district.
ABJZ 4948, 7a, 8/5/1 pt 1 Taurewa Tribal Committee, 1947-1986 is a substantial and important
file containing a number of minutes and reports of meetings of the committee, shedding light on
the concerns of the members and their communities. They also contain accounts and
correspondence relating to finance, which make it clear that the committee was largely funded by
donations the Maori community. It also highlights the role of women’s committees at marae in
the push to educate Maori women about family management and health. Correspondence from
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the late 1950s indicates that the committee was inactive and officials were of the opinion that in
the Maori community had very little interest in the committee. By 1960 the committee feared that
the closure of the Taurewa branch of the Potaka Timber Company would depopulate the area.
In 1961 it was noted that ‘the Taurewa Mill is closing in the July or August months of this year
and that sixteen Maori families there are likely to shift to other jobs and that although there are
as few as five Maori families at Ketetahi, it is to be expected that they will also move on at that
time in the near future when that Mill also closes.’93 Taurewa Tribal Committee was defunct in
August 1961. In March 1962 Tuwharetoa No. 3 Tribal Executive suggested that the Waimarino
Tribal Committee should expand to cover the Taurewa area. A meeting of 29 April 1962
supported the move.
In addition, ABJZ 4949, 28a, 8/3/5 pt 1 marae - Otukou, 1949-1991, Archive New Zealand,
Auckland contains minutes of the Tongariro Tribal Committee 20 March 1949 and successful
applications by the tribal committee to the Department of Maori Affairs throughout the 1950-
1965 period by the committee for funds to renovated the Otukou marae.
c) District Welfare Officer’s Reports
There are a number of files containing reports from the Welfare Officers for the Aotea region,
which provide important material regarding the functioning of the tribal committees in the inquiry
district:
• MA W 2490, 36/29/6 pt 1 box 143 Welfare Officers Report: Aotea, 1949-1954
• MA W 2490, 36/29/6 pt 1 box 143 Welfare Officers Report: Aotea, 1954-1957
• MA W 2490, 36/29/6 pt 1 box 145 Welfare Officers Report: Aotea, 1957-1959
• MA W 2490, 36/29/6 pt 4 box 144 Welfare Officers Report: Aotea, 1959-1961
• MA W 2490, 36/29/6 pt 4 box 145 Welfare Officers Report: Aotea, 1960-1961
The files sampled contained reports by Welfare Officers in charge of zones in which tribal
executives and tribal committees have been established under the 1945 Act. The Welfare
Officers for zone 20 were Robert Keepa and Mrs Jorgensen (and later B G Christy). Some of the
reports in this file are joint ones for zones 19 and 20 signed by the Welfare Officer R T Takarangi.
Reports tend to be general and organised under topic headings (child welfare, employment,
93 N F Tocker, Welfare Officer to the Secretary of the Taurewa Tribal Committee, 11 May 1961, ABJZ 4948, 7a, 8/5/1 pt 1Taurewa Tribal Committee, 1947-1986, Archives New Zealand, Auckland
134
education, housing etc.). Occasionally a statement or comment about a specific location
appears. Diary sheets show hours worked per month on various aspects of the job by the
Welfare Officer. The Welfare Officers’ reports themselves are detailed and very useful. They list
the executives and all the tribal committees under each executive, then report on the functioning
of each committee in turn.
The next part of the report deals in detail with the work of the Maori Wardens of the district
under topics (housing, crime, employment etc.) and often comments on specific tribal executive
regions. There is also a report by Mrs Jorgensen as female Welfare Officer discussing branches of
the Maori Womens’ Welfare League in the tribal executive areas. Reports of the Whanganui zone
19 Welfare Officer are also very relevant as many tribal executives and committees in the
southern part of the inquiry district came into that zone, e.g. the Whanganui North Tribal
Executive and the Raetihi, Ohakune and Karioi Tribal Committees.
d) Other Welfare Initiatives
There are a number of miscellaneous files that deal with Maori welfare initiatives in this period.
MA W2490, 42/4/6 box 187 Taupo Community Welfare Group, 1962-1968 covers the
establishment and operation of the Department of Maori Affairs budgeting service in Taupo in
1962. A newspaper report gives the background and essential details of the scheme, including
the involvement of the local Rotary club and other social and community agencies. There is also
some correspondence regarding problems Maori have in paying rates. ABRP 6844 W4598, 179,
31/2/4/3/2 pt 1 Maori Welfare - community work - Maori associations - Otukou Maori Committee,
1951-1978 may also contain relevant material but access to this file is restricted.
In addition to these files there is a significant volume of general Health Department and
Department of Maori Affairs files on sanitation in Maori settlements, files on Maori wardens and
on the Maori Womens’ Welfare League (who worked closely with Welfare Officers in many areas).
These are listed by topic in List C at the end of this chapter.
3.4.5 Maori Living Conditions 1970 - 1990
The Maori Affairs and Health Department files relating to sanitation and water supplies for Maori
settlements become less detailed throughout the 1960s and finally cease in about 1970. This
leaves a gap in the primary sources for this period. Something of the living conditions of Maori at
Turangi in the late 1960s - early 1970s can be gleaned from correspondence between the
135
Ministry of Works and the Department of Maori Affairs regarding rehousing Maori at Turangi.
Some of this material is included in the Waitangi Tribunal’s Turangi Township Report 1995,
Brookers, Wellington, pp 214-227. Much of this material appears to come from a brief of
evidence by David Alexander on the Turangi Township and the Public Works Act 1928 (Wai 84
#B2 and #B2(a) suporting documents).
There are a number of studies from 2000 onwards that give an indication of the current socio-
economic status of Maori in the inquiry district. Kirkpatrick et al discuss their mapping of levels of
deprivation using the New Zealand Index of Deprivation first introduced after the 1991 census.
Factors used to calculate the decile grading of deprivation (decile 10 beingmost deprived, decile
one the least deprived) were income, numbers receiving benefit, numbers unemployed, access to
telephone and car, numbers living in single parent families, numbers with no educational
qualification, overcrowded dwellings and home ownership rates.94 They note that ‘Maori are
disproportionately represented in the more deprived areas of New Zealand. There is a strong
positive correlation between the location of areas with more than 20 per cent Maori population
and areas of high deprivation.’95 Kirkpatrick et al reproduce index of deprivation maps for the
central North Island and the northern and eastern parts of the National Park inquiry district as
figure 2.18 p 71 and figure 2.19 p 74. A more technical regional analysis of deprivation is offered
by David C Maré, Peter Mawson and Jason Timmins, ‘Deprivation in New Zealand: Regional
Patterns and Change’, Treasury Working Paper 01/09, 2001.
Statistics New Zealand regional reports graph and discuss the several indicators of socio-
economic status including the percentage of the population with Phone, fax and internet access,
and the ercentage with access to a motor vehicle. Statistics New Zealand Community Profiles use
2001 census data provides the following measures of socio-economic deprivation for the
particular town, the region, and New Zealand as a whole:
• Percentage with access to telephone
• Percentage with access to internet
• Percentage with access to motor vehicle
• Average annual household spending on food, housing and housing operation.
Several other secondary sources may provide further material:
• Economic Analysis of the Ruapehu District, quarterly (March, June, Sept, Dec) for 2000 and
2001, Ruapehu District Council, Taumaranui
94 Kirkpatrick, Belshaw and Campbell, 2004, p 70
136
• Jeffrey McNeill, Taking the Pulse: Social, Economic, Environment: Manawatu-Wanganui
Picton Isolated Branches and Nelson Branch reports, 1952-1968
141
3.5 Maori Health and Medical Services for Maori in theNational Park Inquiry District, 1890 - 1990
3.5.1 Introduction
This chapter identifies and discusses the significance of sources relating to the provision and use
of health services by Maori in and around the National Park inquiry district between 1890 and
1990. Medical assistance for Maori, where it was available, came from a number of Government
and private sources, including missionaries, private individuals, Native school teachers, Native
medical officers, dispensers and district nurses. This chapter begins by examining sources on the
provision of medical officers/doctors and dispensers to Maori in the National Park inquiry district.
Subsequent sections discuss sources for Maori district nurses, the medical role of Native school
teachers, hospitals and dental services in the inquiry district.
Maori communities regarded tohunga as a provider of advice and expertise in the maintenance of
spiritual and physical health. Tohunga remained an important avenue for Maori health care into
the twentieth century for many Maori. However, the role of the tohunga as a provider of health
care lies beyond the scope of this commission. It should be noted that claimants in this inquiry
allege that the Tohunga Suppression Act 1907 made it a criminal offence for any Maori to use
traditional knowledge and perform Maori forms of healing. They contend that in passing this Act,
the Crown failed to protect and provide for the practice by Maori of their religion and tikanga. To
date no specific evidence regarding the enforcement of this Act in the inquiry district has been
provided and the Crown notes in its Statement of Response that no persecutions were bought
against Maori under the Act. On this basis, the issue appears to be one best covered by tangata
whenua evidence. Should claimants bring such evidence before the Tribunal there are a number
of primary and secondary sources relating to the Act and its administration that may assist the
Tribunal. Lange, 1999, pp 25 - 50 and 242 - 255 and David Williams, ‘Crown Policy Affecting
Maori Knowledge Systems and Cultural Practices’ (Wai 262 #K3) pp 177 - 235 and 249 provide
important overviews of the Crown’s policy and practice and its impact on Maori communities.
Their footnotes and bibliography contain references to primary sources, but one file to note in
passing is:
• MA 1/343, 19/1/27 Reports on Tohungaism, 1932-1977, Archives New Zealand, Wellington
142
3.5.2 Maori Medical Officers and Access to Doctors
3.5.2(a) Introduction
From the 1860s Native Medical Officers were funded from the Civil List that provided funds for
Maori purposes. ‘Doctors were granted subsidies on condition that they gave medicines, minor
surgical treatment, and advice free of charge at all times to indigent Maori who came to them or
could be visited within a range of two miles. If authority had been obtained, the doctor could
make house calls outside this radius and claim 2s 6d per mile (one way only). Constant
reminders were made that the only Maori entitled to this service were ‘indigent’ ones - a word
that ‘really means all the Maoris you cannot obtain a fee from’ one doctor advised.’96
The number of doctors subsidised by the Civil List ‘rose quickly from 24 (plus a handful of
dispensers) in 1901 to a figure that fluctuated between 30 and 50 until the system was abolished
some years after the First World War.’97 However, Native Medical Officers were not evenly
distributed. Derek Dow estimates that ‘between a quarter and a half of this number were doctors
resident in the South Island and near Wellington, where the Maori population was small and the
subsidies were often financed by the Public Trustee from Native reserves funds. In other areas,
where the Maori population was larger, the Native Medical Officers were spread more thinly, and
paid from the government’s general funds.’98
3.5.2(b) Doctors for Maori: National Context
Both Lange, 1999 and Dow, 1999 provide material on the provision of doctors for Maori between
1890 and 1940. However, after this date there is no general overview of Maori health services.
Further research is required to locate secondary material that would provide an overview of
Crown policy and practice with regard to doctors for Maori communities and Maori within the
community from 1940 to 1990.
3.5.2(c) Doctors for Maori in the National Park Inquiry District
This scoping exercise discovered only scattered sources that relate specifically to the availability
of doctors for Maori in the National Park inquiry district between 1890 and 1990. Some material
from the annual reports for the Health Department on Maori health in AJHR and from annual
reports of the Department of Native/Maori Affairs has been located. However, the limited time
available for this scoping exercise meant that a comprehensive and systematic search of these
96 Raeburn Lange, May the People Live: A History of Maori Health Development, 1900 - 1920, Auckland University Press,Auckland, 1999, p 17797 Lange, 1999, pp 176 - 17798 Lange, 1999, p 177
143
reports was not possible. Another avenue worth exploring may be questions to Parliament on
Maori health in the New Zealand Parliamentary Debate (NZPD). These questions can be tracked
in the subject index at the end of each volume.
i) Taupo and Tokaanu
An instance of a doctor visiting Maori leprosy patients at Tokaanu in 1890 is recorded, in AJHR
1890, G-5, ‘Leprosy Among the Maoris at Taupo and Rotorua (report by Dr Ginders). It is clear
that Dr Ginder was not based locally and his visit was prompted by the immediate circumstances
of the case rather than being part of a regular service to Maori at Tokaanu. Batley, 1958
mentions a prominent settler, R T Batley, at Moawhango in 1880s and 1890s, whose ‘advice was
frequently sought by the Maori inhabitants, and on many occasions he was called upon to set a
bone or remove a tooth as the nearest medical and dental aid was 90 miles distant at Napier.’
Kukutai et al noted that Maui Pomare visited Taupo and the surrounding area in 1904. He visited
10 villages but little information is provided by his report. Kukutai et al speculated that, ‘his
failure to comment on the general health of Tuwharetoa was perhaps due to the fact that in the
district there was neither a Medical Officer nor a Sanitary Inspector, both of whom were usual
sources of information.’ 99 Also significant is AJHR 1906 G-4, ‘Return on Medical Attendance on
Maori, for year ending 31 March 1906’ which shows that a dispenser, R W Prinn was subsidised
by the government to provide medical services to Maori in the Taupo district. In the financial year
1905-1906 he attended 115 patients and received the full amount of his annual subsidy of £30.
In 1908 Te Rangihiroa (Peter Buck) Assistant Medical Health Officer recorded that the Medical
Dispenser at Taupo (presumably Prinn) reported a marked increase in the number of Maori
children over the preceding year.100 This suggests that the dispenser had been reporting to the
Health Department, these reports may have survived so it would be worth searching Health
Department Maori health files around this period (see lists at the back of this chapter). Prinn
may also have written letters to the Health and Maori Affairs Departments. It may be possible to
trace these through the Health Department and Justice Department register books at Archives
New Zealand, Wellington.
There are two files at Archives New Zealand, Wellington that relate specifically to medical aid to
Maori in the Taupo area between 1911 and 1936. The first of these: H 1, 160/6 (13457) Native
medical aid - Taupo, 1911-1936 is restricted and would require Ministry of Health permission to
99 Kukutai, Pool & Sceats, 2002, p 88 citing AJHR 1904 H-31, p 63100 Kukutai, Pool & Sceats, 2002, p 88 citing AJHR 1908, H-31, p 129
144
view. The second: H 1, 16163, 194/1/17 Maori Hygiene - Native health - Taupo, 1921-1935
provides detailed correspondence regarding several cases of Maori requiring hospital treatment,
finance to pay for treatment and transport to hospital. There is also some correspondence
relating to the Tuwharetoa Trust Board’s role in inspecting pa with Health Department staff. The
Board recommended improvements to buildings, sanitation and water supply and sought financial
aid from the Health and Maori affairs Departments to make improvements. There is also a brief
mention of medical services in Turangi in the 1980 - 2000 period. Wilson, 1989 surveyed 220
Turangi residents and asked how many people travelled to other areas to access medical
facilities. Just under half (48.7%) of those surveyed did so. However, this is a figure for the
sample of the general population rather than for a sample that was solely Maori.
ii) Raetihi and other Southern and Western Towns
Rose, 2004 noted that for a brief period between 1900 and 1905 the Lands Department
subsidised a medical student, Fred B Gardiner, to provide medical care for Maori at Raetihi. The
extent of his work and how long it lasted, are unknown. Hill, 1999 provides a brief discussion of
medical facilities at Owhango in the early 1900s, citing a parliamentary question regarding
maternity services at Owhango in 1905. This reveals that ‘the Government had been contributing
to the cost of a medical man on the [railway] works’.101 In 1906 the question arose again in
parliament and the reply indicates that in addition to this medical officer there was ‘a small
hospital hut at Ohakune’.102 Hill also cites a newspaper clipping from February 1907 that stated
that two doctors would be visiting Raurimu every Wednesday.103 It is unclear to what extent, if at
all, Maori were able to utilize these services.
There are also a number of general Health Department and Department of Maori Affairs files that
deal with the provision of medical officers for Maori between 1906 and 1949. Time did not
permit these to be sampled but they may contain material relevant to the inquire district:
• MA 21/20 Medical - general (special file 154), 1906-1919
• MA 21/21 Medical drugs (special file 155), 1907-1911
• MA 31/42 Dr Buck, miscellaneous correspondence and notes, 1909-1925
• MA 1/168, 6/0/14 pt 2 Medical attendance for Natives, 1933-1942
• MA 1/316, 18/1/4 pt 2 Contribution to Health Department for Civil List - Native Purposes - for
Maori medical services, 1933-1939
101 Kate Hill, Raurimu Frontier Town, 1900 - 1925: A Social Archaeological Perspective, Department of Anthropology,University of Auckland, Auckland, 1999, p 46 citing NZPD vol. 132, p 492102 Hill, 1999, p 47 citing NZPD vol. 137, p 203
145
• MA 1/316, 18/1/4 pt 3 Contribution to Health Department for Civil List - Native Purposes - for
Maori medical services, 1949
• H 1, 160/75 (B 107) Native medical men - general policy, 1927-1939
• H 1, 160/75 (17676) Native medical men - general policy, 1938-1941
• H 1, 160/75/1 (17677) Native medical men - general, 1936-1939
3.5.2(d) Medical Clubs and Sick Funds
Several brief mentions in primary and secondary sources indicate that it was quite common for
railway and timber mill workers in and around the inquiry district to establish medical clubs or
sick funds. These clubs are a potentially significant means for Maori to obtain medical treatment,
as at least some Maori were employed in these mills. It appears that employees paid a sum at
each payday in exchange for having their medical costs covered in the event of accident and
perhaps illness. These clubs appear to have been a feature of timber mills from 1900 to at least
1950. Hill, 1999 cites a reply to a parliamentary question in 1905 stating that men working on the
construction of the Main Trunk Line near Owhango had established ‘a ‘sick fund’ from which
expenses could be drawn’.104 In BAJJ 4945, 1471m, 31/20/15 pt 1 Tuwharetoa Tribal Executive,
1949-1955, Archives New Zealand, Wellington, minutes of a meeting of the Tuwharetoa Tribal
Executive No. 2 in January 1948 noted that the medical club at the timber mill at Mokai (at the
North end of Lake Taupo) had been dissolved when the mill was moved to Maroa.
3.5.3 Maori District Nurses
3.5.3(a) Introduction
In the absence of local doctors, Maori district nurses were an important source of health care for
Maori communities. Training young Maori women as district nurses was first suggested at a Te
Aute Association conference in 1897 and the first two Maori district nurses began training at
Napier Hospital in September 1898. After the involvement of Pomare, Buck, Ngata and Carroll
the scheme was expanded in 1905. The first two fully trained Maori district nurses emerged from
the programme in 1908. However, the numbers of Maori trained as district nurses were relatively
modest. By 1920 there were twenty stations and by 1940 that had increased to 50 serving an
average of 1750 Maori each.105
103 Hill, 1999, p 47 citing the Taumaranui Press, 15 February 1907, p 2104 Hill, 1999, p 46 citing NZPD vol. 132, p 492105 Lange, 1999, pp 166 - 173
146
3.5.3(b) Maori District Nursing: National Context
Again, the most comprehensive overviews are to be found in Lange, 1999 and Dow, 1999. A
more detailed examination is provided by Alexandra McKegg, ‘The Maori Health Nursing Scheme:
An Experiment in Autonomous Health Care', New Zealand Journal of History, 26:2, October 1992
and her thesis A H McKegg, ‘Ministering Angels': The Government Backblock Nursing Service and
the Maori Health Nurses, 1909 - 1939’, MA thesis, University of Auckland, Auckland, 1991.
Orange, 1977 discusses general Maori health policy and funding in this period and notes the
extension of the Maori district nursing programme. Several general files should be checked for
further details:
• H 1, 21/104 (11349) Maori girls as nurses, 1938-1941
• H 1, 21/104 (23043) Maori girls as nurses, 1940-1949
3.5.3(c) Maori District Nurses in the National Park Inquiry District
Heni Whangapirita (Ngati Porou), one of the first two Maori district nurses to complete their
training (Lange has a photograph of her on p 171), was sent to Taumaranui in 1909 to deal with
an outbreak of typhoid amongst Maori there. In March 1909 she was stationed at Tokaanu ‘with
instructions to treat indigent Maori patients and supervise sanitation in co-operation with the local
Maori Council’. However her posting was cut short when she contracted typhoid and she returned
home to Hawkes Bay, married in 1911 and left the district nursing service. 106
It is unclear when the next Maori district nurse was posted to Tokaanu, but there is a file of
monthly reports from the Maori district nurse at Tokaanu for 1930 - 1930: H 1, 194/2/23 Maori
Hygiene - Native health - Tokaanu, 1930-1931, Archives New Zealand, Wellington. These are on
the standard departmental form and gave the number of patients (Maori and non-Maori) treated
at her cottage and at their homes. She also listed the number of maternity cases and births and
deaths. She made notes on ‘lectures given’ and listed Maori pa visited and made any general
comments at the bottom of sheet.
MA 1/521, 26/6/9 pt 1 Tuwharetoa Trust Board - Medical Services, 1933-1937, Archives New
Zealand, Wellington shows that from at least 1933 the Tuwharetoa Trust Board had entered into
an agreement with the Health Department to subsidise the cost of the district nurse at Tokaanu.
The nurse was visiting the sick in the district including after hours, staying the night and
providing meals as well as attending school children once a month. It appears that the Board
subsidised the cost and then applied to the Department of Native Affairs to be reimbursed
106 Lange, 1999, p 170 - 172
147
through the Maori Purposes Fund Control Board (see files for meetings of this Board listedin List
B at the end of this chapter). Transport was a problem for both nurse and patients and much of
this file deals with the Tuwharetoa Trust Board and Health Department negotiations over who
was to provide and pay for transport. The file also illustrates the difficulties Maori had in paying
for treatment, particularly in paying for the services of a doctor. There was a Doctor Armstrong
in the area but he required payment and the district nurse often ended up paying the bills
herself. There was also some friction between the Trust Board and Health Department regarding
the ongoing staffing of the position with a Maori nurse.
MA 1/522, 26/6/9 pt 2 Tuwharetoa Trust Board - Medical Services, 1938-1945, Archives New
Zealand, Wellington indicates that in 1938 Tuwharetoa Trust Board was successful in obtaining a
second Maori district nurse to be based at Taupo. But problems with costs and transport
persisted and the Board was now subsiding both district nurses and hospital care (see below) at
a time of great financial strain. Together these files have the potential to tell an important story
about Ngati Tuwharetoa relationships with the Crown over the provision of nursing and hospital
care and their attempts to provide a comprehensive package of medical services to their people.
These arrangements are also outlined in a newspaper article: ‘Current Maori Problems -
Progressive Tokaanu Health Unit - Report of Director-General of Health, 1938 - Question of
• YCBE 1990 79b Maori and Polynesian Health - general, 1968-1972
Department of Maori Affairs, Rotorua District Office
• BAJJ 4945 1465a Welfare - Health matters 1949-1960
Maori and TB
Tuberculosis was a significant health problem for Maori communities but the extent to which this
was the case in the inquiry district is unclear. There are a number of general files on Maori and
TB covering the 1930 to 1950 period and it is possible that these may contain material relevant
to the inquiry district, but time did not permit these to be scoped. There is also some secondary
literature regarding Maori TB rates, the impact of poor housing and living conditions on those
rates and the Crown’s response to the problem of TB in the Maori population. These include:
• Lynda Bryder, ‘If preventable, why not prevented?: the New Zealand response to
Tuberculosis, 1901 - 1940’, Lynda Bryder (ed) A Healthy Country: Essays on the Social
History of Medicine, Bridget Williams Books, Wellington, 1991, pp 109 - 127
• Thomas C Lonie, ‘Some social factors in relation to Tuberculosis’, New Zealand Medical
Journal, Feb 1947, 46(251), pp 25-31
There is also a good summary of the Crown’s response to TB rates amongst Maori, and some
material on TB cases reported amongst Maori at Taumaranui and Jerusalem in Rose, 2004.
159
Files on Maori and TB - Archives New Zealand, Wellington
• H 1, 131/3/136 (9151) TB Maoris, 1930-1939
• H 1, 130/18 (24375) TB in Maoris - general, 1940-1951 (series binder says this file is
missing)
• H 1, 130/18/1 (20099) TB in Maoris - hospital accommodation, 1941-1947
• H 1, 130/18/1 (24374) TB in Maoris - hospital accommodation, 1942-1948
• H 1, 194/27 (16944) Hutments for TB Maoris, 1941-1945
• H 1, 194/27 (35351 or 2628?) Hutments for TB Maoris, 1944-1956
• H 1, 194/27 (B 126) Hutments for TB Maoris, 1936-1941
• MA W 2490, 36/12, pt 2, box 107 Tuberculosis, 1947-1952
• MA W 2490, 36/12, pt 3, box 107 Tuberculosis, 1952-1954
• MA W 2490, 36/12, pt 4, box 107 Tuberculosis, 1955-1958
• MA W 2490, 36/12, pt 5, box 108 Tuberculosis, 1958-1961
Maori and Influenza
Although influenza was common amongst Maori in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, the 1918 influenza pandemic took a particularly heavy toll in many Maori communities.
It is unclear what the impact of the pandemic was on Maori communities in the inquiry district or
what measures were taken to assist Maori in the inquiry district suffering from the disease. The
standard works on the 1918 Epidemic are both by Geoffrey Rice (with the assistance of Linda
Bryder):
• Black November: the 1918 Influenza Epidemic in New Zealand (1st edition), Allen & Unwin NZ
Ltd/Historical Branch Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 1988
• An revised and substantially enlarged edition has recently been published, Black November:
the 1918 influenza pandemic in New Zealand, Canterbury University Press, Christchurch,
2005
The following journal articles may also be useful:
• Geoffrey Rice, ‘Maori Mortality in the 1918 Influenza Epidemic', New Zealand Population
Review, 9: 1, April 1983
• Ian Pool, ‘The Age-Sex Distribution of Maori Mortality in the 1918 Pandemic of Influenza',
New Zealand Population Review, 9: 2, July 1983
160
In addition, Rose, 2004 makes some comment on reports of Influenza amongst Maori in the
Wanganui area. She gives figures from the 1921 census for Maori deaths in the Kaitieke County
(the far western area of the inquiry district that included Taumarunui). She was unable to locate
similar figures for the Waimarino or Wanganui counties.
There are also some primary sources relating to the influenza pandemic that may hold material
relevant to the inquiry district. There are some general Health Department files, H 1, 169/ files,
at Archive New Zealand Wellington on Influenza. In addition there is the report of the Royal
Commission on the 1918 epidemic: AJHR 1919, H-31A Sir John E Denniston, Influenza Epidemic
Commission, 1919 and an Archives New Zealand, Wellington file containing material from that
inquiry:
• ADBZ 16164 H3 1 Commission of inquiry into influenza epidemic, 1919 - transcripts of
evidence (including some submissions) Gazette notice appointing Commission, Interim report
and final report, 1919
Other Maori Health Topics - Archives New Zealand, Wellington
Vaccination
• H 1, 19 (B 5) Vaccination - general - public vaccinators, 192-1937, also H 1, 161, 1918 -1932
Maori Maternal and Infant Health
• H 1, 13/7/2 (8436) Maori Infant mortality, 1934-1937
• H 1, 13/7/3 (3437) Maori Infant welfare, 1935-1936
• H 1, 13/7/4 (13084) Maori maternal welfare, 1930-1938
• MA W 2490, 36/3/5 pt 1 box 79 ante-natal: post-natal care, 1930-1959
Maori and Alcohol
• AAFB 632 W3463 box 7 194/24 Maori Hygiene - consumption of liquor by Maoris, 1939-1954
• MA 1/662, 36/14 pt 1 Drinking, 1936-1947
• MA 1/662, 36/14 pt 2 Drinking, 1948-1951
• MA 1/663, 36/14, pt 3 Drinking, 1950-1952
• MA 1/663, 36/14, pt 4, Drinking, 1952-1955
• MA 1/663, 36/14, pt 5 Drinking, 1955
• MA 1/664, 36/14, pt 6 Drinking among Maori, 1955
• MA 1/664, 36/14, pt 7 Drinking, 1956-1957
161
3.6 Maori and Education Services
3.6.1 Introduction
This chapter identifies and discusses primary and secondary sources relating to access to and
participation and achievement in early childhood, primary, secondary, and tertiary education by
Maori living in and around the National Park inquiry district between 1890 and 1990. As
participation in tertiary education was, until the last few decades of this period, limited to a few,
sources dealing with trade and other post-secondary training for Maori are also discussed in this
chapter.
3.6.2 Early Childhood Education
Early childhood education is a relatively recent phenomenon for the majority of the New Zealand
population, with kindergartens and play centres established in many towns from the 1960s
onwards and day care centres and creches appearing in urban areas from the early 1980s.
Kohanga reo, Maori-language immersion daycare centres, began to be established from the early
1980s. Williams, (Wai 262 #K3), pp 168 - 173 provides an excellent overview of the Crown’s
policies and practices with regard to bilingual schools, kohanga reo and kura kaupapa Maori.
During this scoping exercise only one file regarding the participation of Maori children in early
childhood education in and around the inquiry district came to light at Archives New Zealand,
Wellington: MA 1/781, 57/2/16 Pre-school centre, Ohakune, 1963.
However, there are a number of secondary sources that provide statistical data and discussion of
trends in Maori participation in early childhood education at a national level. These could form a
useful background to exploring the issue in the inquiry district. Statistics New Zealand website
http://www.stats.govt.nz/analytical-reports/maori/grwt-in-ch-ed.htm provides a brief summary
and bar graph of the numbers of Maori children enrolled in kohanga reo, other early childhood
centres, and total pre-school enrolments for the 1986-1996 period. They also provide figures for
the growth rate in Maori and non-Maori early childhood enrolments over this period. Hui Taumata
2005, ‘Maori in Early Childhood Education and Schools’, Ministry of Education, 2005, for Huui
Taumata 2005 provides tables, graphs and discussion on Maori participation in early childhood
education and compares rates of participation with those of non-Maori for the period 2000-2003.
A more systematic search for Ministry of Education and Education Review Office publications may
provide further national data.
162
3.6.3 Primary Education
This section identifies and evaluates the sources relating to primary education available to Maori
in the inquiry district from 1890 to 1990. The section is divided into two parts, the first
examining sources relating to Native/Maori schools and the second to sources for Education
Board schools.
3.6.3(a) Native/Maori Schools
i) Introduction
Maori primary school education began in the missionary period and continued throughout the
1860s in and around Pakeha settlements. In 1867 the Native Schools Act was passed to provide
a national system of schools for Maori. By 1870 there were only 13 government day schools for
Maori.110 However, by July 1879 57 Native primary schools had been established, and the
administration of these was transferred from the Department of Native Affairs to the Education
Department. For the next 90 years the Native primary schools were administered by the
Education Department ‘as a self-contained national system, quite separate from the regional
education boards set up two years earlier to administer New Zealand’s state primary schools.’111
By 1907 there were 97 Native schools and this grew to 166 by 1955. In 1947 they were officially
renamed Maori schools. ‘During the late 1950s and throughout the 1960s Maori schools were
gradually transferred to the public schools system, administered by education boards. In 1967
the government announced that all Maori schools would be transferred to board control within
the next few months.’ The Maori schools system finally came to an end in February 1969.112
ii) Secondary Sources
There are a number of sources that provide a comprehensive overview of the Native school
system. J M Barrington and T H Beaglehole, Maori Schools in a Changing Society: An Historical
Overview, New Zealand Council for Educational Research, Wellington, 1974 discuss Native
schools in their chronological account of the development of Maori education. While their focus
is often on officials and policy their account does contain useful factual material. Two more
recent books on the Native school system are the standard texts on the topic. Simon 1998 is a
useful overview. The Native schools’ educational, medical and community building roles are
covered and there is a useful timeline of key events, legislation and dates (xv - xix) with
110 J M Barrington and T H Beaglehole, Maori Schools in a Changing Society: An Historical Review, New Zealand Councilfor Educational Research, Wellington, 1974, p 101, 105111 Barrington and Beaglehole, 1974, p 122
163
summaries of the key pieces of legislation. There is a good overview of the legislation and
regulations establishing Native schools (pp 11-18). Of particular interest to this scoping report are
chapters on ‘The Community and the Native School’ (pp 22-34) and ‘The Pupils of Native Schools’
(pp 35 - 53). There is a very useful list of Native school including their dates and locations
(Appendix 4 pp 139 - 147). The book is well illustrated with photographs - those of interest to the
wider Taupo/National Park/Whanganui area are:
• Pupils and parents outside Karioi Native school 1907 (p 31)
• Karioi School Committee 1908 (p 31)
• Pupils in classroom at Karioi Native school (holding up their slates with drawings of fish on
them), 1908 (p 107)
• Photograph of Agnes Grant, teacher at Karioi Native school 1898 - 1904 (p 60)
Simon and Smith, 2001 is an enlarged study with a more academic focus on perceptions and
representations around the question of the State’s agenda (of ‘civilising, race and assimilating’).
It draws on the perceptions of teachers, pupils and officials and looks at the motivations of
Pakeha and Maori teachers for entering and leaving the Native school service, their selection,
appointment and qualifications. There is an examination of school committees and the teacher’s
role in the community (from a teacher and official perspective). There is also a discussion of the
politics surrounding the handover of Native schools to Education Boards in the 1950s. There is a
very full bibliography of sources on Maori education and the education system in general (pp 343
- 352). In addition, the Crown’s policy and practice with regard to Maori language in education is
There is also a very useful comment on the difficulties faced by the Maori schools branch in
applying to the Education boards for assistance in building and maintaining schools in Erik
Schwimmer, ‘Government and the Changing Maori’ New Zealand Journal of Public Administration,
22(2), 1960, pp 13 - 37.
In addition to this background material, secondary sources also contain statistics about the
numbers and percentage of Maori children attending Native schools in New Zealand at different
dates. Orange, 1977 gives figures for total number of children in Native and state primary schools
in 1935. Beaglehole, 1957, pp 103 - 123 gives similar figures for 1954. The 1960 Hunn Report
provides figures for the number and percentage of Maori children attending all primary schools
for the years 1930, 1940 and 1950. They also show the number and percentage of Maori
112 Judith Simon (ed), Nga Kura Maori: The Native School System, 1867 - 1969, Auckland University Press, Auckland,
164
children attending Native schools and state primary schools. These statistics are drawn from
several tables in the statistical supplement to the Hunn report:
• Maori Primary Schools (Graph)
• Maori Schools: Numbers Attending
• Maori Schools: Number of
iii) Primary Sources
A useful and comprehensive guide to education sources is the Archives New Zealand reference
guide No. 5: Education, May 2005. It provides a summary of education legislation, lists of
archives holdings and AJHR and New Zealand Gazette sources for primary, secondary and
university education. There is also a useful map on the back cover showing education board
districts and country boundaries. Appendix 4: Nga Kura Maori o Aotearoa: list of Native Schools
1879 - 1969 in Simon, 1998 was helpful in identifying Native schools in and around the inquiry
district. The schools identified are (name, location and dates in existence):
• Karioi: Mt Ruapehu, 15km east of Waiouru, 1898-1928
• Moawhango: 10km north-east of Taihape, 1944-?113
• Otukou/Te Rato: Lake Rotoaira, Tongariro District, 1921-1978114
• Pukawa: Southern shore of Lake Taupo, 1894-1897 (relocated to Tokaanu)
• Tokaanu: Southern shore of Lake Taupo, 1897-?
• Tokaanu Convent: Southern shore of Lake Taupo, known as St Joseph’s 1905-1940, dates
uncertain.
• Turangi Native School115
Only two Native Schools, Tokaanu and Otukou, were in the vicinity of the inquiry district. Karioi
Native School in the Whanganui inquiry district may also have attracted pupils residing in and
near the southern and eastern boundaries of the National Park inquiry district. Its history has
been covered in Rose’s socio-economic report for the Whanganui inquiry. In addition to the two
Native schools mentioned above the Tokaanu Convent was a church school where a number of
pupils were Maori: the school was inspected by Education Department inspectors and is included
in official statistics published in the Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives.
1998, pp 18 - 19113 This appears to be incorrect as local history of Moawhango has school logs going back into the 1890s114 This list has no date but it is apparent from BAA 1001, 424b, 44/4, Maori Schools - building and site file - Otukou, 1919- 1933, Archives New Zealand, Auckland that the school opened in 1921. Gardiner, 1993 indicates that the school closedin 1978115 Simon does not list this school but there is a Maori Affairs file for it for 1944, which should be looked at to see if theschool ever came into operation.
165
Attendance figures for Native schools are available in schedules included in the Native Schools
Annual Reports AJHR E-2. The data presented below were obtained by sampling these reports at
five yearly intervals from 1890. However by 1930 individual schools are no longer listed (except
Tokaanu Convent) instead the number of Native schools in each county is noted. As a result, the
data valuable for Native school attendance do not go beyond 1930 and are rather patchy. Almost
constant changes were made as to how the ethnicity of pupils was classified, making the
construction of a time series of the numbers of Maori and Pakeha pupils in a school impossible.
The data below, therefore, simply show total pupil numbers at the end of each year and the
average pupil attendance for each year. Blank spaces indicate years when no data for that
school were published. Note that average pupil attendance can be higher than the number of
pupils because in some cases pupil numbers at other point during the year exceeded the end of
year number.
166
Native Schools: Attendance
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1900 1905 1910 1915 1922 1925 1930 1935 1940 Years
DEPARTMENT OF CONSERVATION, BAY OF PLENTY CONSERVANCY (BAHT)BAHT 5118 box 6a 2/19/5 pt 1, Acclimatisation Societies - Waimarino Acclimatisation Society
Appointment of Rangers, 1969-1985
NEW ZEALAND FOREST SERVICE (F)F 1, 9/2/9, Pukawa and Ohuanga Blocks, 1920-1942
190
F1, 18/3/66, Weir and Kenny Limited, Native timber sale Waimana 2D Wellington Conservancy,
1943 – 1947
F1 18/3/87/9, Lake Timber Company Limited sale Maori Land Pukawa 2G2 Lot 9 Wellington
Conservancy, 1951-1954
F1 18/3/97, Hopkins, Spiers and Winger, Pukawa 2F, Wellington Conservancy, 1948-1957
F1 18/3/209/2, Incorporated owners. Valuation for Maori land Board. Mangahouhou 2B
Wellington Conservancy, 1948-1954
F1 18/3/209/5, Lake Timber Co. Mangahouhou 2B lots 5-5A Wellington Conservancy, 1952-1954
1 Pursuant to clause 5A(1) of the second schedule of the Treaty of Waitangi Act1975, the Tribunal commissions Leanne Boulton, a member of the Tribunal’sresearch staff, to prepare a scoping report on background contextual materialto general socio-economic issues for Maori of the National Park inquiry districtbetween the period 1890 to 1990, (refer to para 4.5 of Wai 1130 #2.3.20).
2 The report should identify and discuss the significance of sources relevant tothe following matters:
a) Maori population and settlement within the boundaries of the NationalPark inquiry district, including if possible, inward and outward migrationand any factors contributing to the demographic history of the inquirydistrict.
b) Economic and employment opportunities available to Maori within theinquiry district and the extent of Maori involvement in the tourist industry,forestry and hydro power development.
c) The provision and use of health and education services by Maoricommunities residing in the inquiry district including any evidence relatingto income levels, housing standards and health status.
3 The report should make recommendations as to the feasibility of a furtherreport on specific claim issues and/or case studies illustrative of such issues,based on the sources identified.
226
4 This commission commences on 12 September 2005 and ends on 19December 2005. (This deadline date supersedes the date of 21 November2005 stated in para. 3.9 of the Direction of 29 September 2005, #2.3.24). By19 December 2005 a final report must be completed and a copy presented tothe Waitangi Tribunal.
5 At the discretion of the presiding officer the commission may be extended ifone or more of the following conditions apply:
a) the terms of the commission are changed so as to increase the scope ofwork;
b) more time is required for completing one or more project components owingto unforeseeable circumstances, such as illness or denial of access to primarysources;
c) the presiding officer directs that the services of the commissionees betemporarily reassigned to a higher priority task for the inquiry.
6 The report may be received as evidence and the authors may be cross-examined on it.
7 The Registrar is to send copies of this direction to:Leanne Boulton, Waitangi TribunalCounsel and non-represented claimants in the National Park InquiryActing Chief Historian, Waitangi TribunalInquiry Facilitator, Waitangi TribunalSolicitor General, Crown Law OfficeDirector, Office of Treaty SettlementsChief Executive, Crown Forestry Rental TrustChief Executive, Te Puni Kokiri
Dated at Wellington this day of November 2005
Judge Wilson IsaacPresiding OfficerWAITANGI TRIBUNAL
227
Appendix 2: Number of Maori Voters by Location andIwi/Hapu Affiliations, 1908(Source: Maori Voters Rolls for Western Maori, 1908)
Ngati-Uenuku Ngati-Turangi 1 Ngati-Turangi 1Ngati-Whatua Ngati-Rongomai 1 Rangitaane (blank) 1Te Whanau-a-Apanui Te Whanau-a-Te Ehutu 1 Te Arawa Tuhourangi 1
Tokaanu Total 71 Te Atiawa (blank) 1Tokaanu, Hauwai Ngati-Tuwharetoa Ngati-Manunui 2 Wainui-a-Rua Ngati-Rangi 1
Ngati-Parekawa 1 (blank) 1Tokaanu, Hauwai Total 3 Waiouru Total 21Tokaanu, Hirangi Ngati-Tuwharetoa Ngati-Turangi 1 Grand Total 818Tokaanu, Hirangi Total 1Tokaanu, Te Ngohe Ngati-Tuwharetoa Ngati-Kurauwia 1Tokaanu, Te Ngohe Total 1Tokaanu, Waihi Ngati-Tuwharetoa Ngati-Parekawa 2
Ngati-Turumakina 6(blank) 1
Whanganui (blank) 1Tokaanu, Waihi Total 10Tongariro Ngapuhi Ngati-Whatua 1