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Pergamon HABITAT INTL. Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 463-475, 1996
Copyright 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in Great Britain.
All rights reserved
0197-3975/96 $15.00 + 0.00
S0197-3975(96)00012-4
Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in
Developing
Countries
FLORIAN STEINBERG Institute for Housing and Urban Development
Studies, Rotterdam, The Netherlands
ABSTRACT
This paper addresses rehabilitation and conservation of old
inner-city areas and historic monuments in the cities of the
developing world which have so far received very little attention
in urban development policy. The need for urban rehabilitation and
adaptive re-use is discussed with reference to a number of cases,
i.e. Cairo, Tunis, Sana'a, Aleppo, Delhi, Bombay, Bhaktapur, Galle,
Penang, Singapore, Shanghai, Beijing, Quito, Cartagena, Rio de
Janeiro and Havana. A delineation of the concept is provided, and
some key aspects of rehabilitation are discussed. The paper
concludes with considerations on the need for area rehabilitation
and revitalisation approaches which maintain the typical urban
tissue and essential qualities of the historic areas and of the
life of the communities residing there, but which can also adapt
the physical structures and activi- ties to some of the present day
requirements. In terms of monuments, it is stressed that these need
to be seen as part of conservation areas, and that their
sustainability and revitalisation will be most feasible if they are
integrated into new concepts of use. Copyright 1996 Elsevier
Science Ltd
WHAT IS URBAN HERITAGE?
When we want to define "urban heritage", what comes to the mind
of most urban planners and managers are usually "monuments", i.e.
churches, temples, all sorts of religious buildings, palaces,
castles, fortresses, historic city walls and gates and other types
of institutional buildings (e.g. of education, science,
administration, or other social purposes). This understanding often
excludes historic residential areas and historic city centres which
equally represent the urban heritage. In addition, there may even
be non-tangible elements of urban heritage, such as customs and
beliefs, which play a role for the articulation of space use and
the built environment.
Due to the existence of international cultural organisations,
such as the United Na- tions Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organisation (UNESCO), the International Centre for the Study of
the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (IC- CROM)
and the International Commission on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS)
and a good number of local conservation groups, monuments have at
least a "lobby" and are
Correspondence to: Fiorian Steinberg, Project IHSP, 212 Asian
Games Village Complex, Khelgaon Marg, Siri Fort, New Delhi 110 049,
India.
463
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464 Florian Steinberg
in a somewhat more favourable situation than historic
residential areas. The above organisations and interest groups seem
to yield some success in their efforts to achieve greater interest
for the course of preservation and conservation of old monuments of
historic value.
However, seldom is a cross-reference made between urban heritage
and sustainabil- ity. The recent concern for sustainability and the
"brown agenda" of urban environmental development has completely
excluded urban heritage from the sustainability discus- sion. 2 The
built environment and built expressions of culture, of military,
economic and religious powers and forces as part of the national
heritage deserve to be included in this perspective, and urban
heritage should attain the status of a preservable asset which can
benefit the present and the future of cities. Such an asset is not
only limited to cultural perspectives, but could become an economic
asset with good potential for economic exploitation, for instance
through tourism, for culturally-based image build- ing of local
economic development or the promotion of corporate enterprises.
THE SITUATION OF OLD HOUSING STOCK AND HISTORIC CENTRES
During the past 40-50 years, the attention of most governments
in the developing world (and of most international agencies) has
been focused on the problems of new settlements, built through
authorised and non-authorised (informal) processes. Typi- cally,
most of these housing areas grew rapidly and were characterised by
overcrowd- ing, lack of infrastructure, poor-quality construction,
bad sites, and so forth. Quantitatively, these housing areas
usually overwhelmed the pre-existing city. By the 1970s, the vast
majority of the housing stock in most large cities in the
developing world was less than 25 years old. The older housing
stock was, therefore, considered insignificant in terms of the
scale of the housing problem
At the same time, the desire for "modernisation" by governments
and top decision- makers in most developing countries often led
them to believe that only new and "modern" housing was worthwhile.
Anything old or in a traditional style was considered of little
value and was torn down or, at best, ignored. 3 Older housing,
normally concentrated in the inner parts of the city, was often in
a state of physical deterioration, overcrowded and lacking in
services. It was easy to label such areas as "slums", to be removed
at the earliest convenient opportunity.
In addition, because of the rapid growth in the size of most
cities in the developing world and the rapid transformation of
their city economics, the whole spatial pattern of land uses and
activities began to change. Inner cities became valuable for land
uses other than housing, and economic pressures led to further
elimination of the older housing stock.
For all of these reasons, most cities in the developing world
have paid - - and continue to pay - - very little attention to
their older housing areas. As a result, these areas continue
generally to decline, with their physical, social and economic
functions disrupted and their present potential contribution to the
city's overall housing stock under-utilised.
Yet these areas are more significant and more important than is
commonly realised. Almost all cities, even fast-growing ones, have
an older housing stock. Most large cities today have grown from a
core which has existed for centuries, even if only on a small
scale. In some cities, this older core is large and well-defined
with a physically substantial housing stock. Occasionally, as in
Shanghai 4 or Bombay, 5 the older hous- ing stock is quantitatively
very important, constituting a large percentage of the hous- ing
units. In other cities, for instance Jakarta or Cartagena, the
number of the residences of the colonial elite is smaller, and
restricted mainly to "European" quarters built dur- ing the
colonial era, with the "native" quarters being predominantly of
smaller and less-permanent construction.
But almost everywhere this older core exists. And almost
everywhere the historic
-
Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing
Countries 465
city centre represents a unique historical link with the past, a
physical manifestation of the social and cultural traditions which
have developed to give the modem city and society its meaning and
character. This role is gradually being appreciated, although so
far only on a limited scale.
Equally, many cities now realise that it is often
counter-productive to remove large areas of existing old housing
stock, given the tremendous housing demand which ex- ists and the
clear inability of existing institutions (and finance) to provide
new housing on the scale desired. Instead, it is important to
utilise these housing units, even if, at present, they are in poor
condition.
However, even if there are such changes in attitude, it is not
always clear what should be done. After so many years of hostility
or indifference, what should be the new approaches toward older
housing areas? What strategies should be adopted? What can be
done?
THE SITUATION OF MONUMENTS
Most old cities have some monuments which represent the
religious, military, political or economic powers of the past. The
condition of such monuments is determined largely by their present
function and use. Monuments which have no further utilisation tend
to decay rapidly, while monuments which are still in use have a
better chance of being maintained. There is a good chance that
monuments which have a new function through "adaptive re-use" are
even better maintained. In fact, the strategy of conver- sion of
monuments for adaptive re-use appears to be the most effective
approach for a self-financing and sustainable form of
conservation.
There is, of course, a very large variety among urban heritage
monuments throughout Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin
America and, hence, it is difficult to generalise with regard to
their conditions and the possibilities for conservation and
rehabilitation. Generally speaking, there is a tremendous shortage
of funds for the upkeep and maintenance of government owned,
registered monuments. In the case of privately owned monu- ments
the situation is often not much different. Private owners may
consider the maintenance of a (registered or un-registered)
monument as a burden due to inability to afford the necessary
maintenance, and they may be unable to establish other forms of use
or innovative mechanisms for the financing of the required
conservation.
During the last decades, several international bodies, such as
UNESCO, ICCROM and ICOMOS, and local or national heritage
societies, have initiated important campaigns and proposals for
conservation of neglected monuments and "heritage complexes".
Despite considerable enthusiasm, the actual results of such
campaigns have been limited. Few international agencies, cultural
or archaeological institutions (mostly from Europe), or bilateral
donors have stepped in to help to preserve valuable heritage
complexes. Developmental banks have been shying away from
conservation schemes as they found them economically and
financially unfeasible and, thus, not convincing. Very few cit- ies
have succeeded in generating an ambience for private-sector
participation in urban heritage conservation through the
establishment of an attractive and innovative strategy of heritage
"commercialisation".
DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEAS OF CONSERVATION AND REHABILITATION
Until the 1940s few countries in the world appreciated the value
of their older cities. In Europe, conservation was limited to a
concern for historical buildings of special importance, usually
castles, palaces, churches, museums and other significant public
buildings. Attention was focused on the monuments individually,
considered in isola- tion from their urban surroundings. (For
example, the Paris Church of Notre Dame was preserved, but the
historic buildings surrounding it were demolished.)
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466 Florian Steinberg
It was the Second World War and its mass destruction of the
historic cities in Europe which provided the stimulus for a more
serious consideration of older urban areas. The re-building which
occurred across Western Europe in the 1950s and into the 1960s led
to a much greater awareness of the unique character of these older
areas and the need to treat them sensitively and constructively.
6
At the same time, in Europe and in North America, there was
growing criticism of the 'modem' school of architecture and the
'bulldozer' school of planning. There began to be popular
resistance to the standardised 'high-rise' housing solutions which
were imposed in the name of modernisation. People who had been
shifted to new housing estates generally compared them unfavourably
to their previous lives in older housing areas of the city core.
The 'bulldozer' approach to urban renewal generated great dis-
satisfaction, as whole areas were indiscriminately destroyed and
their social communi- ties thoughtlessly ruined. Professionals in
the housing and planning field gradually retreated from this
'bulldozer' approach as the negative consequences became more and
more well documented and publicised. They started to formulate new
concepts and approaches, which slowly won acceptance from
politicians and bureaucrats. 7
From these various experiences has emerged the idea of urban
rehabilitation. This does not mean simply the passive protection of
individual buildings of historic significance; nor does it mean the
wholesome preservation of everything which is old. Instead, it
means the creative use and re-use of older quarters of the city,
taken as a whole, s Where possible, old buildings are repaired and
modemised, to facilitate their continued use, especially as
housing. This often includes upgrading of infrastructure services
(water, sewerage, drainage, roads, etc.), but on a modest scale,
allowing the preserva- tion of the existing urban pattern and
fabric. Where necessary, some change of use may be incorporated,
but on a small scale. Demolition should normally be reserved for
structurally unsound buildings, but may also sometimes be needed in
order to provide space for essential social services,
infrastructure or open space. 9 An overriding objec- tive is to
minimise the displacement of existing residents, because of either
demolition or repair and upgrading. 1 The intention is to provide
enough modemisation of the physical fabric to allow the life of the
community to go on, with scope for both build- ings and social
systems to evolve and adapt to new conditions.
Interestingly, experience in many countries has shown that it
can be easier and less costly to restore and modernise old
buildings than was originally expected. In contrast, the cost of
demolition and replacement by new buildings has almost always
turned out to be more expensive than expected. Naturally, many
mistakes were made in the early years of rehabilitation efforts;
some projects were failures, some were far too expensive and some
succeeded at the expense of the original residents. Nonetheless,
the trend of the experience is favourable, leading to a steadily
growing support in countries throughout Europe and elsewhere.
In 1964, ICOMOS had promoted with the Venice Charter, the
establishment of the conservation approach for historic monuments.
In 1972, many developing countries signed up for UNESCO's
Convention Concerning the Protection of the World's Cultural and
Natural Heritage, and by 1977 the listing of world heritage sites
had begun. While the Venice Charter was still only concerned with
single monuments, the UNESCO Convention introduced for the first
time the concept of cultural heritage, which is the basis for area
conservation and rehabilitation concepts.ll UNESCO also promoted
the establishment of a fund for the protection of the world
cultural and natural heritage, but in actual fact very few
countries have been able to benefit from this substantially, and
very few funds became available for historic city centres.
Although the concept of rehabilitation has seen increasing
support in most of the industrialised countries, a very different
situation exists in the developing countries. The concept is still
new and unfamiliar in most places. Intellectually and profession-
ally it remains limited to heritage societies, a small number of
foreign-trained local professionals, and eventually a few external
advisors. Politically, it has not yet gener- ated significant
support. Legal and administrative machinery for historic area
conserva-
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Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing
Countries 467
tion, where it exists, is largely prohibitory rather than
constructive and is seldom effectively enforced. Older housing
areas are still seem as "problems" rather than as important
components of urban life. In some cases, single-minded concern for
a narrowly- conceived "modernisation" has been carried so far that
there is almost nothing left of the old city. Singapore is the best
example, but, only thanks to a recent shift in policy, conservation
of a few remaining historic zones has been initiated (see also
below).
ASPECTS RELATED TO URBAN REHABILITATION
Realistically, no one argues for total preservation of
everything that is old in the city.12 Equally, few would quarrel
with attempts to improve sanitation and water supply, reduce
overcrowding, or otherwise improve the living conditions in older
housing areas. Such improvements do provide a more satisfactory
environment. But a better environ- ment also implies a satisfying
of social and cultural life for those who make use of the
environmental resources. It is the human inhabitants who create and
constitute the social-cultural and economic systems which give life
to the physical environment.
The focus of revitalisation and rehabilitation of historic
centres, therefore, has to be on whole areas, not just individual
buildings, and on social communities, not just the physical
environment. These older housing areas, typically in the inner
parts of the city, are often home for lower-income families and
they have physical, social, economic and cultural values different
from, and beyond the perceptions of, bureaucrats or plan- ners.
Advocates of rehabilitation policies emphasise the importance of
a comprehensive and integrated approach to planning for older
areas, and especially the need to consider complete
conservation/rehabilitation areas, not just individual buildings.
Of course, particular buildings of special historic and/or
architectural interest should be preserved as part of the overall
scheme. But the real focus is on the activities and uses of the
buildings taken as a whole, and the need to upgrade selectively and
adaptively. 13
This rehabilitation approach raises a variety of crucial issues
and questions.
Political aspects
How can political support be generated and maintained? How can a
national policy in support of conservation and rehabilitation of
urban
heritage be established? How can the affected population
participate in the formulation and execution of
conservation and rehabilitation schemes?
Cultural aspects
To what extent can the rehabilitation of historic housing areas
and monuments contribute to the strengthening of indigenous
cultural traditions and forms?
What is the role of historic city centres and of monuments,
their physical characteristics and their social life in the local
(or national) culture?
Can historic monuments and city centres become an area of
special tourist interest?
Social aspects
How can the poor, who generally comprise a majority of those
living in the historic housing areas, participate effectively in
the rehabilitation process?
How can the community of low-income residents be retained in the
face of chang- ing land uses and values? (Or how can they be
supported when relocation is unavoid- able?)
How can low-income residents be protected from the impact of
"gentrification"?
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468 Florian Steinberg
Economic aspects
How can urban rehabilitation be financed? What mix of private
and public resources, i.e. public-private partnerships, should
be used? How can older land uses and activities compete with new
ones? What happens when land values and/or taxes increase? How can
the contribution of the older area of the urban economy be
consolidated?
Which economic role could tourism play in this context?
Urbanisation aspects
How can the urban pattern and tissues of historic city areas be
preserved in the face of necessary upgrading and land use
changes?
Can the historic quality of the mixed-use environment be adapted
to modem condi- tions?
In order to answer these questions, reference will be made to
the urban heritage experi- ences of a number cities, namely Cairo,
Tunis, Sana'a, Delhi, Bombay, Bhaktapur, Galle, Penang, Singapore,
Shanghai, Beijing, Quito, Cartagena and Havana.
URBAN REHABILITATION AND REVITALISATION IN PRACTICE
Political support
Political support for urban rehabilitation and revitalisation is
certainly crucial and a prerequisite for any substantial programme.
However, the experiences of the majority of cities are not
encouraging in this respect. Too many instances exist where the
politi- cal commitment is lacking or very difficult to obtain, and
even the concerted efforts of international and national heritage
organisations have not been able to generate such support. For
instance, in the cases of Cairo 14 and Sana a, is many years of
efforts on the part of UNESCO and the Aga Khan Foundation of
Architecture have not yielded a firm commitment for area
conservation from the national authorities which were expected to
take up a World Bank loan (in the case of Cairo) or to negotiate
with donors for their support (in the case of Sana'a). Both Cairo
and Sana'a have benefited only from a number of rather isolated
cases of monument restoration, financed, for instance, by foreign
archaeological institutes and other bilateral donor agencies. In
the case of India, and quite exceptionally if seen from an
international perspective, the National Hous- ing Policy of 199416
speaks of support to historic residential areas which have been
defined as conservation areas, but in reality there is very little
implementation of these policies, 17 and most local agencies lack
the skills to design and implement conserva- tion schemes. 18
Bombay is quite an exception in this regard and the repair of
chawls, historic working- class housing, has been taken up by the
local authorities, a9 But the chawl repairs programme itself - -
after the repair of several thousand units - - is endangered by a
resource crunch, and the high investment pressure on inner-city
land on the peninsula of Bombay make it seem likely that the Bombay
housing repairs programme will be aborted in the near future. In
Old Delhi, 2 as in so many Indian cities with a historic city
centre, a complete laissez faire approach is being followed, and
there has been a lack of political commitment to the conservation
of the historic centre. In reality, in Old Delhi, anybody can
develop, demolish or build as he likes.
Equally, in the case of Shanghai, E1 the old walled-city area
has been declared a national monument, and some pilot
rehabilitation/area upgrading projects have been executed during
the last 10 years, but this overall policy has not been translated
into a major investment scheme for the old tenement housing stock
of Shanghai. Some cities
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Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing
Countries 469
have, of course fared better, as the cases of Tunis, 22
Bhaktapur, 23 and Aleppo show. Collaboration with bi- and
multi-lateral external donors have initiated some large scale area
conservation and rehabilitation projects in Tunis (with World Bank
funding), in Bhaktapur and Aleppo (with German GTZ funds) and local
political commitment has been a precondition for these
projects.
The case of Singapore is of a certain significance, as it
combines many factors. When it was realised that Singapore, which
is quite dependent on income from tour- ism, was losing its
attraction as a tourist destination due to the rapidly vanishing
urban heritage, a complete turn in policies was initiated. 24
Henceforth, heritage conservation has become an important element
of the city's development policies and image build- ing. In all of
these cases, the active participation of the residents of historic
city cen- tres in the preservation and conservation of their city,
be it in the formulation or execution stages, has been very
limited. In a few instances there are reports of a limited number
of user/consumer surveys being carried out, mostly in terms of
affordability of the proposed measures only. However, certain
interest groups, such as cultural and conserva- tion and heritage
associations of concerned citizens, have initiated at least some
degree of publicity and debate on conservation and rehabilitation
issues. These organisations act mostly at city level (Bombay, 25
Delhi, 26 Singapore, 27 Penang, 2s Tunis29), but in some countries
there are also national campaign groups (for instance in India 3
and Indonesia 3~) which have taken the conservation of cultural and
natural heritage on their banners.
Cultural aspects
These have been highlighted very prominently by conservationists
and campaigners, international organisations (UNESCO, ICOMOS,
ICCROM, Aga Khan Foundation for Architecture) as well as bi-lateral
institutions (cultural and archaeological institutes). Of late,
with the concept of more tourism-orientated marketing of cities,
culture has been accepted as a means to promote tourism and even
the local investment climate or ambience of cities. 32 Thus,
culture is no longer a pure end in itself, but a means for local
economic promotion (or as the critiques of this approach brandish
for a sell-out of culture). Singapore, after it awoke to the claims
of the local conservationists' campaign for a cultural city, 33 has
come out very prominently in this respect, and is now market- ing
conservation areas in the city for tourism.a4Bhaktapur, as one of
the most traditional cities in Nepal, as well as the Medina of
Tunis, or historic Quito 35 are presented (and marketed) as
attractions due to their cultural values. In the cases of Cairo,
Sana'a or Havana some local agencies are also very keen to promote
the old towns as tourist centres, but are losing out to rapid decay
and destruction, and the non-availability of political support and
funding.
In the case of Rio de Janeiro, area rehabilitation has become a
leverage for the establishment of a so-called "cultural corridor"
which has succeeded in revitalising the city centre with cultural
and economic activities and attractions. 36 In the early colonial
city of Galle, 37 which is one of the declared world heritage
cities, the cultural aspects of the built environment figure
strongly in the pledge of the local authorities for external
funding to preserve the city as a testimony of global culture of
the colonial period. However, where culture has the stigma of the
colonial era, considerable resistance is to be expected from local
political forces which will try to lobby against any expenses for
the conservation of the testimony of this historic period.
Social aspects
Social aspects manifest themselves in particular through the
presence of the poor, who (as recent immigrants) have become
residents in very crowded historic housing stock, usually suffering
from the impacts of sub-division and over-utilisation of outdated
services. This picture is contrasted by the fact that many
well-to-do owners of historic
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470 Florian Steinberg
buildings have moved elsewhere and have lost interest in the
upkeep of their proper- ties, as can be seen in the cases of Cairo,
Tunis, Delhi, Bombay, Penang, Quito, Havana and many others. The
income situation of the poor and the disinterest of absentee
landlords who earn hardly any income from the low rents being paid
by the occupants of their old housing stock have strongly
contributed to the decay and lack of maintenance of old housing
stock in historic city centres. For the formulation of area
revitalisation and rehabilitation schemes there is a good chance
that the poor will be forced to leave and that they will have to
sacrifice their centrally located residences for rehabilitation or
redevelopment projects. The former residents of Singapore's
Chinatown and Kam- pong Glam are a point in case; almost all of the
previous residents have been relocated elsewhere in modern housing
estates as a prelude to "gentrification" of these areas. Similar
developments are taking place in Shanghai and Beijing, where more
than 40% of the population of the historic residential areas are to
exchange these locations for new suburban satellite townships.
38
However, such government-sponsored relocation in modern
high-rise housing estates is not so common elsewhere, and the poor
inhabitants of inner-city areas are mostly left to fend for
themselves. Cases like Quito and Cartagena demonstrate that low-
income residents receive no support for finding alternative and
affordable accommoda- tion when properties are being sold for
conservation and adaptive re-use by high- income groups or
commercial activities. Very few examples of area revitalisation and
rehabilitation, like that in Tunis (with financial support of the
World Bank), have at- tempted to address a mixed social group of
residents (high-, middle- and low-income), and to finance the
renovation of housing stock inhabited by the poor partly through
cross-subsidy mechanisms. But even in this case it remains to be
seen whether the low-income groups will be able to resist pressures
by higher income groups for these centrally located housing units.
In the case of Bombay's restoration of chawls, at- tempts have been
made to transfer ownership of neglected housing stock, owned by
absentee landlords, into the hands of specially created tenants'
co-operatives, but these efforts have had limited impact s o far .
39
Economic aspects
These certainly dominate the considerations for urban
rehabilitation of historic city centres and monuments. World-wide
experiences show that most local and national governments and
religious organisations cannot afford to conserve and improve a
large majority of even their most precious monuments. This can be
demonstrated in a number of cities, such as Cairo, Tunis, Delhi,
Galle and Sana'a. Efforts to improve the financial status of
national archaeological institutes and to increase their portfolio
have mostly been unsuccessful, as most governments seem to shy away
from additional expenses for the preservation and rehabilitation of
monuments. Most countries do not have an adequate policy of
charging entrance fees to monuments; in many cases monuments remain
inaccessible to the public and to tourists, or if they are
accessible, only a pittance of an entrance fee, if any is charged,
as for instance in most parts of India. Very few cities have
adopted a more progressive policy like the city of Bhaktapur, which
charges a (still nominal) lump-sum entrance fee from tourists for
entering the historic conservation zone. Sri Lanka follows a
similar approach in its "cultural triangle" of the historic cities
of Kandy-Anuradhapura-Polonnaruwa (and some enclosed sites), but
has failed so far to do the same for the historic city of Galle.
The economic problems of financing the preservation and upkeep of
monuments have stimulated a good deal of debate about the
possibilities of doing this through the approach of "adap- tive
re-use" and to invite the private sector (or non-governmental
institutions) to lease historic buildings with commercially viable
activities. These activities would pay for the conservation and
rehabilitation of the monuments, and have an overall revitalising
impact on the economic development of such areas. There are many
isolated examples of such an approach in India, in Quito,
Cartagena, Tunis, Sana'a, Penang and Sin-
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Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing
Countries 471
gapore to name a few. But there are very few examples of
integrated area concepts which strive for the revitalisation of
whole historic city centres, including (i) the revi- talisation and
modernisation of local economic activities and the required
infrastructure, (ii) the restoration of monuments, and (iii) the
rehabilitation of old housing stock, which apply an integrated
financing policy that pools together private individual, private
commercial as well as public-sector efforts and funds. To some
extent this has been tried to Bhaktapur (though the private
sector's contribution may be low in this particular case) and in
Tunis, but it has been proposed in quite a number of cities, such
as Cairo, 4 Quito, 41 Sana'a 42 and Penang. 43
Very few cities have, however, taken the complete commercial
path for area revi- talisation. Singapore is one example in which
the local redevelopment authority has acquired all the plots of the
designated conservation areas, and has been tendering these plots
for rehabilitation-cum-redevelopment as commercial activities
(shops, restaurants, tourist hotels or offices for other
activities). Another case in point is Cartagena which, after
designating the conservation area, the authorities have only seen
to it that historic properties are not demolished and that private
investors conserve and rehabilitate the late mediaeval buildings
for their private use. Practically all these renovations are taken
up by high-income users who convert historic mansions into modern
residences, offices or shops. In the case of Cartagena the local
administra- tion is very supportive of private investments in the
historic town, and with some flexibility in the application of the
permissible floor space indexes it has become possible to convert
backyards into modern structures, and to increase the land use.
In Bombay, the application of the (North American) method of
transferable develop- ment rights (TDR) is being experimented with.
an TDR can be applied to privately owned listed monuments in prime
locations where there is a lot of development pres- sure (for
instance sky-rocketing land prices and development of high-rise
buildings in the vicinity). To encourage the owners to invest in
the conservation and renovation of such monuments and to discourage
them from demolishing these buildings, they are offered alternative
plots of land for development. This is intended to compensate for
the loss of development potential in the plots occupied by the
monuments, and to cover renovation costs. An indispensable
precondition is, of course, the availability of government-owned
land that can be bartered for the TDR arrangement.
In the case of Havana, a world heritage city which is dGomed to
collapse in rubble very soon, such possibilities of
commercialisation and utilisation of the market forces do not (yet)
exist, as the country is still dominated by socialist patterns of
economy and state control of land and investment. Also, China and
its historic city centres still face problems of this nature,
although the trend of commercialisation of the housing sector will,
in due course, contribute to innovative financing mechanisms for
rehabilita- tion of historic city centres. 45
In the context of the modernisation of cities and their historic
centres, there is also concern for the old, historic types of land
uses. Most of the traditional economic activi- ties (in cities like
Cairo, Tunis, Sana'a, Old Delhi, etc. these are almost "media~val"-
style activities) will - - over time - - be unable to survive,
particularly in locations where conservation and rehabilitation of
historic city centres have the impact of "gen- trification".46
As conservation and rehabilitation are introduced, not only the
land values of these areas increase, but also local revenues. Such
revenue increases can have an additional stimulating impact for the
rehabilitation of infrastructure and other services in conserva-
tion areas. Thus, revitalisation of historic city centres will
contribute both to the mod- ernisation of the private commercial
sector and to enhanced revenues. In conservation plans and concepts
this aspect of increased land values and property values plays an
important role which is fully taken into account, as demonstrated
in the case of Tunis or Singapore. (Singapore proudly announced
that property values in conservation areas have risen by 8 times
after rehabilitation of "shophouses".) In other cities, such as
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472 Florian Steinberg
Quito or Cartagena, the increase of property values in the
historic city was not so much planned for, but seen as a likely
outcome.
Tourism development has been mentioned before as an incentive
for the conserva- tion of monuments and the rehabilitation and
revitalisation of historic city centres. To what extent the
economic impact of tourism is felt city-wide or only within the
historic city centre itself depends fully on the particular
characteristics of each case and how area
conservation/rehabilitation is being implemented. If tourism
activities (such as hotels) could be charged a "heritage tax", this
could also contribute to the sustainabil- ity of urban heritage by
boosting the financial position of archaeological and other
heritage related institutions.
Urban aspects
Urban aspects are also very prominent in the conservation and
revitalisation of old city centres. One can distinguish in each
historic city specific urban patterns or features such as the
nature and density of land uses, height of buildings, width and
pattern of circulation routes (roads, alleys, footpaths), building
typologies, as well as specific infrastructure components. These
form the components of the "urban tissue". Within the urban tissue
the size and format of individual plots is a prime characteristic
that has a wide impact on the urban form and appearance. For area
conservation and rehabilita- tion it is essential that the maximum
possible preservation of the original tissue pattern is a prime
objective of conservation programmes. Once the tissue pattern is no
longer respected and has been widely, modified obviously the nature
of the built environment is bound to change radically. Hence, for
many physical planners this issue of the urban tissue is one of the
prime areas of concern, and it is in this perspective that all
efforts to generate new uses for old buildings and neighbourhoods
need to be evaluated. Some rehabilitation experiences and
proposals, as in the cases of Singapore, Cartagena, Bhak- tapur,
Cairo and Galle, have stressed the importance of the preservation
of existing urban patterns and tissues, and some have even
developed detailed design guidelines (Bhaktapur, Singapore) which
are to be applied by private investors. The area conserva- tion and
redevelopment experience in the Medina of Tunis illustrates,
however, a more "liberal" approach, with its quasi-traditional
style of housing development (middle- and high-income housing) that
does away with the old street patterns, and provides modernised
versions of the classic Tunisian courtyard housing.
THE OUTLOOK
The general picture today is not encouraging. Destruction of
historic city centres, of old housing stock and of monuments
continues in most developing countries, either by active policies
of clearance and replacement or by passive policies of doing
nothing to halt the slow deterioration and decline of such areas.
In some countries there have been small-scale efforts, but often
these have focused only on the most "profitable" projects, such as
historic areas with tourist potential. The lower-income residents
have been ignored (at best) or pushed out by existing renewal
policies.
If this trend continues, there is a real danger for the future
that in the cities in developing countries we will find that only
fragments of their urban heritage remain. What is preserved will be
isolated and without impact on the life of the majority of the
population. Rehabilitation strategies should, of course, aim to
avoid the idea of static preservation, and not attempt to
"fossilise" the past and convert it into a sort of open- air
museum.
There is an urgent need for rehabilitation approaches which
maintain - - or better "sustain" - - the typical and essential
qualities of the historic city areas, and of the life of the
resident communities, but which can also adapt these physical
structures and economic activities in accordance with the needs of
the present. A continuous and
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Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing
Countries 473
organic approach of revitalisation is needed - - the type of
approach which character- ised all urban areas in the
pre-industrial era and which has given form to older urban areas
everywhere. Adaptation of form and function can proceed, however,
within a stable matrix of buildings and urban patterns. Selectivity
is crucial. This implies, for example, a choice of new design
concepts and relevant new technologies to enable older buildings
and areas to adapt successfully to modem needs but without destroy-
ing existing urban form.
To achieve this, it will be necessary to change the attitudes of
professionals - - of economists, architects, planners, developers
and administrators. It will be necessary to create a changed
political environment in which historic centres are rehabilitated
in their true value, and where policies and practice of govemment
are modified accord- ingly. Institutions must be developed, and
economic and administrative instruments for control and promotion
must be worked out.
Civic authorities should pay attention to rehabilitation and
re-use of old and historic properties which are not under
government protection and use. These properties should be listed,
and their rehabilitation and re-use should be promoted. Those under
public ownership could be brought to appropriate community or
private-sector uses. In the case of privately owned properties,
owners should be provided with incentives like property tax
exemptions and transfers of floor-space indexes if they
rehabilitate and conserve old and historic properties and put them
to new economic uses (such as hotels, restaurants, shops,
offices).
There remains great opposition to such changes towards area
conservation and rehabilita- tion. Landowners/landlords,
speculators, government administrators, big construction companies,
and many public agencies have vested interests in re-development
and will fight to protect their stakes for modernisation. These
groups have their political allies as well. Unfortunately, the
people are large - - and especially the people living in historic
city centres - - have not yet developed a sufficient sense of
self-identity and community purpose to allow them to fight back.
This can change, and indeed must change, if anything is to be done
about the sustainability of urban heritage. But it will not be
easy. And time is rapidly running out.
NOTES
1. This paper draws on some parts of D. McCallum and E
Steinberg, "Approaches to Housing Renewal", Urban India 18, 2
(1987), pp. 20-26. See also D. McCallum and E Steinberg, "Housing
Renewal: Approaches to Housing Renewal and Rehabilitation", IHS
Newsletter 2, 2 (1987), pp. 1-2; and D. McCallum, "An Introduction
to Housing Rehabilitation", AIHDA Journal 3 (1989), pp. 17-22.
2. United Nations Conference on Environment and Development,
Agenda 21, Pre-conference draft report (United Nations, New York,
June 1992); World Bank, World Development Report 1992: Development
and the Environ- ment (World Bank, Washington, DC, 1992); and M.N.
Buch, Environmental Planning and Urban Planning (Ori- ent Longman,
Hyderabad, 1993).
3. G. Dix, "Conservation and Change in the City", Third Worm
Planning Review 12, 4 (1990), pp. 385--406; M. Batisse, "The
Struggle to Save Our World Heritage", Environment 34, 10 (1992),
pp. 12-32; E. Booth, "Enhance- ment in Conservation Areas", The
Planner 79, 4, pp. 22-23; and United Nations Development Programme
- - United Nations Economic, Social and Cultural Organisation,
International Seminar on the Conservation of Cultural Property
within the Urban Environment (UNDP-UNESCO, Lima, 1992).
4. In 1980, Bombay had some 40,000 shawl housing units, occupied
by households of above 6.3 persons on aver- age. See G. Dewan
Verma, Institutional Arrangements for Housing Renewal: Case Studies
and Lessons from the Indian Experience, Research Report 29 (Human
Settlement Management Institute, New Delhi, 1995) and United
Nations Centre for Human Settlements (ed.), Rehabilitation of Inner
City Areas: Feasible Strategies (UNCHS, Nairobi, 1986), pp.
3-34.
5. In 1987, 41% of Shanghai's housing stock consisted of old,
badly serviced terrace housing of the 1920s/1930s, with more than
214,700 households living in 23 urban renewal/rehabilitation areas.
See D. McCallum and E Steinberg, "Housing Renewal in Shanghai: the
Problem and the Approach", IHS Newsletter 2, 2 (1987), p. 6 and
Shanghai Municipal Government, Shanghai Urban Studies Project,
Housing Renewal Report, Vols. 3 and 3a (Australian Development
Assistance Bureau and the World Bank, Shanghai, 1986).
6. J.M. Richards, "Old and New Elements at the Core", in J.
Tyrwhitt, J.L. Sert and E.N. Rogers (eds), The Heart of the City
(Land Humphries, London, 1952); G. Mukherji, "Urban Renewal: Need
and Significance" and M.A. Muttalib, "Urban Renewal: the Emerging
Philosophy", both in D. R. Prasad (ed.), Urban Renewal: the Indian
Experience (New Delhi, 1989), pp. 29-35 and pp. 36--42; O. Graber,
"Why History: the Meanings and Uses of Tradition", Traditional
Dwellings and Settlements Review 4, 2 (1993), pp. 19-26. A.G.
Krishna Menon, Cultural
-
474 Florian Steinberg
Identity & Urban Development, Conservation oflmmovable
Property, No. 2 (Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural
Heritage./INTACH, New Delhi, 1989); and A.G. Krishna Menon and B.K.
Thapar, Historic Towns & Heritage Zones, Conservation of
Immovable Property, No. 3 (Indian National Trust for Art and
Cultural Heritage/INTACH, New Delhi, 1988).
7. B.M. Feilden, Conservation of Historic Buildings
(Butterworth, London, 1982); B.M. Feilden, Guidelines for
Conservation: a Technical Manual (Indian National Trust for Art and
Cultural Heritage/INTACH, New Delhi, 1989) and G.B. Dix, "A Sure
and Proper Foundation - - Conservation and the Future of Urban
Design", in Planning and Conservation, Report of the Third
International Congress on Architectural Conservation and Town
Planning (The Heritage Trust, London, 1987).
8. J. Abu-Lughod, "Preserving the Living Heritage of Islamic
Cities", in Aga Khan Award for Architecture, Proceed- ings of
Seminar One (Aga Khan Award for Architecture/Concept Media,
Singapore, 1978) and T.J. Martin, Adap- tive Use: Development
Economics, Process and Profiles (Urban Land Institute, Washington,
DC, 1978).
9. B.M. Feilden, "Architectural and Urban Conservation", Town
Planning 56, 2 (1985), pp. 197-221. 10. United Nations Centre for
Human Settlements, The Urban Poor and the Rehabilitation of Inner
City Areas, and
Relocation Policies: Changing Approaches (UNCHS, Nairobi, 1991)
and LE. Hardoy, "The Inhabitants of Histori- cal Centres: Who is
Concerned About Their Plight?", Habitat International 7, 5/6
(1983), pp. 151-162.
11. ICOMOS, The Venice Charter (ICOMOS, Venice, 1994); United
Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Or- ganisation, Convention
Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural
Heritage (UNESCO, Paris, 1972); United Nations Educational, Social
and Cultural Organisation, Recommendations Concerning the
Safeguard- ing and Contemporary Role of Historic Areas (UNESCO,
Nairobi, 1976); and International Commission on Monuments and
Sites, The Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban
Areas (ICOMOS, Toledo, 1986).
12. Abu-Lughod (1978), see note 8, and Andrew King, "The
Politics of Position: Inventing the Past, Constructing the Present,
Imagining the Future", Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review
4, 2 (1993), pp. 9-18.
13. S. Cantacuzino, "Blueprint for Conservation in the Third
World", Mimar 24 (1987), pp. 19-25; Feilden (1985), see note 9.
14. R. I_~wcock, "Conservation in Islamic Cairo" and The Arab
Bureau of Design and Technical Consultations/K. AbdeI-Fattab and
A.I. Abdelhalim, "The Rehabilitation and Upgrading of Historic
Cairo" both in Aga Khan Award for Architecture, The Expanding
Metropolis: Coping with the Urban Growth of Cairo, Proceedings of
Seminar Nine (Aga Khan Award for Architecture/Concept Media,
Singapore, 1984), pp. 49-53 and pp. 54-90.
15. United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural
Organisation, Plan of Action: Restoration and Preservation of the
Historic City of Sana'a (Yemen Arab Republic) (UNESCO,
Paris/Sana'a, 1982); R.B. Serjeant and R. Lew- cock, Sana'a, An
Arabian Islamic City (London, 1983); and W. Linganau, "Sana'a,
Arabische Republic Jemen - - Pl~idoyer f'tir eine alte Stadt",
TRIALOG 8 (1985/86), pp. 6-13.
16. Ministry of Urban Development, National Housing Policy
(Government of India, New Delhi, 1992), p. 3 (which states among
its objectives "to promote vernacular architecture and to preserve
the nation's rich heritage in the field of human settlements").
17. For the case of Old Delhi refer to Dewan Verma (1995) see
note 4. In the case of the katras of Old Delhi, despite detailed
preparation of an integrated rehabilitation project, this has been
called off. For reference see Indian Human Settlements Programme,
Renewal of Historic Housing Stock in Old Delhi: Action-Oriented
Research Project for the Renewal ofKatras (IHSP - - Human
Settlement Management Institute, New Delhi, 1988).
18. J.E. Hardoy and M. Gutman, "The Role of Municipal Government
in the Protection of Historic Centres in Latin American Cities",
Environment and Urbanization 3, 1 (1991), pp. 96-108.
19. UNCHS (1986), see note 4; EK. Muttagi, "Bombay:
Redevelopment of Old and Dilapidated Areas" and S.EA. Sundaram,
"Bombay Island: Rehabilitation of Housing", both in Ravindra Prasad
(ed.), (1989), see note 6, pp. 125-141 and pp. 142-150.
20. S.S. Shaft, "Shajabanabad: the Walled City of Delhi" and
M.N. Buch, "Shajabanabad: a Strategy for Urban Renewal", both in D.
Ravindra Prasad (ed.) (1989), see note 6, pp. 163-174 and pp.
175-180; S.K. Saba, Conserva- tion Based Development of
Shahjahanabad: the Historic Capital City of lndia, UNCRD Research
Report Series No. 9 (United Nations Centre for Regional
Development, Nagoya, 1995); and E.EN. Ribeiro "Urban Conserva- tion
and Rehabilitation in India: Tasks Ahead", in K. Singh and E
Steinberg (eds.), Urban India in Crisis (New Age International, New
Delhi, 1995), pp. 409-419.
21. Zhu Xijin, "An Opportunity for the Renewal of the Old City:
Land Leases in the Renewal of Shanghai's Old Residential
Districts", in M. Leaf (ed.), Inner City Neighbourhood Development,
Proceedings of an International Workshop, Beijing, November 24-27
1992 (Centre for Human Settlements, The University of British
Columbia, Vancouver, 1993), pp. 66-75 and D. McCallum, "Renewal of
Older Housing Areas in Shanghai: some Recent Small-Scale Projects",
China Oty Planning Review (Beijing, 1993), pp. 13-20.
22. E.C. Micand, "Urbanization, Urbanism and Medina of Tunis",
International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 9 (1978), pp.
431--447.
23. J. Pieper, "Three Cities of Nepal", in P. Oliver (ed.),
Shelter, Sign and Symbol (Barrie & Jenkins, London, 1975), pp.
52-69; R.O.A. Becker-Ritterspach, "The Restoration of Bhaktapur",
Unasylva 30, 121 (1978), pp. 2-10; and A. Haland, Bhaktapur -- A
Town Changing (Bhaktapur Development Project, Bhaktapur, 1982).
24. L. Kong and B.S.A. Yeoh, "Urban Conservation in Singapore: a
Survey of State Policies and Popular Attitudes", Urban Studies 31,
2 (1994), pp. 247-265; Tan Teck Kiam, "State of the Art in
Conservation: Singapore's Experi- ence", paper presented at the
Dialogue on Architectural Heritage among NGO's of ASEAN Countries,
Indonesian National Heritage Trust and the Japan Foundation,
Jakarta, 13-16 March (1991); Urban Re-Development Author- ity,
"Implementing the Conservation Master Plan of Singapore", in Annual
Report 1987-88 (URA, Singapore, 1987) and various leaflets of the
Urban Re-Development Authority on its area conservation
schemes.
25. In Bombay there are "Save Bombay" and "Bombay First". See
also "A People's Movement", Architecture + Design 6, 1 (1989), pp.
109-111.
26. In Delhi there are the Delhi Conservation Society and the
Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage at the national
level. Refer also to "A People's Movement" (1989), see note 25; and
M. Singh, "The INTACH Heritage", Architecture + Design 11, 3
(1994), p. 15.
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Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing
Countries 475
27. Singapore has the Singapore Heritage Society. 28. In Penang
there is a Penang Heritage Trust. See also Khoo Si Nin, Streets of
George Town - - Penang, an
Illustrated Guide to Penang's City Streets & Historic
Attractions (Janus Print & Resources, Penang, 1993). 29. In
Tunis there is the Association for the Safeguarding of the Medina.
30. Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH).
31. Indonesian National Heritage Trust. 32. INTACH, New Delhi has
formulated in 1993 a Plan of Action Regarding the Preservation and
Presentation of
Cultural Heritage and Tourism. See also H. Burgess, "Tourism and
the Preservation of Historic Cities: a Case Study of Old Jeddah,
Saudi Arabia", in Arab Urban Development Institute, Preservation of
Islamic Architectural Heritage (AUDI, Riyadh, 1988), pp.
123-135.
33. M. Gretchen (ed.), Pastel Portraits: Singapore's
Architectural Heritage (Singapore Co-ordinating Committee,
Singapore, 1984).
34. S. Burton, "History with a Bottom Line", Time (12 July
1993), pp. 40--41 and D. Kammeier, "Notes on Urban Conservation in
Southeast Asia", TRIALOG No. 8 (1985/86), pp. 34-37.
35. R.D.E Bromley and G.A. Jones, "Conservation in Quito:
Policies and Progress in the Historic Centre", Third World Planning
Review 17, 1 (1995), pp. 41-.60.
36. A.I. Pinheiro and V. Del Rio, "Cultural Corridor: a
Preservation District in Downtown Rio de Janeiro, Brazil",
Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 4, 11 (1993), pp.
51~4.
37. Department of Archaeology, The Conservation of the Galle
Fort and its Environs, Ancient Ceylon No. 15 (Depart- ment of
Archaeology, Colombo, 1992) and V. Dahanayake, "Integrating a
Heritage Site into a Modern Living Environment - - Galle Fort",
paper presented at Organisation of World Heritage Cities
Conference, Bergen, 28-30 June (1995).
38. D. McCallum (1993), see note 21. 39. Dewan Verma (1995), see
note 4. 40. The Arab Bureau for Design and Technical
Consultations/K. Abdel-Fattah and A.I. Abdelhalim, "The
Rehabilita-
tion and Upgrading of Historic Cairo", in Aga Khan Award for
Architecture (1984), see note 14. 41. Illustre Municipio de Quito,
Direcci6n de Planificacidn, Diagnostico del Centro Historico (IMQ,
Quito, 1992). 42. United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organisation (1982), see note 15. 43. B. Tyman and A.
K6nig, "Georgetown Penang - - Denkmalpflege im Spannungsfeld von
Kommunalpolitik und
Wohnungswirtschaft", TRIALOG 35 (1992), pp. 18-20. 44. R.
Mehrotra, "The Fort Area, Bombay", Indian Architect & Builder
7, 4 (1993), pp. 8-15. 45. N. Lichfield, Economics in Urban
Conservation (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989). 46. N.
Smith and P. Williams, Gentrification of the City (Allen &
Unwin, Boston, MA, 1986).