Color and Clothing in Artemidoros' Dream Visions, in: Essays in Global Color History: Interpreting the Ancient Spectrum: Interpreting the Spectrum, hg. v. Rachael Goldman, Piscataway/NJ

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Color and Clothing in Artemidoros’ Dream Visions °

Denise Reitzenstein

In the second half of the second century, or a little later, the Greek Artemidoros from Daldis

in Asia Minor penned a work on dream interpretation, the Oneirokritiká.1 Quite independently

from the implications attached to dreams by modern depth psychology and neurology, this

text furnishes us with a window into social and cultural configurations of meaning that

prevailed at the time of writing.2 Artemidoros is not primarily concerned with a dream’s

content, but instead emphasizes that the interpreter needs to have information about who the

dreamer is (profession, origins, wealth, health, age), relegating information about the dream

vision itself to second place.3 Artemidoros therefore accords the dreamer’s social status

greater significance than the actual dream itself.4

A particularly typical example of one of these configurations of social order is

provided by a longer section on clothing-related dreams and their auspices for the future.5 The

various characteristics of garments, including their varying colors, play an important part in

evaluating social rank and in offering dream interpretations.6 Since Artemidoros’ catalogue of

criteria that serves to define the dreamer does not take the person’s sex into account, the first

step shall be to analyze which categorical structure Artemidoros chooses to apply to the

clothing-related dreams and how one should understand the epithet ποικίλος that is used for

both male and female garments. As the principle of dualism is fundamental in Artemidoros,

parts two and three shall study the contrasts between λευκός (‘white’) and µέλας (‘black’), as

well as dyed and undyed clothing respectively.

1. ποικιλία in its application to male and female clothing

                                                                                                               ° I am much indebted to Gregor Weber (Augsburg) for his attentive feedback. I also thank Henry Heitmann-Gordon (Munich) for translating the text into English. 1 Weber, Zur Einführung, 9. 2 Artem. 1.6.16.4–9 serves to distance himself from the Aristotelian problem that dreams might be located with the gods, so outside the individual human being, or within the individual’s soul; 1.8.17.3–1.9.19.4 (cf. also 4.2.242.15–4.247.18) differentiates between universal and culturally constructed customs and norms among human beings: while Artemidoros considers, e.g., fear of the gods, raising children, and the weakness of women to be universal constants, he treats, e.g., tattooing, sexual practice and nutritional habits as culturally specific. This line of reasoning establishes that people’s origins are significant. On Artemidoros’ method see Walde, Antike Traumdeutung, 171–185; Guidorizzi, Compagno dell’anima, 223–235. 3 Artem. 1.9.18.16–19.4. Artemidoros does not, however, go to the length of defining what poor/wealthy, young/old etc. signifies. On the interpreter’s role see Walde, Antike Traumdeutung, 167–170. 4 On Artemidoros’ depiction of society see Hahn, Traumdeutung. 5 Artem. 2.3.102.5–105.19. 6 On color in Artemidoros in general see Kasprzyk, Couleurs du rêve.

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The section on clothing-related dreams is located towards the beginning of the second book of

the Oneirokritiká’s five. According to the author, the work was originally conceived as a two-

book treatise, but had to be supplemented for various reasons. These supplements all appear

as addenda, as Artemidoros claims not to have modified the original two volumes.7

Artemidoros’ original scheme of classification, i.e. his decision to divide dream interpretation

into two parts, organizes the visions by theme, proceeding from birth to death. When outlining

his approach, the author further promises to thoroughly discuss both male and female clothing

in the second book.8

In his discussion of the auspices of clothing, Artemidoros begins with men’s clothing.9

Generally speaking, recipients of Artemidoros’ work with an interest in the significance of

clothing seem typically to have been male, as is already suggested by the beginning of the

section.10 Only its last lines explicitly address women who have had dream visions of

garments. If these were ποικίλος καὶ ἀνθηρός (‘colorful and brilliant’), the dream is

auspicious, especially for hetairai and wealthy ladies. What the consequences are if a woman

dreams of male clothing is not thematized; in inversion, however, the matter seems worthy of

attention: dreams of female clothing are auspicious for bachelors and artists, as well as on

occasion of festivals and festive gatherings. Despite his extensive catalogue of symbols,

Artemidoros thus seems not to be aiming for comprehensive coverage.11

The variety of garments Artemidoros thematizes is limited. The dream visions seem to

be almost exclusively fitted into an antithetical structure of complementary characteristics.12

This semantic structure is not exhausted by the dichotomy between male and female: Clothing

also occurs as a medium of identity and alterity, is new/old or white/black, its wearers are

free/unfree, sick/healthy, poor/rich, and are concerned with life/death and fortune/misfortune.

Dreaming of white garments is good for the sick, but inauspicious for sick people who are

                                                                                                               7 Artem. 3.praef.204.9–10. 8 Artem. 1.10.19.19–20. 9 Artem. 2.3.102.5–7. 10 Weber, Artemidor von Daldis, 222–227 prefers a heterogeneous group of recipients; contra Bowersock, Fiction as History, 77–98, who seems more inclined to imagine an audience among the elite, and Guidorizzi, Sogni nel mondo, 159–160, who assumes the ‘average citizen’ as the intended reader. 11 Artem. 4.praef.238.11–20. 12 In Artemidoros, the dichotomy of black and white recurs also outside the passage about clothing-related dreams: Artem. 1.32.41.16–17 (black or white hairs on the tongue); 2.11.118.16–18 (white dogs signal open, black dogs clandestine acts of violence; brown dogs signify semi-open violence, while spotted dogs mean particularly terrible violence); 2.12.119.4–120.1 (while the old view held that white sheep are auspicious and black inauspicious, Artemidoros holds that black sheep signify less, white more good fortune; in the case of goats, the matter is inverted, meaning that white are less and black more strongly inauspicious); 2.36.166.11–15 (white, black, and flame-colored [πυρρóς] clouds); 3.6.207.6–7 (ants, being children of the earth, are cold and black); 5.35.309.21 (black figs); 5.56.314.1 (black oxen).

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poor. These antithetical pairs agree with the traditional, dichotomous conception that a dream

vision is auspicious if it is in alignment with nature, law, custom, art, time, and the recipient’s

name, and inauspicious if it is in violation of these authorities.13

Male garments Artemidoros characterizes in even greater detail: besides λευκός

(‘white’) and µέλας (‘black’) one also finds ποικίλος (by contrast with ποικίλος καὶ ἀνθηρός),

ἀλουργής (‘purple’), πορφύρος (‘purple’), κόκκινος (‘scarlet’), φοινικόβαπτος (‘purple-

dyed’), γυναικεῖος (‘feminine’), βαρβαρικός (‘foreign’), ἰδιόχρωµος (‘having its own color’,

i.e. ‘undyed’), λαµπρά (‘bright/shiny’), as well as καθαρά (‘clean/pure’) and πεπλυµένα

καλῶς (‘well washed’), which contrast with ῥυπαρά (‘dirty’) and ἄπλυτα (‘unwashed’). This

list both implicitly and explicitly introduces additional pairs of dichotomous terms that extend

beyond clean/dirty to include also the distinction between dyed and undyed textiles. Among

these terms, the apparent tautology of καθαρά (‘clean/pure’) and πεπλυμένα καλῶς (‘well

washed’),14 as well as their complementary terms, stands out. The explanation is probably to be found

in the dyeing process: newly bought or well-maintained clothes might be καθαρά, but not all dyed

garments, especially painted ones, could tolerate being ‘washed well’, as the colors of dyed cloth

could be lost or fade in the wash.15 As a result clothing made from fabric that was ἰδιόχρωμος was

exempt from this problem. Certain textiles, linens for example, were also difficult to dye, which

probably entailed that they were often left ἰδιόχρωμος.16

Traits relating to color thus seem to dominate over form. Only late in his section on clothing-

related dreams does Artemidoros thematise Roman clothing and even then he focuses not on

interpreting a dream vision but on the Greek origins of clothing. Artemidoros does, however, consider

short and inappropriate garments inauspicious, a verdict he also applies to the chlamys, for which he

lists variant names, as well as to the phainoles and other, similar garments, without however going into

detail. Rather than their possession, the loss of such garments in a dream is treated as auspicious and

whenever foreign or Roman clothing is worn in places it does not belong it is inauspicious.17

Since the attribute ποικίλος is applied to male and female clothing alike even though

Artemidoros’ model is fundamentally dualistic, it seems reasonable to search for a counterpart. In

order to do so, it is necessary to determine both the exact meaning of this term and what kind of

distinction it signifies. In the case of women’s clothing, the attribute ποικίλος is supplemented by καὶ

ἀνθηρός, which may be a necessary addition that serves to differentiate between the two sexes.

                                                                                                               13 Artem. 1.3.11.7–12; cf. 4.2.242.16–243.4. 14 Cf. Artem. 2.4.105.19–106.4, for a discussion of the interpretation of dreams that feature the dreamer washing his own or other people’s laundry. 15 An overview of various types of embellishments, especially as regards the use of color in decorating textiles: Spandidaki, Embellishment Techniques, esp. 44. 16 Plin. n.h. 19.22 traces the technique of dyeing linen (linum) back to Alexander the Great. 17 Artem. 2.3.104.19–105.6.

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Translations of these two passages render ποικίλος as ‘many-colored’, but this category is far from

unambiguous even today: Are we here dealing with a reference to clothing colors that are missing in

Artemidoros and that we would translate as ‘yellow’, ‘green’ or ‘blue’? Such an argument is weakened

by the fact that there is in fact a suitable Greek term, πολύχρους, which is capable of expressing

variation in color.18

In archaic poetry, ποικίλος is closely linked to textiles and can be traced back to Mycenean

origins.19 In the Homeric epics, women weave cloths that are described as ποικίλος and have pictures

worked into them.20 However, the textile techniques (such as embroidery or weaving) used to produce

such ποικιλία can often not be determined from the textual sources.21 Later, the term seems to broaden

in applicability and comes to be used in a more metaphorical and general sense. Among the Greeks of

the Classical period, ποικίλος is applied to alien Persian clothing and that worn by the Persian allies,

linking it closely to conceptions of identity (Greeks) and alterity (Persians).22 Descriptions of clothing

by Plutarch, writing in the Roman Empire, pick up this otherness and use ornate clothing as a topos for

weakness and effeminatio.23 Artemidoros, on the other hand, seems not to be using ποικίλος in this

sense, given that he uses βαρβαρικός to designate a category of its own:24 such garments are

auspicious if there is a connection between the place where such clothing is worn and the dreamer, for

instance in the form of a journey or even life-long emigration.25

In the Imperial era, during which Artemidoros is writing, the original usage of ποικίλος, i.e. in

the context of textiles, is rarer. The related verb ποικίλλω only resurfaces after roughly half a

millennium when Plutarch uses it to describe a garment.26 The Greek author Athenaios, who lived

during the late 2nd and early 3rd century CE and was probably a contemporary of Artemidoros, quotes

from a history of Alexandria written by Kallixeinos of Rhodes in the 3rd century BCE and mentions the

garments that adorned the statues of gods carried in a procession, including a ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν

                                                                                                               18 Cf. Aristot. col. 791a: καὶ ἡ γῆ δ᾽ ἐστὶ φύσει λευκή, παρὰ δὲ τὴν βαφὴν πολύχρους φαίνεται. 19 Grand-Clément, Companion to Ancient Aesthetics, 406. 20 E.g. Il. 22.441; on this see Grand-Clément, Fabrique des couleurs, 435–439; 473–480; Droß-Krüpe/Schieck, Ancient Embroidery, 212. 21 Occurrences of ποίκιλμα, ποικίλος and ποικίλλω in Greek authors are discussed by Droß-Krüpe/Schieck, Ancient Embroidery, 212–219. 22 Grand-Clément, Fabrique des couleurs, 480–484; eadem, Anthropologie de la bigarrure, 249–253. 23 E.g. Plut. Marcellus 7 with Droß-Krüpe/Schieck, Ancient Embroidery, 214–215. On the barbarian topos and effeminatio as a property of clothing, especially in Roman times, see Starbatty, Aussehen ist Ansichtssache, 162–177. 24 On the clothing trade between Rome and the barbarians see Kaczmarek, Roman Textiles. 25 In Graeco-Roman literature ‘barbarian’ clothing is negatively connoted within the domestic cultural context: wearing such clothing in Greece or Rome was considered incompatible with contemporary notions of being Greek or Roman. As one of the topoi surrounding ‘the barbarian’, clothing was accordingly used as a marker of extravagance, especially among the political elite: Starbatty, Aussehen ist Ansichtssache, 162–167. 26 Occurrences of ποίκιλμα, ποικίλος and ποικίλλω in Greek authors are discussed by Droß-Krüpe/Schieck, Ancient Embroidery, 212–215.

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χρυσοποίκιλον.27 This probably refers to a purple garment embroidered with gold thread and it is

likely that Artemidoros is using ποικίλος in a similar sense.

In Artemidoros’ view, dreaming of male garments that can be categorized as ποικίλος or

ἀλουργής is advantageous for priests, θυμελικοί (a broad category meaning ‘musicians’), actors and

festival performers. As in the passage of Kallixeinos quoted by Athenaios, we here encounter

ποικίλος in the context of cult and festival. Artemidoros’ ἱμάτιον ποικίλον should similarly signify a

weave with patterns or at least two different components, at least one of which may well be envisaged

as being made from purple threads (ἀλουργής): after all, in dreams, the auspices of a ἱμάτιον

ποικίλον and a purple garment are identical in the context of cult and festival. Further examples of

such ‘mixed colors’ have been collected by Christopher P. Jones for procession garments worn, for

instance, by priests.28

Looking beyond the sphere of clothing and cloth, Artemidoros also uses ποικίλος to describe

a dog’s spotted coat, to characterize a leopard (πάρδαλις) on two occasions, and even applies it to the

extraordinary pattern of a fish’s scales.29 The term is thus exclusively employed to communicate the

visual characteristics of living creatures, both those of natural and of socio-cultural origin. The shared

origin of this restriction may be traced back to wool, which is both a textile raw material and derives

from the natural coat of sheep.30

Including the attribute ποικίλος among the color terms used by Artemidoros is thus not

without problems: Ποικίλος conceptualizes the contrast between at least two different components,

simultaneously rendering it a term of form. This is well visible in the various descriptions of dogs’

pelts in Artemidoros’ dreams, as ‘spotted’ (ποικίλος) appears here alongside ‘white’ (λευκός),

‘black’ (μέλας) and ‘flame-colored’ (πυρρός). Ποικίλος is then the opposite of unicolored,31 in that it

makes it possible to observe patterns and contrasts on a surface. One must bear in mind, however, that

the four types of dog coats emerge from Artemidoros’ scheme of classification, which is necessarily a

construct of the author or his time: while the descriptions correspond to observations we make today,

certain aspects necessarily remain unclear. A predominantly black dog with some white hairs thrown

into the mix, for example, could be categorized as both μέλας and ποικίλος.

Since Artemidoros also uses ποικίλος to designate a category of women’s clothing, one might

be inclined to think of ‘multi-colored’ clothing dyed with a variety of pigments. In the Severan era,

                                                                                                               27 Athen. 5.28: In his commentary to BNJ 627 F 2 Paul T. Keyser generally speaks of effeminatio when describing a statue of Dionysus. 28 Jones, Art of Ancient Spectacle, 249. 29 Artem. 2.11.118.18; 2.12.122.18; 2.14.129.8–9; 4.56.280.19. Cf. Plut. mor. 155c (fox); 382c (ibis); Athen. 14.71 (pattern of guinea fowl feathers). Already in the archaic period ποικίλος is used as an attribute of pelts, feathers and scales: Grand-Clément, Fabrique des couleurs, 439–447. On its use in Artemidoros, also in a metaphorical sense, see: Kasprzyk, Couleurs du rêve, 135–136. 30 Plin. n.h. 8.187–199, esp. 8.189 on the changing colors of sheep due to changes in environmental factors. 31 Grand-Clément, Companion to Ancient Aesthetics, 409. In Artemidoros‘ case, Kasprzyk, Couleurs du rêve, 148, understands ποικίλος as the opposite of ἰδιόχρωμος (‘having its original color’), but ποικίλος should be considered in the context of solidly dyed textiles, see section 3 below.

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Aelian’s Ποικίλη (!) ἱστορία offers an anecdote about the Athenian general Phocion, more

specifically about his wife, that casts Phocion’s spouse as a paragon of modesty (σωφροσύνη) on the

basis that she allegedly wore her husband’s himation. Aelian proceeds to list a variety of items of

clothing Phocion’s wife allegedly did not wear either, a list that probably reflects contemporary

Severan fashion. She is said to have spurned ‘saffron-colored’ (κροκωτός)32 and Tarentine clothes

(Ταραντίνος) as well as dyed χιτωνίσκοι.33 The ideal Aelian is communicating here may be similar

to the one pursued by Artemidoros in his interpretations: the degree of variation in female clothing is

low if women keep to male garments for reasons of modesty.

The kinds of clothes Phocion’s wife allegedly spurned are reminiscent of the variety of female

garments one encounters in Roman authors, such as Plautus and Ovid. Both poets thematise and

ironically undercut the great variety of female clothing available.34 A large number of the types

mentioned by Plautus can be traced back to terms for colors and materials.35 Epidicus, one of his

characters, also remarks how rapidly the names of garments change in fashion.36 Ovid offers a possible

cause for this dynamic: the ready availability in his time of a host of different colors for relatively

small sums.37 It is interesting to note also that the whole statement seems to be at odds with the

narrator’s claim elsewhere that he will not concern himself with trimmings and purple-dyed wool.38

One of the implications of Ovid’s statement is then that there was a wide range of clothes that

functioned as socially accepted symbols of status and were not subject to the luxuria discourse.39 Ovid

seems to be excluding the same group of garments that appears as appropriate to certain social groups

also in Artemidoros, such as priests and performers.

                                                                                                               32 In current German and English translations, Aelian’s category κροκωτός (Ael. VH 7.9) is rendered as ‘gelb’ and ‘yellow’ respectively: Claudius Aelianus, Bunte Geschichte, trans. by Hadwig Helms, Leipzig 1990; Aelian, Historical Miscellany, trans. by Nicholas G. Wilson, London 1997. For the ancient terminology, however, the color seems to be secondary, i.e. the result of a dyeing process with a specific material – here obviously κρόκος (“saffron”). The French translation Élien, Histoire Variée, trans. by Alessandra Lukinovich/Anne-France Morand, Paris 1991, is more accurate and speaks of a ‘tunique safranée’. On the problem of translating (ancient) color terms see Clarke, Semantics of Colour; Bradley, Colour and Meaning, 1–12; 227–228. 33 Ael. VH 7.9: Εἶτα οὐκ ἔστι σωφροσύνη μεγάλη (ἐμοὶ μὲν δοκεῖ), εἴ γε καὶ ἡ Φωκίωνος γυνὴ τὸ Φωκίωνος ἱμάτιον ἐφόρει καὶ οὐδὲν ἐδεῖτο οὐ κροκωτοῦ οὐ Ταραντίνου οὐκ ἀναβολῆς οὐκ ἐγκύκλου οὐ κεκρυφάλου οὐ καλύπτρας οὐ βαπτῶν χιτωνίσκων; ἠμπείχετο δὲ πρώτῃ μὲν τῇ σωφροσύνῃ, δευτέροις γε μὴν τοῖς παροῦσιν. 34 Plaut. Epid. 223–234; Ov. ars 3.169–192. 35 linteolum caesicium, patagiatam, caltulam, crocotulam, cumatile, carinum, cerinum, with Bradley, Colour and Meaning, 180. 36 Plaut. Epid. 229: quid istae, quae vesti quotannis nomina inveniunt nova? 37 Ov. ars. 3.171: Cum tot prodierint pretio leviore colores. Ovid also highlights the availability of various pigments and dyes from all over the Roman Empire: Goldman, Color-Terms, 26. Cf. Plin. n.h. 8.192: aliter haec Galli pingunt, aliter Parthorum gentes. 38 Ov. ars. 3.169–3.170: Nec nunc segmenta requiro nec quae de Tyrio murice, lana, rubes. 39 Contra Bradley, Colour and Meaning, 183, who acknowledges that purple is an institutionalized color for clothing, but here interprets it purely as a marker of decadence. See on this also section 3, which surveys the various fashions of purple mentioned in a quote from Cornelius Nepos, Ovid’s contemporary, in Pliny (Plin. n.h. 9.137), thematizing the ambiguity of purple as a status symbol on the one hand and a mark of luxuria on the other. On the terminology used by Roman authors to designate purple see Goldman, Color-Terms, 40–52.

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To some extent, Plautus and Ovid are in fact concerned with a different category of garments

from that discussed by Artemidoros. The Roman poets thematize female garments on women, whereas

Artemidoros’ clothing-related dreams seem primarily to be communicating expectations surrounding

status-appropriate male clothing. It also remains unclear whether Plautus and Ovid actually describe

garments that Artemidoros would categorize as ποικίλος given that he qualifies a dream garment as

γυναικεῖος elsewhere. Female clothing he qualifies as ποικίλος καὶ ἀνθηρός might in fact be

hearkening back to the archaic conception of women as weaving their own colorful textiles. For

Artemidoros, clothing seems to be more significant as a form of social expression than as a functional

object, causing him to give center stage to these markers in his discussion: an appropriate correlation

between clothing and gender role, clothing as an identity marker in opposition to the Other, and

clothing as signifying an individual’s customary place in society40 take precedence over the question

whether clothing is appropriately reacting to climatic factors.

2. Artemidoros’ primers: ‘weiß’ und ‘schwarz’

Even before Artemidoros first turns to the color of clothing and its auspices, he gives an explanation

for dreams that feature customary and seasonally appropriate garments. The first truly auspicious

dream vision discussed concerns the interpretation of white garments (λευκὰ δὲ ἱμάτια), which is

simultaneously the first one concerned with the color of clothing. In Artemidoros’ view, this dream is

only auspicious if the dreamers customarily wear white clothes in their every-day lives.41 Craftsmen,

for instance, who dream of white clothes, will experience a period of economic decline as their work is

dirty and prevents them from wearing white. The negative consequences are proportional to the

quality of the garments. For Greek slaves, on the other hand, the dream is auspicious as it signifies

freedom; for Roman slaves it means that they will be caught doing shoddy work, unless they are very

diligent. The difference between Greek and Roman slaves is then that the latter customarily wear

clothing identical to that of their masters.42

The significance of social status for Artemidoros’ interpretations has already been noted.

These passages not only show that the body of recipients is subdivided by personal status into free and

non-free individuals,   43 but also that Artemidoros includes another group of dreamers, namely the

                                                                                                               40 Artem. 1.3.11.7–12. On the ideal of fitting clothing see generally Starbatty, Aussehen ist Ansichtssache, 117–120; Goldman, Color-Terms, 39. 41 Artem. 2.3.102.13–26. 42 What Artemidoros’ distinction signifies exactly is unclear: Probably we should understand slaves of Roman citizens on the one and slaves owned by Greek peregrines on the other hand. Sen. clem. 1.24 mentions a decree by the senate that sought to make (Roman) slaves recognizable by means of specific attire, but was evidently later annulled: The creation of such aesthetic unity might have entailed the development of collective identity, see Starbatty Aussehen ist Ansichtssache, 118–119. 43 On the differentiation between free and non-free in Artemidoros, which was also relevant in the eyes of the law, see Hahn, Traumdeutung, 15–16, on slaves: ibid., 27–34; Laukamm, Sittenbild, 41–42.

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sick.44 As in the case of free and non-free, aspects of social stratification remain relevant also within

this group, as the exceptions will make clear. The general rule is that to a sick person white garments

presage death, as the dead are buried in white, whereas black signifies recovery, being the color not of

the dead, but of the living mourners. Artemidoros then explains that he has discovered various

exceptions to this rule, including sick wet-nurses, slaves, and prisoners, all of whom died despite

dreaming of black garments. He elaborates on these deviations by pointing to the fact that these three

groups are not in fact buried in white as they are too poor; in these cases, black thus signifies

misfortune. In addition, dreaming of black garments is also inauspicious to everyone healthy, apart

from those who do business in secret.45

Whereas in reality clothing can be perceived as ‘white’ or ‘black’ – in this case: white

garments as worn by the wealthy dead, black as worn by mourners – this first section treats the colors

‘white’ and ‘black’ as embedded into the scheme of complementary attributes that was already

mentioned above. According to Theophrastos, the notion of ‘white’ (λευκόν) and ‘black’ (μέλαν) as

elementary colors was considered the oldest accepted dichotomous principle of organization in his

day, around the turn from the 4th to the 3rd century BCE.46 Theophrastus reaches this conclusion when

critiquing Democritus’ scheme of four basic colors (λευκόν, μέλαν, ἐρυθρόν, χλωρόν), noting that

the two additional colors are not polar opposites in their attributes.47

In the Imperial era at the latest, Empedokles’ conception of the four elements then comes to be

linked to four rather than two basic colors, with ὠχρόν replacing Democritus’ χλωρόν.48 In the late

Classical/early Hellenistic period, however, Empedokles seems to have been considered a proponent

of the more wide-spread two-color model based on the opposition between ‘white’ (λευκόν) and

‘black’ (μέλαν).49 Artemidoros also seems to prefer this older model in organizing his taxonomy of

clothing: even when he mentions pigments used to produce shades of red, he does not describe them as

ἐρυθρός or χλωρός.

Other passages in Artemidoros’ book of dream interpretations similarly employ the terms

‘white’ (λευκόν) and ‘black’ (μέλαν) to express dichotomous opposition.50 This is no coincidence, for

                                                                                                               44 Sickness in Artemidoros has hardly been studied so far; the various illnesses and remedies he mentions have been collected by Laukamm, Sittenbild, 39–40. 45 Cf. Artem. 4.56.280.16–20: οἷον πάρδαλις καὶ μεγαλόφρονα σημαίνει διὰ τὰ ἤθη καὶ ποικίλον διὰ τὸ χρῶμα. 46 Theophr. de sensu 79. 47 Theophr. de sensu 73–82. 48 Aetios 1.15.3 (Stobaios 1.16.1): Which element corresponds to which color is not explained. On Empedokles see Ierodiakonou, Ancient Painters. 49 When discussing the structure and function of the eye, Empedokles mentions the four elements, but only two basic colors, ‘white’ and ‘black’: Theophr. de sensu 7. In Platonic color theory this basic color scheme similarly functions as the basic dichotomous principle: Plat. Tim. 67c–68d, claims that all colors derive from ‘white’ and ‘black’, see further Aristot. col. 791a–792a; Theophr. de sensu 86; Diog. Laet. 3.1.104–105. 50 Artem. 1.32.41.16–17; 2.11.118.16–18 (white dogs signify overt, black dogs covert deeds of violence); 2.12. 119.4–120.1 (black and white sheep as opposed to black and white sheep: ‘white’ is more positive than ‘black’); indirectly at 2.20.137.4–5 (a raven is mentioned for its color, but contrasted only with a swan’s white feathers:

9

Artemidoros seems to be very restrained in his use of actual color terms, which may be in keeping

with his reception of a rather more dualistic model of color: (1.) The only abstract color terms in his

work are ‘black’ and ‘white’. While a derivative of ἐρυθρός does appear, this occurrence was

probably simply unavoidable, as it seems to be being used in contemporary imperial usage to describe

a fish elsewhere in his Oneirokritiká.51 (2.) Other color terms are tied to materials and objects and

occur in descriptions of objects capable of color variation.52

On the whole, the number of color terms in Artemidoros is very limited.53 The strictness of its

color scheme is unparalleled, even by the Homeric epics and other early Greek texts,54 whose lack of

abstract color terms equivalent to modern conceptions of ‘green’ or ‘blue’ has given rise to a wealth of

publications and a lively debate over the explanation for these differences by comparison with modern

languages.55 It is conceivable that Artemidoros’ use of a relatively archaic, possibly even intentionally

archaizing56 color scheme aims at creating the impression of a long tradition and general validity of his

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         2.20.138.8–12); 2.36.166.11–15 (white and black clouds). ‘Black’ without a complementary white partner, but often inauspicious: Artem. 1.25.32.3–8 (black eyebrow make-up); 1.31.39.22–25 (loss of black teeth in a dream is auspicious); 3.6.207.6–7 (black ants as heralds of death); 5.35.309.21 (seven black figs as signaling death); 5.56. 314.1 (dreaming of a black ox leads to shipwreck); indirect usage tied to undoubtedly black reference objects: 4.38.268.19–21 (Ethiopians, coals). ‘White’ without an explicit opposite: Artem. 1.67.73.25–74.2 (referencing light-colored vegetables such as turnips or gourds); 1.77.83.25–84.1 (white violets herald difficulties). λευκός and μέλας are by far the most common color terms in Artemidoros: Kasprzyk, Couleurs du rêve, 136–137. 51  Artem. 2.14.129.15. Kaspryzyk, Couleurs du rêve, 135 (‘Comme on purvait s’y attendre, trois couleurs dominent la palette d’Artémidore: le blanc, le noir, et, disons pour simplifier, le rouge.’), oversimplifies the matter, since ‘red’ is not designated by consistent terminology. On the various terms used see ibid., 137–139. 52 Gold: Artem. 1.4.12.22–23; 1.31.40.3–6 (in a metaphorical sense auspicious only for a poet: golden teeth in a golden mouth); 2.30.153.1–3; purple: 2.30.153.1–3; 4.42.270.5; ivory: Artem. 1.31.40.1–3; saffron: Artem. 1.77.84.1; fire: Artem. 2.11.118.16–18 (color of a dog’s fur); 2.14.129.12 (pattern of a fish). See also Artem. 1.64.68.22–23 (on skin color changing at the baths); 4.19.252.20–253.1 (grey hairs on a toddler: Hier geht es um here the concern is with the inversion of signifiers of childhood and old age.). 53 Kasprzyk, Couleurs du rêve, 140: ‘il [Artémidore] n’utilise aucun terme de couleur d’origine poétique, comme ξανθός, γλαυκός ou κυανοῦς, pourtant souvent repris par les auteurs qui examinent les couleurs d’un point de vue scientifique et non littéraire’ with n. 56. Biggam, Semantics of Colour, 196, argues that color terms are more common in poetry than in prose . 54 In the context of gold Artem. 2.9.112.5–7 quotes Pindar: ἔοικε γὰρ πυρὶ τὸ χρυσίον κατά γε τὴν χρόαν, ἔστι δὲ καὶ παρὰ Πινδάρωι ‘ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς αἰθόμενον πῦρ ἅτε’. 55 The chapter by Gladstone, Studies on Homer, 457–499, on Homer’s perception and use of colors was the starting point of an extensive debate on color terms and the ancient Greeks’ ability to perceive color. By contrast with the missing terms for ‘green’ and ‘blue’, the terms ξανθός (‘yellow’) und ἐρυθρός (‘red’) that Homer uses besides λευκός und μέλας seem unproblematic to Gladstone. The history of research is summarized by Werner, Blauer Himmel bei Homer?, who explains the difficulties in dealing with Homeric color terminology by drawing on contemporary modern color topoi, especially the example of ‘blue sky’. See also Bradley, Colour and Meaning, 12–30 (who also thematizes Latin color terms); Grand-Clément, Fabrique des couleurs, 11–15; eadem, Anthropologie de la bigarrure, 241–248. 56 On the problem of archaisms in studying color terms in literature see Biggam, Semantics of Colour, 195. On the problem of shifting conceptual categories between the archaic and the imperial age note Gell. 17.8.10: Tum ego respondi coniectare me vinum idcirco minus cito congelascere, quod semina quaedam caldoris in sese haberet essetque natura ignitius, ob eamque rem dictum esse ab Homero αἴθοπα οἶνον, non, ut alii putarent, propter colorem.  

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dream interpretations. In one of Artemidoros’ visions, form and color are definitely seen as rather

negative: for a poet, dreaming of losing his eyes is auspicious, since poetry requires peace and quiet.57

3. Dyed and undyed clothes58

For shades of purple, Artemidoros uses the terms ἀλουργής und πορφύρος, which, like

φοινικόβαπτος and κόκκινος, presuppose a process of dyeing.59 The attribute ἰδιόχρωμος on the

other hand is mainly used in opposition to dyed fabrics.60 Purple garments and ἱμάτιον ποικίλον in

the context of cult and festival were already mentioned above. It is even possible that the ἱμάτιον

ποικίλον had a longer tradition in this area than purple attire: Hartmut Blum has shown that religious

dignitaries wearing purple are not reliably attested in Greek-speaking areas before the 3rd to 2nd century

BCE.61

In Artemidoros’ interpretation, purple is auspicious for slaves and the wealthy, but not for the

sick and the poor. Depending on the status of the dreamer, purple can thus signify a negative or a

positive future. By contrast, garments described as κόκκινος and φοινικόβαπτος herald either

wounds or fever, making them inauspicious to everyone. The shades of red produced by dyeing with

pigments that are not true purple are thus abstracted and linked to the comparable impressions of color

evoked by bloody wounds or feverish skin color.62 This capacity of color terms to generate artificial

links between two incompatible objects is most vividly expressed in a dream that Artemidoros himself

adduces as an example for this phenomenon:63 someone dreamt he received an Ethiopian as a gift,

which Artemidoros interprets as heralding that he was going to receive a bucket of coals the next day.

Even though the color as such is not explicitly mentioned in this example, this attribute, and here also

                                                                                                               57 Artem. 1.26.33.19–22. 58 The fact that the Elder Pliny does not systematically address this matter in his Natural History is due to the fact that he does not include dyeing among the liberal arts (Plin. n.h. 22.4). 59 Artem. 2.3.103.8–27. On the various terms for purple in Greek (ἀλουργής, πορφύρεος, φοῖνιξ) see Blum, Purpur als Statussymbol, 20–41. That Artemidoros uses φοινικόβαπτος rather than πορφυροβάπτος may not be a coincidence: Blum, Purpur als Statussymbol, 32–34, notes that φοῖνιξ seems to have been a general term for ‘red’ already in Homer; as a result φοῖνιξ-dyed fabrics were dyed with pigments other than purple. φοινικόβαπτος would thus point more explicitly at dyeing with ürde mithin eindeutiger auf Färbung mit einem anderen Farbstoff als den der Purpurschnecke verweisen, πορφυροβάπτος ist, wie unten zu zeigen ist, nicht so eindeutig. On the passage of Artemidoros see Blum, Purpur als Statussymbol, 34 n. 65. Wunderlich, Scharlach, Rötel und anderer Zinnober, 21, emphasizes that the research done by the German chemist Paul Friedländer, who argued that ca. 12.000 murex snails produced only 1.4 grams of pure dye, is in fact difficult to apply to real world circumstances: ‘Es ist schwierig, Ausbeuten unter Laborbedingungen, bei denen es um die Reindarstellung eines Farbstoffes geht, auf die Praxis der antiken Färberei zu übertragen. Zudem sagt die Menge reinen Farbstoffes noch nichts darüber aus, welche Menge Stoff damit effektiv gefärbt werden kann.’ On coccus in the context of purple see Plin. n.h. 9.141, with comments on their distribution, for which see also 16.32 (most important source of revenue for the poor people of Spain); as medicine 24.8. 60 Kasprzyk, Couleurs du rêve, 148. On dyed fabrics and textile dyes in Antiquity see generally Szabolcs, Untersuchungen von Farbstoffen; Herz, Gerb- und Farbstoffe. 61 Blum, Purpur als Statussymbol, 95–103. 62 Kasprzyk Couleurs du rêve, 142. 63 Artem. 4.38.268.19–21: Τὰ τῶι χρώματι ὅμοια εἰς ταὐτὸν ἀποβαίνει. Αἰθίοπά τις λαβὼν δῶρον μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀνθράκων πλῆρες ἐδέξατο ἀγγεῖον. Kasprzyk, Couleurs du rêve, 144–146.

11

the connoted semantics, are crucial in linking the Ethiopian and the coal: in Antiquity it was thought

that the skin color of Ethiopians was due to their geographical proximity to the sun which charred their

skin.64 For Artemidoros this additional link leads him to diagnose a gift of coal and prevents one from

simply substituting any other black object, such as the black dog we have already encountered.

To slaves, Artemidoros continues, purple signifies freedom, as they are prohibited from

wearing the color, whereas for the rich it heralds honorary office and great prestige, since purple is

appropriate to their social status. 65 This basic significance is matched by the fact that for purple

(πορφύρος) to be auspicious it should occur in the context of other status symbols such as diadem,

crown, retinue and guards.66 For Artemidoros, the basic rule is thus that attributes and qualities should

be appropriate, i.e. ‘normal’. This is visible in inversion in the case of a dream vision that featured

golden eyes. This signified impending blindness simply because gold is not a typical quality of eyes.67

Artemidoros seems unconcerned with the kinds of things described by authors such as

Cornelius Nepos, who died under Augustus und was heavily used by Pliny the Elder for his Natural

History:68 In Nepos’ youth ‘violet purple’ (violacea purpura)69 was highly esteemed, with a pound

costing 100 denarii, only to be replaced some time later by Tarentine red (rubra Tarentina). This was

soon followed by dibapha Tyria, twice-dyed Tyrian purple, traded at 1000 denarii a pound. The curule

aedile P. Lentulus Spinther was accused of having used this sort for his toga praetexta, but Nepos

resignedly adds that in his day it was an overwhelmingly common sight even at banquets.

Artemidoros is very different from Nepos in that wealth and purple do not associate luxuria,

but rather the right to wear purple. Given that purple is auspicious not only in the dreams of the

wealthy, but also of slaves, social mobility may have played a part for both groups. For slaves, being

freed was obviously crucial, but for the wealthy the prospect of honorary office in the Greek poleis of

the Roman Empire may not have been the be-all and end-all: if one takes Artemidoros’ background in

Asia Minor into account, the provincial elite also aspired to Roman citizenship and the career

opportunities this opened up within the elite of the Empire as a whole (marked by the purple angustus

                                                                                                               64  In this vein see, for instance, Plin. n.h. 2.189–190; 6.70: a Gange versa ad meridiem plaga tinguntur sole populi, iam quidem infecti, nondum tamen Aethiopum modo exusti. 65  Artem. 2.3.103.13–16: πορφυρᾶ δὲ ἐσθὴς δούλοις ἀγαθὴ καὶ πλουσίοις· οἷς μὲν γὰρ διὰ τὸ μὴ μετεῖναι ἐλευθερίαν σημαίνει, οἷς δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐπιβάλλειν καὶ τῶι ἀξιώματι κατάλληλον εἶναι τιμὴν καὶ εὐδοξίαν προαγορεύει. 66 Artem. 2.3.103.18–20. Cf. Artem. 2.30.153.1–3 (purple or golden official attire). On the symbolism of ‘formal’ status in Antiquity in general see Kolb, Statussymbolik, who also highlights the differences from modern conceptions of the prestige object; in the context of purple see also the discussion by Blum, Purpur als Statussymbol, 4–19. 67 Artem. 1.4.12.22–23. Cf. Artem. 2.66.190.9–13: a swallow is only inauspicious if something unusual happens to it or it changes to an unnatural color. 68 Plin. n.h. 9.137. Bradley, Colour and Meaning, 197–201, argues that lighter shades of purple on the toga praetexta were at this time linked to the leanings towards the populares, whereas darker shades associated the optimates. 69 André, Termes de couleur, 196–197; Heijn, Kleurnamen, 35.

12

clavus of knighthood and the latus clavus of senators).70 Furthermore, luxuria in Roman authors is a

theme strongly connected to the East and the Orient. As an Ephesian, Artemidoros certainly had a

different view of the Hellenistic monarchies and the opportunities for social advancement in the

Roman Empire.

In cases in which Artemidoros does not treat purple positively as a symbol of status (as he

does even in the inverted scenarios applied to poor dreamers, for whom purple signifies injury and

even imprisonment), he treats it as a symbol of death for dreamers who are sick and dream of purple

clothing. Also elsewhere, purple features as a symbol of death: he distinguishes wreaths of violet by

their color, singling out ‘white’ (λευκός), ‘saffron-colored’ (κρόκευς) and ‘purple’ (πορφυροῦς)

violets as heralding negative events ranging from mishaps to death. In his view, the color πορφυροῦς

evidently also has a certain connection to death.71 The sheer existence of violacea purpura, which also

occurred in Cornelius Nepos, attests a possible link between violets and purple, but whether purple

had a significant ceremonial role in Greek funerary cult is impossible to determine, as is whether

purple was considered a symbol of blood in Greek cult.72

The fact that κόκκινος and φοινικόβαπτος are negative symbols in themselves may be due

to the risk of confusing them with purple;73 in the case of κόκκινος the negative auspices may even be

due to the fact that the dye was reserved for the emperor: Pliny notes the importance of this color

(coccus) and of purple for the emperor’s paludamentum.74 In the same passage, Pliny also mentions

that craftsmen in Gallia transalpina use herbs rather than sea snails for Tyria, conchylia and other

colors.75 Such imitations are well-known from ancient regulations on dyeing, where πορφύρα appears

as a result that can be produced by various different pigments, all of which produce a red color.76 In a

                                                                                                               70 On Artemidoros’ world in Ephesos see Kirbihler, Artémidore; on his portrayal of the Roman elite and social advancement see Hamdoune, Servir l’empereur, 211–230. 71 Artem. 1.77.84.2–3: ἔχει γάρ τινα τὸ πορφυροῦν χρῶμα συμπάθειαν καὶ πρὸς τὸν θάνατον. Friedrich S. Krauss’ (Artemidor von Daldis, Traumbuch, übers. v. Friedrich S. Krauss, bearb. und erg. v. Martin Kaiser, Basel/Stuttgart 1965) understanding of πορφυροῦς as ‘dark blue’ in this passage loses the connection with other objects described as πορφυροῦς (Artem. 2.3.103.13; 4.42.270.5: always in the context of clothing). In defense of the translation one may adduce that our modern taxonomy would consider the distinction between blue, white and yellow violets more sensible; But this scheme is a modern, culturally specific scheme of organisation (one might for instance distinguish only between light and dark violets, without according white and yellow their own categories). 72 Blum, Purpur als Statussymbol, 111–118. 73 Martelli, Alchemical Textiles, 121–126. 74 Plin. n.h. 22.3; cf. HA Diad. 3.3. Suet. Dom. 4.2 mentions a puerulus coccinatus in Domitian’s entourage; Petr. 28.4. 75 Cf. Plin. n.h. 8.192. 76 See now Martelli, Alchemical Textiles. Sources are e.g. P. Holm. §§128–133 (l. 948–963) (with Reinking, Vorschriften für Wollfärberei, 32–34) and especially Ps.-Dem. Alch. PM 2. As the text speaks of φυλάντιον τὸ δυτικόν and the term phylantion can be tentatively identified as a plant (on the discussion see Martelli, Four Books, 211), which is here further qualified as being ‘Western’, one might posit that these may be the herbs from Gallia Transalpina mentioned by Plin. n.h. 22.3. On the profession of the ‘red dyer’ (πορφυροβάφος) P. Oslo 3/144. On imitating purple see Bradley, Colour and Meaning, 201–202. On πορφυροῦς as a term for ‘red’: Clarke, Semantics of Colour, 138.

13

pseudo-demokritean text on πορφύρα, for instance, κόκκος is mentioned among the first red dyes.77

Even dyeing wool to imitate a darker natural color was evidently widespread.78 This complicates

Artemidoros’ category of ἰδιόχρωμος, which is generally favorable, especially for people in fear of

losing a law suit.79 Evidently, the quality of ἰδιόχρωμος could be faked relatively easily, which begs

the irresolvable question as to what kind of treatments the color-bearing fabric (e.g. wool) could

undergo while still allowing it to be categorized as ἰδιόχρωμος. One example may be the procedure

mentioned by Pliny that involved bleaching wool with sulphur smoke.80

Color impression on its own is thus not a reliable indicator of authenticity and correct

categorization. This observation makes one wonder how a dreamer is supposed to identify the

difference between purple and other reddish tints not only in reality, but also in the dream, always for

the purpose of drawing the right conclusions. And when Pliny writes that black wool cannot be dyed,81

how is one supposed to differentiate between a black garment and a garment characterized as

ἰδιόχρωμος? And was the clothing in the dream really black or perhaps a dark purple?

This ambiguity of clothing colors as signifiers in dream visions brings me back to the

beginning of my contribution. The dyed clothes in Artemidoros are especially well suited to highlight

that the dreamer may in fact derive his identification of signifiers not from the ‘actual’ clothes in the

dream, be they dyed or undyed, but from his own social standing.82 The color terms then support

Artemidoros’ focus on status, which probably also corresponded to the expectations of clients and

readers. A healthy rich man would probably identify a garment of purplish color as being dyed with

real purple, because he can actually afford it and wears such clothes in reality. Accordingly, in

Artemidoros, this dream vision is always positive. A sick rich man on the other hand probably

preferred to have dreamed not of true purple, but of one of its fake alternatives, since such garments

signify illness, but not death. Someone who considers himself poor, or is assessed as such by the

interpreter, is finally forced to expect negative consequences in either case. A Roman slave who

dreams of a white garment has to evaluate, or be evaluated, as to whether he is particularly industrious

or not, in order to be able to hope for good auspices. Even under the most ideal of circumstances a

certain degree of ambiguity persists, probably intentionally so: according to Artemidoros, incorrect

interpretations are always due to errors on part of the dreamer, who gave wrong information either

                                                                                                               77 Ps.-Dem. Alch. PM 2. 78 P. Holm. §136 (Z. 978–986); with Reinking, Vorschriften für Wollfärberei, 35. Goldman, Color-Terms, 64: ‘The gray color was probably the natural shade of the undyed wool’. 79 Artem. 2.3.105.14–16. 80 Plin. n.h. 35.175. 81 Plin. n.h. 8.193: lanarum nigrae nullum colorem bibunt. 82 Hahn, Traumdeutung, 8: „in der Typisierung ist nun die gesellschaftliche Stellung der um Traumdeutung bittenden Person ein entscheidender Faktor“.

14

about himself or in recounting the dream.83 And of course, when in doubt, the dream was not a vision

at all, but simply an ordinary dream without any significance for the future.84

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