Language Socialization and Interculturality: Address Terms and
Language Maintenance in Colombian Diasporic Working Communities in
London.
ID: 12620383
September 2010
MA Communication
Birkbeck College, University of London
Acknowledgements:
I would like give my thanks to Zhu Hua at Birkbeck College,
University of London, for her advise during the process of this
research project and to Fatma Said at Birkbeck College, University
of London for her continued support. I would also like to thank my
family for their guidance and all the people that gave their time
to take part in this study.
ABSTRACT:
The aim of this study is to gain a wider knowledge of
'interculturality' by analysing intergenerational conflict through
language socialization between first and second generation migrants
in Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) communities in London. The
research has a particular focus on the Colombian Diasporic
Community, investigating the manner in which first and second
generation Colombian migrants use culturally appropriate address
terms to access and activate membership into Colombian Diasporic
working communities in London. A consequence of the trend of
community membership is the initiation of a chain which encompasses
both first and second generation Colombian migrants as members of
these diasporic communities. Through language socialization first
and second generation migrants activate social, cultural and
linguistic values whereby they negotiate, construct, and renew
these values and identities through communication. A key element to
understanding how intergenerational conflict arises is in the
identification of possible differences in socio-cultural values and
language ideologies. These may, to a certain extent, be key
indicators of the conflict and imposed identities that are managed
between first and second generations in the wider community and
diasporic working communities. In identifying these problems
between first and second generation migrants, social, cultural and
linguistic norms can be negotiated and renewed in order to provide
better relations between first and second generation migrants
within these communities.
Key words: Interculturality, Colombian diasporic community,
address terms, language socialization language maintenance,
Colombian diasporic working communities.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1
Introduction................................................................................page
5
1.2 Rationale....page 51.3 Aims and Objectives of Study... page
71.4 Research Question..page 91.5 Research Method....page 91.6
Assumptions and Limitations.... page 101.7 Conclusion. page
11CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction....page 122.2 Latin American Diaspora in the
UK. page 13 2.2.1 Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) community in
London..page 14
2.2.2 Colombian Diaspora in London. .page 15 2.2.2.1 Colombian
Diasporic working community.. page 162.3 Interculturality
(IC)....page 17
2.4 Language Socialization in diasporas.... page 182.5 A
Colombian diasporic working community under study with address
terms as an analytical focus .......page 202.6 Conclusionpage
23CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY AND METHODS
3.1 Introduction. page 243.2 Aims of Study..page 24 3.2.1
Research Questions & Hypotheses.page 26 3.2.2 Research
Problem.. page 273.3 Target Sample ......page 28 3.3.1 Data
Collection & Analysis....page 293.4 Research Approach...page
303.5 Conclusion.....page 31CHAPTER 4 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
OF RESULTS
4.1 Introduction..page 32
4.2 Discussion of Results...page 32 4.2.1 Participant
Backgrounds... page 34 4.2.2 Determinates of Inter-generational
Conflict..... page35 4.2.2.1 Imposed identities and membership....
page 35 4.2.2.2 Social, cultural and language attitudes.... page 42
4.2.2.3 Language maintenance & Linguistic abilities..page 474.3
Address Terms Activating Membership.. page 504.4 Findings... page
574.5 Conclusion....... page 60CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
5.1 Introduction. page 615.2 Summary of the research. page 615.3
Limitations of the research.. page 635.4 Future development. page
645.5 Conclusion... page 65REFERENCES.....page 66APPENDICES
Appendix A: Interview Transcripts.....page 71Appendix B:
Information Sheet for Interviewees..page 129CD: All Interview Voice
Recordings
Approved Ethics Form
Signed Consent Forms
TABLES AND GRAPHS
Fig.1. Table of Participants...page 34Fig.2. 1st and 2nd
Generation Migrant Community Representation......page 35Fig. 3.
Members of Community....page 49Fig. 4. Formal and Informal Address
Terms. page 52Fig. 5.1 Option 1: Frequency of Formal & Informal
Address Terms. page 54Fig. 5.2 Option 2: Frequency of Formal &
Informal Address Terms.. page 54Fig. 6. Negotiated and Renewed
Identities page 58CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
Migration in Britain has developed into something of a natural
phenomena that many generations of migrant families and individuals
have experienced and grown accustomed to over the past few decades.
The increasing influx of non-Commonwealth populations with fewer
historical links with the UK is currently contributing to the ever
growing 'super-diversity' of London (Vertovec, 2007). Although
relatively established as a migrant group in some parts of the UK,
Latin Americans (LA) have not been officially recognised or
classified as an ethnic group, unlike the United States where this
group is prevalent and receives official recognition (Mcllwaine,
2005; Guarnizo, 2008). This oversight of Latin Americas diasporic
population is not only evident in ethical demographics but also in
the little information about Latin Americans and Spanish Speaking
Latinos (SSLs) (Block, 2008) in Britain. Literature discussing
multilingualism and Spanish in the UK is limited and originated
towards Spanish nationals as opposed to SSLs. This study will
examine the process of secondary language socialisation and
language maintenance between different generations of SSL diasporic
communities, in particular, focusing on the Colombian diasporic
working community in London.
1.2 Rationale
Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) migrants in Britain, particularly
in London, are a relatively new and established community known as
a 'New Migrant Population' (Kyambi, 2005). This New Migrant
Population or SSL community has been gradually increasing but there
have been seldom attempts to bring this burgeoning ethnolinguistic
group to the attention of a wider audience (Block, 2008). At
present, there have been various socio-geographical studies and
reports surrounding the phenomenon of Latin American migration into
Britain, of which the focus has been on the social impact migration
has among Latin American families and employment in London
(Mcllawaine, 2005; Miller, 1998; Cock, 2007; Bermdez Torres, 2003;
Dempsey & Lema, 1998). However, we can find a rich source of
information about SSLs in the United States, with various studies
and reports on bilingualism, language maintenance and the effect
interculturality has on these diasporic communities as individuals
and within the family unit (Zhu, 2010). To a certain extent we can
say that the development of culture, identity and language of these
migrant communities in the US is a paradigm likely reflected within
the SSL community in the UK. It is therefore important that
research stays abreast of the distinction between the US and
Britains migrant population, with more publications and books
looking into these local ethno linguistic issues.
Nevertheless, there have been several books that underline
migrant multilingualism and Spanish, however mainly looking at
Spanish nationals and providing little, if any, information
discussing SSLs. On the other hand, there have been several studies
and reports that do focus on SSL migrants, particularly Colombians
in London, such as (Bermdez Torres, 2003; Dempsey & Lema, 1998;
Mcilwaine, 2005).
These studies are an important source of background information
about Colombians living in London. They present a range of
information about how migrants survive and negotiate social norms,
culture, identity and language in London. Although, these studies
present a crucial body of information, it is often not great in
detail and sometimes lacks a concrete understanding of language
multilingualism in migrant communities living in London.
However, there has been relevant work published on similar
migrant populations such as Zhu Hua's study on Bilingualism and
Multilingualism in Chinese diasporic families (2010) as well as Li
s Second Generation Language Socialization and Multilingualism in
Chinese Second Generation Community (2007). Parallel to these
studies there have been similar articles on language socialisation
practices and cultural identity in Mexican families in the US
(Schecter & Bayley, 1997) and language maintenance and family
relations of Chinese immigrant children living in Australia
(Tonnenbaum & Howie, 2002).
These articles although not directly related to the SSL
diasporic community are an invaluable source of background
information about how migrant communities learn to assimilate,
negotiate and understand renewed forms of socio-cultural values,
identities and communication in their new country of residence. The
issues that are looked at in this research will allow me to explore
and consider the varying attitudes and forms that suggest how
migrants build, maintain and practice their relationships in an
intercultural context both at home and at work.
1.3 Aims and Objectives of Study:
The principle aim of this study is to examine the subject of
'interculturality' and 'diaspora', focusing on the process of
secondary language socialisation among Colombian diasporic working
communities in London.
The primary objective of this dissertation is to examine and
analyse the methods employed by first and second generation
Colombian migrants seeking to gain access to SSL communities which
may bolster their employment opportunities and relations by
providing links to employers. The study will also focuses on the
use of specific contextual cues such as address terms; in addition
to social, cultural and linguistic remarks given by participants.
The remarks highlight whether the differing attitudes towards
language, culture and identity affects relations between first and
second generation Colombian migrants. Additionally, the project
findings demonstrate that although being an SSL, be it first or
second generation helps one gain access to a community, it does not
necessarily improve relations and employment opportunities within
the wider context of SSL communities across London and the UK.
In order to build successful links and relations within the SSL
communities, both first and second generation migrants must learn
to negotiate and understand renewed forms of socio-cultural values,
identities and communication in their new country of residence. Key
to this is secondary language socialisation (Lam, 2004) which
enables an outsider to gain and activate membership to specific
social groups. It also initiates a process of belonging whereby the
outsider becomes a member (e.g. part of a Colombian diasporic
working community), and who can in turn can bestow membership upon
a newcomer. The process of secondary language socialisation in
order to gain membership to communities initiates a self
perpetuating chain involving both migrants and second generation
Latin Americans.
Here we analyse the strategies used to create and maintain
social relations inside and outside work which as a result will
assist us to put forward a socio-linguistic strategy to be used in
minimising conflicting attitudes and problems between different
generations of Colombians that work or socialise together.
1.4 Research Question
As mentioned above the study aims to understand the concept of
interculturality and the process of secondary language
socialization and language maintenance between different
generations of Latin American diasporic working communities. The
study focuses on address terms and commentary made by the
participants in relation to their attitudes towards social,
cultural and linguistic norms in intergenerational communication
and behaviour between members of Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL)
communities (Block, 2008), particularly focusing on Colombian
diasporic working communities in London.
This study will aim to answer the following questions:
1.Do the differences in social, cultural and language ideologies
of first and second generation Colombian migrants, affect
work-related relationships and membership in the community? If so,
how are their cultural, social and linguistic norms negotiated?
2.How are relevant contextual cues such as address terms used to
activate the membership and common cultural and ethnic backgrounds
of interactants and interlocutors in order to gain access to the
Colombian diasporic working community?
1.5 Research Method
The study is based on a qualitative approach since this seems to
be the most appropriate choice for achieving the key aims of the
current study. A qualitative approach can be properly classified or
associated with the collection, analysis, interpretation, and
presentation of narrative information which is essentially the
approach that was taken when conducting the research. On the other
hand, a qualitative approach allows us to discover patters, themes
and categories in our data, as opposed to deductive analysis where
data is analysed according to an existing framework. As a result,
these differences in research objectives influence the way
qualitative research generates research questions (Teddlie &
Tashakkori, 2009). In addition, it is crucial that this study be as
flexible as possible and that a conservatively small number of
participants be used because of the in-depth and valuable
information they could provide related to the research questions
that where under investigation.
1.6 Assumptions and Limitations
There are several limitations that apply to this study. First,
the study makes use of a small sample size, limited to a specific
socio-economic group in full-time work and all of whom were twenty
years of age or above. Therefore, it is not possible to claim that
the sample of this study is representative of all Latin American
migrants in London and the UK in how it relates to the findings in
this project.
The second limitation of this research is the varying lengths
each participant used in answering the interview questions.
Although all interviews were originally calculated at 45 minutes
long, some of the interviews took more or less time than was
planned. Some participants elaborated more on certain points
leading to interesting discoveries and new information that was
used in the research.
1.7 Conclusion
This project consists of five chapters, the first of which shows
the area of interest and outlines the problem and research question
of the study. The research questions, the aims of the study and
objectives are presented and the study's limitations and the
selected methodology are briefly discussed.
The second chapter reviews literature on interculturality,
diaspora, secondary language socialization and background
information about SSLs, particularly Colombians living in London.
Additionally, the literature review will discuss how both first and
second generation migrants use address terms in order to activate
community membership and similar cultural, social and linguistic
attitudes. Chapter 3 discusses the methodological approach and the
approach used for the collection of data as well as the fieldwork
limitations. The fourth chapter presents the findings of the
research, using both research material and data collected to answer
the questions presented in the first chapter. It presents a
thorough discussion of the results in response to the research
questions. This discussion will analyse the validity of the
research hypotheses and will finally be presented in the research
findings. The fifth chapter is the conclusion to the research and
presents our recommendations for further study in this area of
research.
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This chapter reviews the existing literature on the Colombian
diaspora in London, focusing on language socialisation and
interculturality. This section will include literature on secondary
language socialisation and address terms used in Colombian
diasporic working communities in London. The study will aim to
present the growth in importance of Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL)
communities in recent years with various publications and reports
focussing on Colombians in London (Bermdez Torres, 2003; Block,
2008; Dempsey & Lema, 1998; Mcilwaine, 2005). However, this
migrant population has yet to be well documented in comparison to
other migrant populations in Britain. SSL migrants in London are an
under-studied group (Carlisle, 2006), with few in-depth studies on
multilingualism and language socialisation published on this
growing migrant group. A small part of this literature focuses
explicitly on the migration process of Latin Americans in London,
examining the manner in which they negotiate, construct and renew
their socio-cultural values and identities outside and within their
communities. However, the majority of studies discussed focus on
the influence of interculturality on the shift in new social and
cultural identities for different generations of Colombian
diasporic working communities. With regards to this, the review
will discuss the process of language socialisation through which
first and second generations part of a Colombian diasporic working
community negotiate, construct and renew their socio-cultural
values and identities through interaction. Part of the review will
additionally discuss address terms looking at how important they
are at activating membership as well as initiating common
socio-cultural values, identities and culture in the wider
community. This review will begin with some background information
detailing the Latin American diaspora in the UK, which will lead
onto more information on the SSL community and specifically looking
into the Colombian diaspora in London. As was mentioned previously
the review will look into interculturality, language socialisation
and address terms, and part of the review will include a small part
discussing language maintenance within the Colombian diasporic
community.
2.2 Latin American Diaspora in the UK
Latin American migrants in the UK, particularly in London are a
relatively new and established group compared to other longer
established migrant groups which hold previous links with the UK
such as those who arrived from countries of the former British
Empire (Kyambi, 2005; Vertovec, 2007). The Latin American diasporic
community in the UK started to form itself in the late 1970s, at
the time arriving with work permits for domestic cleaning and
catering jobs (Decho and Diamond, 1998). Although the work permit
system had been abolished by the early 1980s, Latin American
communities, particularly the Colombian community, continued to
grow its migrant community arriving as economic and political
migrants (Bermudez Torres, 2003). There are a number of studies
that identify the various economic and social practices that these
migrants have created in order to survive, advert risk and
establish themselves in London such as (Dempsey & Lema, 1998;
Bermdez -Torres, 2003; Mcilwaine et al, 2006; Guarnizo, 2006). As a
result of these studies, it is possible to examine the changes in
cultural dynamics and values, Zhu (2010) suggest diaspora as one of
the most suitable platforms for addressing the cultural and social
changes of these diasporic communities. It is equally important to
underline the influence Spanish has on the identity of Colombian
migrants. Spanish is often used as the lingua franca of most
Spanish Speaking Latinos migrants (Block, 2008) and plays an
influential role in the representation of their community and their
social and cultural values.
2.2.1 Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) community in London
While it is difficult to present an exact figure for the
population of the SSL community currently residing in London, there
is evidence to suggest that the Colombian diasporic community is
the largest of all SSL communities present in London (Block, 2008).
As one of the biggest and most influential diasporic SSL
communities, the Colombian community has seen growth in
unprecedented levels due to the socio-political situation in
Colombia. A problem that escalated in the 1980s as an effect of the
civil war and the increase in violence due to the drugs war
(Pellegrino, 2004). However, SSLs still face problems when
migrating as the upheaval has a significant effect on the
individuals and the family and group dynamics (Alba & Nee,
2003). SSL migrants are likely to attempt to build and sustain
multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies
of origin and their place of settlement. Through this inherent need
to maintain their identity, culture and values, diasporic
communities sometimes try to preserve and maintain traditional
values and beliefs from their place of origin, often rejecting
changes taking place in their countries of origin as an effect of
globalisation. Simultaneously there are other migrants that embrace
change and develop new identities for themselves in their new place
of settlement (Mcllwaine, 2005). For example, in Blocks study of
SSLs in London (2008), all participants were asked to give an
example of the context in which they would use Spanish or English.
Most participants stated that English was necessary in order to
better themselves both in employment and in order to access
different social groups and communities. Despite this explicit
reflection on the importance of English, most participants stated
that they spent most of their time speaking in Spanish; however one
very interesting point that was made was the desire for Colombians
in London to preserve Spanish and even to persuade others to speak
it.
2.2.2 Colombian Diaspora in London
The preservation of identity, culture and values within the
Colombian diasporic community has had a multitude of effects on the
wider community (Mcllwaine et al, 2006) There are conflicting
opinions and tensions between different generations and, much like
second generation migrants there is substantial amount criticism
aimed at first generation migrants that change and develop new
identities for themselves. Many of the second generation migrants
are exposed to their parents cultural values and practices which
produces complex problems between trying to develop their own
identities and coping with family disintegration (Mcllwaine et al,
2006; Guarnizo, 2008; Block, 2006). Studies have shown that the
degree of discrepancies in migrant families increases with the
number of years of residence in a foreign country (Zhu, 2010).
Mcllwaine (2007) presents a variety of causes and effects that
influence problems and family disintegration; these include loss of
identity and lack of values. This conflict that arises between
first and second generation migrants or immigrant families may be
down to their uncompromising attitude to accepting
inter-generational differences. Normally in immigrant groups
greater respect is demanded and obedience to authority, therefore
inter-generational differences may cause conflict between different
generations (Phinney et al, 2000).
Language is a recurring theme that is considered both
problematic and invaluable to immigrants. Most tension between
diasporic communities and the local communities are due to
differences in language ideology Silvertein (1979, p.193) explains
language ideology as 'sets of beliefs about the language
articulated by users as rationalization or justification of
perceived language structure and use'. This reflects the speakers
views about socio-cultural values of different languages (Zhu,
2010).
The degree of social contact with specific communities and
social groups may affect the level of understanding a migrant has
of local language ideologies (Kroskrity, 2004). According to Zhu
Hua (2008) socio-cultural values of different languages may differ
between generations. For example, British-born migrants may
consider English as a 'we-code' and therefore prefer it to their
parents language. On the other hand, many adult immigrants from
East and South Asia in the UK identify English as a 'they-code'
(Gumperz, 1982) and prefer to use their native languages (e.g.
Cantonese, Urdu) for family interaction. The discrepancies in the
language abilities of different generations of diasporic
communities are another interesting factor. Second generation
migrants, especially younger children, have the ability to learn
languages faster and more consistently than the older or first
generation migrants (Wong-Filmore, 1991). As a result of the
different language ideologies and challenges both first and second
generation migrants face in maintaining their communities ethnic
language, conflict and tensions may arise on how, when and to what
extent each language is used (Schecter, & Bayley, 1997; Zhu,
2008)
2.2.2.1 Colombian Diasporic working community
The Colombian diasporic community in London can be identified by
various social, cultural and linguistic forms that unite and
represent them in London. Music, dance and retail that have their
roots in Colombian culture are some of the few divisions that form
the Colombian diasporic community. However, immigrants
socio-cultural and linguistic norms are rarely negotiated in these
community spaces. Family and work contexts are perhaps the most
useful to better understand how members of diasporic communities
negotiate and renew their own social, cultural and linguistic norms
with those in their places of settlement Diasporic workers in this
project are considered as an example of communities of practice
defined as, ' a group of people who, united by common enterprises,
develop and share ways of doing things, ways of talking, beliefs
and values in short, practices' (Zhu, 2010; Eckert &
McConnell-Ginet, 1999). The concept of community of practice allows
us to examine the ways in which individuals access and activate
their membership in the diasporic working community through the
process of language socialisation - particularly focusing on the
attitudes and beliefs of second generation (younger) migrants have
towards social, cultural and linguistic norms of a community and
looking at how they construct their own social and cultural
identities.
2.3 Interculturality (IC)
Interculturality (IC) has become a popular notion used across
various different areas of research such as sociology and language
teaching (Nishizaka 1995, 1999; Mori 2003; Zhu, 2010). It is
important to make a clear distinction as to how this notion will be
utilized in the study. For instance, this study makes some key
assumptions about intercultural conversation, which includes: 1)
showing that interculturality is not always achieved when
communicating with interlocutors from different countries who have
different first languages this can occur between members of the
same community, who speak the same language; 2) demonstrating how
knowledge of a culture and its values can be claimed by
'non-members' of a community; 3) showing that although someone has
presumed knowledge of a culture and its values, the interlocutor
can choose not to enact their membership in a community even if
they are criticised (Zimmerman, 2007).
The assumptions above look at interculturality in a different
light to its widely established traditional interpretation and
approach (Hofstede, 1980; Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner, 2004).
The conventional approach looks at participants that come from
different cultures as simply 'being' different and these cultural
differences influence interlocutors' communication strategies.
These differences result in intercultural miscommunication (Shi,
2006). This particular approach to interculturality fails to treat
culture as a dynamic process that can be activated and used as a
means of achieving a specific goals in discourse and interaction
(Scollon & Scollon, 2001). Various studies have taken this
paradigm of interculturality and have emphasised the developing
'inter' features of communication, treating cultural differences as
an active and progressive process that can be viewed in distinct
ways ( Mori, 2003; Higgins, 2007a, Zimmerman, 2007; Axelson, 2007).
For instance, Higgins (2007b) argues that cultural differences only
arise if they are relevant to a particular situation and that
culture and ethical identities are fluid concepts. In fact studies
have shown that cultural differences are not always relevant to
misunderstandings in conversation. Interculturality can also be a
source of friendship and understanding (Higgins, 2007b), however it
can also have a negative impact on participants and prevent them
from learning about each other (Axelson, 2007).
In order to better understand how participants' cultural and
ethnic identities are made salient in conversation, the study will
examine the use of specific contextual cues, such as formal and
informal address terms. These address terms signal and inform
participants of each other's chosen categories of membership and
also activate important social, cultural and contextual factors
such as status, age, gender, familiarity and intimacy (Mori,
2007).
2.4 Language Socialization in diasporas
Members of a community become socialised into community-specific
ways of using language (Bequedano-Lopez & Kattan, 2007) and to
a certain extent learn to speak and use the language in a way
applicable to that community, and adjust to the beliefs and norms
associated with speaking a language (Zhu, 2010). Numerous language
socialisation studies (e.g.,Baquedano-Lopez, 2001; Heath, 1983;
Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986; Scollon & Scollon, 1981; Valdez,
1996) suggest that communication between generations of speakers in
diasporic communities, have indicated that language learning is
intrinsically linked to the construction of social roles, cultural
affiliations, beliefs, values, and practices among participants in
a community. Schieffelin & Ochs (1998 & Schieffelin, 2001)
state that the process of language socialization and acquisition
are integrated; and that language acts as a tool to initiate the
individual into the cultural and social practices of a community,
whereby the knowledge of using a language is part of acquiring
social competence in that community. As a result of the differences
in social and cultural knowledge and even language ideology and
linguistic abilities between generations of diasporic families how
are cultural and social norms negotiated? This study will explore
examples of language socialisation in Colombian diasporic working
communities in London and we will argue that the process of
language socialisation leads to the construction of
interculturality.
Language socialisation plays an important role in the
construction of identity within a family, colleagues or community.
Studies by (Heath, 1983; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986; Scollon
& Scollon, 1981; Valdez, 1996) suggest that children of
migrants and minority children are socialised and guided to adopt
different sets of language behaviours that pre-dispose them to
adapt to society. Gee (1996) suggests that discourses are not
acquired by explicit instruction, but by enculturation into social
practices through teaching and supported interaction from parents
and other adults and individuals who have a strong understanding of
the discourse. While socialisation can result in societal
reproduction it can represent societal change through
(re)interpretation (Corsaro, 1997). Therefore during the process of
language socialisation a child can take on an active and creative
social role which allows them to produce, construct and negotiate
the identities which have been constructed by others around them.
In turn this influences and challenges the identities of those with
whom they are socialising. The forms in which these identities can
been seen include the use of grammatical, lexical and phonological
resources (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1995), codeswitching (Williams,
2005; Zhu, 2008) and TSCLP 'talk about social, cultural and
linguistic practices.' (Zhu, 2008).
2.5 A Colombian diasporic working community under study with
address terms as an analytical focus
The Colombian diasporic workers that will be studied are based
in London. As part of the Latin American community in the UK
(Bermdez Torres, 2003), Colombians have the largest population of
SSL in the UK. Spanish is widely used throughout the community and
has been known to have been used as a lingua franca when
communicating with Portuguese, Brazilians and some Western Africans
within the Colombian community and spaces (Mcllwaine, 2007).
Colombian immigration has seen a steady increase in recent years
since the early nineties (Mcllwaine, 2005), with many migrants
arriving as economic and political migrants as well as the growing
student population. In the Colombian community Spanish is said to
have prevalence in the households, work and even in spaces of
retail that are Colombian or Latin American influenced (Guarnizo,
2008). Colombians and SSLs are known for taking low-paid jobs
usually working in the domestic cleaning services, hotel and
catering (Guarnizo, 2008). Many Colombian immigrants have had
professional positions, businesses and well-paid jobs in their
native country, however due to the ongoing civil war and tough
economic climate many have resorted to migration.
All of the participants in this study have a high proficiency in
Spanish; they are a group of first generation and second generation
migrants. Most of the second generation migrants have worked or are
currently employed in the domestic cleaning sector where they
interact with first generation migrants in Spanish. The use of
address terms, including pronouns, proper nouns, kinship terms and
status terms play an important part in the creation and maintenance
of social relations at work where both first and second generation
migrants socialise on a daily basis (Mhlhusler & Harr, 1990).
In Colombian culture communication is very open but at the same
time includes a lot respect (Muhlhusler & Harr, 1990). Respect,
openness and social relationships are considered very important in
Colombian societies. They bring people together and maintain close
relationship; therefore address terms are one of the best resources
to look at in order to examine the inter-relationship between
language and social relations.
There have been various studies that look into the use of
address terms in Spanish, particularly looking into the
socio-cultural functions as well varieties in usage (Moles, 1974;
Mhlhusler & Harr, 1990). These studies indicate that the use of
specific forms of address terms is based on the roles, status,
degree of intimacy in other words confianza (confidence), age,
gender and situational contexts. This 'confianza' points to
establishing close and distant relationships as well as the
maintenance of social and age hierarchy which help to develop and
maintain relationships.
SSLs adopt a number of forms of address in order to activate
social and cultural identities as well as friendship and respect.
For second generation migrants this knowledge is limited compared
to native speakers of Spanish. However, studies show that second
generation immigrants do have a variety of tools that are used in
order to activate their ethnic identities (Zhu, 2010). This is
beginning to take form in popular culture and often clashes with
what they have been taught by their parents.
Studies (Hughes, 2005) show that Spanish is predominately used
at work, home and in social occasions. For second generation
Colombian migrants the use of language is negotiated depending on
the situational context. At work second generation Colombian
migrants tend to use Spanish in order to communicate with each
other; however, this is only used in order to activate identity and
cultural membership. For second generation migrants that look for
work and access job channels through the Colombian diasporic
working community, many fail to add openness and respect into their
initiation and approach for looking into jobs. Many second
generation migrants tend to resort to using parents or parents of
friends to help them find jobs due to their low confidence in their
use of Spanish and in communicating with first generation migrants.
This low confidence and tension in language use translates itself
into the workplace causing communication problems and conflict with
first generation Colombians that do not speak English (Mcilwaine,
2005) This study intends to discover common problems between first
and second generation migrant communication as well as differences
in the use of address terms.
There has been a considerable amount of sociolinguistic studies
concerning address terms. Brown and Gilman's (1960) pronominal
address framework outlines the influence specific address terms
have on power and solidarity. Other studies such as those of Brown
and Ford (1964) and Hymes (1967) examine social structures and
social distance in communication. On the other hand, Pride (1971)
and Moles (1974) investigate formal and informal terms of address
as well as culturally influenced forms of address such as confianza
(confidence) and respeto (respect). These concepts support the view
that address terms can help to negotiate, construct and renew
identities and socio-cultural beliefs in diasporic communities
(Zhu, 2010).
2.6 Conclusion
The study will go on to use the concepts of language
socialisation and address terms in order to determine how first and
second generation migrants access and activate the Colombian
diasporic community in London. The study will then go on to find
the determinants behind the tension that presents itself between
first and second generation migrants at work. The Colombian
diasporic community will be analysed as a community of practice
where both first and second generation migrants socialise, access
and activate their community membership. The differences between
first and second generation migrants will be considered based on
their attitudes and beliefs towards language, cultural and social
norms as well as the ways in which they utilise address terms to
socialise within the community.
CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY AND METHODS
3.1 Introduction
In this chapter I will present the study's selected research
methodology. The methodology selected in this study will be one
that is most suitable for the type of research analysis and
findings I will intend to achieve. This chapter will review the
purpose of the study, present the research questions and
hypotheses, discuss the data analysis and data collection methods
and the limitations of the research.
3.2 Aims of Study
The purpose of the study is to examine the process of language
socialization between both first and second generation migrants in
SSL (Spanish Speaking Latino) communities, particularly focusing on
the Colombian diasporic working community in London. The motivation
behind carrying out the research on this particular community is
based on two crucial points that are intrinsically linked to one
another. The first is to determine how both first and second
generation Colombian migrants gain access to these communities of
practice and how they activate membership through their knowledge
of the social, cultural and linguistic devices used in the
community. In turn, this information will allow me to evaluate and
identify the differences and similarities in the social, cultural
and linguistic forms used by both generations to access the
community. The second part of the study will set out to determine
the social, cultural and linguistic differences that exist between
first and second generation Colombians that either have contact or
are currently actively involved in the Colombian diasporic working
community in London.
The study will examine the manners in which first and second
generation Colombian migrants negotiate and learn to understand
renewed forms of socio-cultural values, linguistic abilities and
identity. Above all the purpose of the study is to demonstrate how
differences between first and second generation migrants affect
their relationships in the community and cause inter-generational
conflict at work due to their different language ideologies,
beliefs and values. In order to achieve this, it was important to
review literature on language socialization, inter-generational
communication in diasporic communities, intercultural communication
and address terms. With this background information the study could
determine whether tensions or conflict exist between first and
second generation Colombian migrants in the community based on
their generational differences in language ideology, culture and
social awareness. Using address terms and pronominal forms in the
study could determine each generational group and individual's
linguistic competence and knowledge of the social and cultural
norms of language that trigger common identities in conversation.
This is of course an important feature that will help identify
where tensions arise because of their differences as well as what
their similarities in language use and linguistic ability are, it
will shed light on the migrants knowledge of the community's social
and cultural norms. These important points that have been raised
should provide the study with the key determinants that cause
inter-generational conflict in the Colombian diasporic working
community.
Based on the above, several factors call for a constructivist
approach to the current research, which will include elements of
qualitative research methods. As this is a fairly complex issue the
study will be evaluating and analysing the attitudes and opinions
of the participants.
3.2.1 Research Questions & Hypotheses
This study intends to answer the following questions in order to
prove two hypotheses.
1.Do the differences in social, cultural and language ideologies
of first and second generation Colombian migrants affect
work-related relationships and membership in the community? If so,
how are their cultural, social and linguistic norms negotiated?
2.How are relevant contextual cues such as address terms used to
activate the membership and common cultural and ethnic backgrounds
of interactants/interlocutors in order to gain access to the
Colombian diasporic working community?
H1: In order to enhance employment opportunities and build a
support network, Colombian migrants in London must utilise
culturally specific address terms and modality in their
communication to gain access of existing Spanish-Speaking Latino
(SSL) communities.
H2: It is possible that an increased understanding of
interculturality and language socialization among the Latin
American community in London could lead to improved opportunities
for both Spanish-Speaking Latino (SSL) migrants and second
generation Latin Americans to pursue higher education and develop
new attitudes towards employment and positive work habits.
3.2.2 Research Problem
The study analyses how first and second generation migrants gain
and activate membership in Spanish-Speaking Latino communities,
particularly the Colombian diasporic working community. The problem
that arises is the tension and conflict that often occurs in
inter-generational communication. Different beliefs, values and
cultural ideologies all influence the ways in which first and
second generation migrants identify themselves and impose
identities on one another. To understand where these differences
present themselves it is important to look into the process of
language socialisation through the use of address terms, pronominal
uses and language ideology. These linguistic forms are greatly
influenced by cultural and social aspects of a language. Depending
on how these forms are used and manipulated by an individual, one
could determine the individual's social, cultural and linguistic
competence of the language they are socialized by. It is therefore
important to understand the significance social, cultural and
linguistic forms have on the competence of certain groups and
individuals involved with interacting with the Colombia diasporic
community
As the SSL migrant population grows in London, more second
generation migrants follow their parents work dynamics. Generally
working in low-paid jobs with poor working conditions they are
faced with the challenging task of having to adapt their beliefs
and values to one that closely resembles that of their parents.
This places substantial pressure and tension on second generation
individuals when they interact with second generation work
colleagues and share ideas, attitudes and beliefs. There is of
course a level of competence that each second generation individual
posses and acquires throughout their lives which can affect how
they communicate and behave around first generation migrants.
However, there are also problems that exist with the first
generation group in the form of their aspirations and plans for
their children. Very few conform to the British way of living,
instead they enact and maintain their existing identity in society,
passing on their beliefs, values and desires. When confronted with
a nuanced identity of themselves through their children or other
second generation migrants tensions arise as a consequence of their
reformed identities, skewed concepts of their social and cultural
beliefs, as well as their linguistic abilities to communicate in a
culturally driven way.
This is a problem that exists within the wider Colombian
diasporic community, therefore this study will look into finding
ways in which both first and second generation migrants can learn
to negotiate and renew their imposed identities in order to attain
a more harmonious relationships. There are major developments that
can take place within the community, in the sense that there could
be more opportunities for both generations to strengthen the
community by working together and developing affiliations both
nationally and internationally with SSLs and Colombians abroad.
3.3 Target Sample
Sampling was achieved by targeting two specific groups which
consisted of a split between first and second generation Colombian
migrants living in London. The sample population included five
first and three second generation Colombian migrants. The selected
sample group were all involved with the Colombian diasporic
community either through family or work; this was especially
important for analysing the relationships between how first and
second generation migrants at work. The sample group was over
twenty years of age and either in part-time or full-time
employment. The majority of participants were working in the
domestic cleaning services job sector.
It was essential to keep the study as flexible as possible and
to select a conservatively small number of people because of the
possible valuable information they could provide related to the
research questions under examination.
Accessing the sample was challenging and time consuming. I
employed the snowballing technique to identify specific individuals
able to answer the questions I had devised for the study. Although
this method of sampling may not have been as efficient as others,
it was cost-effective and lead to quality participants who were
believed to best suit the scale and relevance of my research.
I had access to a wide variety of migrants, ranging from Latin
American charities through to domestic cleaning contractor
companies. For reasons of validity and reliability of data all
samples that were accessed were examined on the appropriateness of
each individual and their compatibility for the research
requirements. Once the sample group was selected I decided to build
a slightly more informal relationship with the participants as
there may have been initial trust issues and lack of understanding
of the research. In this manner I could guarantee the reliability
and authenticity of the information that was provided. Building the
relationships with the participants was crucial in understanding
their story and for them to be interested in the research before
they agreed to sign the ethics form and participate in the
interviews.
3.3.1 Data Collection & Analysis
Once the reliability and validity of participants from the
selected sample group was finally approved, they were individually
briefed and asked to attend an individual interview. Each
participant took part in an in-depth individual interview, which
consisted of open and close-ended questions surrounding their
attitudes and opinions about culture, society, work, language,
inter-generational relationships and discourse markers such as
forms of address used to communicate within the community as either
a first or second generation Colombian migrant.
All interviews were conducted at each of the participant's
households except for two interviews which took place near to the
participant's place of employment. Due to the time restrictions and
restricted size of sample two individual interviews which took
place simultaneously. As I was interviewing only two participants
at the time it was not difficult to manage, distribute and
coordinate the questions and answers.
After all the interviews were completed and recorded (voice)
they were transcribed. All of the first generation interviews were
conducted in Spanish and the second generation interviews were
conducted in English. After the interviews were transcribed they
were translated into English. The data was analysed annotating key
points and a small section of data from the transcripts was
analysed using SPSS statistical software in order to quantify the
data more effectively in manageable sections.
3.4 Research Approach
The research approach that was chosen played a fundamental role
in the design and presented the various approaches in which it
could contribute or limit the study.
Following the purpose and nature of questions in the study I
decided to follow the inductive approach. This approach will allow
the study to describe, understand and explain the complex
phenomenon of the Colombian diasporic community in London. The
phenomenon of the Colombian diasporic community in the UK has had
little literature published, nevertheless, there have been some
studies that examine into this area (Block, 2008; Mcllwaine,
2005).
The qualitative approach will allow me to gain a deeper
understanding of the topic and can be ideal in the collection,
analysis, interpretation, and presentation of narrative
information. Additionally, this type of analysis will allow me to
discover patters, themes and categories in data, as opposed to
deductive analysis where data is analysed according to an existing
framework.
3.5 Conclusion
In order to effectively answer the proposed research questions
and access a richer source of data the study will use a qualitative
approach. Using this approach will benefit the study due to the
size of the sample and the type of data that will be collected..
The research will look at eight participants and interview them in
either Spanish or English based on their preference. The interviews
aim to understand the differences in attitudes and beliefs that
exist between first and second generation migrants in the Colombian
diasporic community.
CHAPTER 4 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS
4.1 Introduction
This chapter presents a summary of the findings, followed by a
discussion of the results as related to the questions and
hypotheses of the study.
The results of this study are based on a qualitative analysis of
the attitudes of both first and second generation Colombian
diasporic worker's attitudes towards social, cultural and
linguistic practices in the Colombian community. The results are
further based on the working and social relationships between first
and second generation working migrants in the context of a
Colombian diasporic working community. In addition to from
commentary and interviews with both first and second generation
Colombian migrants, this study will look at the differences in the
strategies employed to initiate and maintain relationships through
the use of culturally specific address terms. In order to find the
social, cultural and linguistic competencies of the second
generation Colombians, data on address terms was collected and
analysed against the address terms data of first generation
Colombians. I looked at how confianza (confidence) affect the use
of formal and informal address terms and how this indicates
familiarity and knowledge of the community norms and language.
4.2 Discussion of Results
The interviews that were carried out in this study were all
based on individuals. Due to the type of method that was employed
in this study most of the participants where sampled through
snowballing techniques. The aim of the study was to conduct six to
eight in-depth individual interviews which would include two
second-generation Colombian migrants and four to six first
generation Colombian migrants. Initially, it was proposed that the
study include a focus group of two second generation and two first
generation Colombian migrants, but this was re-evaluated and
changed, a pilot study the validity of the responses lacked quality
and legitimacy. This was partly due to the restricted freedom
participants had to freely express real opinions about each other's
habits. Based on this discovery, it was decided that in order to
keep the validity and flexibility of the study, interviews would
only be carried out on individuals.
The participants involved in the interviews were appropriate for
the study as they all had knowledge of the Spanish Speaking Latino
community in London and were members of the Colombian diasporic
working community in London. All participants had previous
experience working with or working for Colombian migrants in the
domestic cleaning sector, except Jorge who despite this displayed a
considerable amount of knowledge about the community. At the time
of the study more than half of the participants were working in the
domestic cleaning sector, which was crucial in order to understand
the current situation of the diasporic working community in
question. Most interviews where conducted in the respondents home
except for two interviews that took place in the place of
employment of two first-generation Colombian migrants. An hour of
interview time was set aside for each interview and all interviews
ended before the hour except for one interview with a first
generation Colombian migrant which lasted longer than the set time.
However, in this case it was important to keep the interview
flexible as a lot of important information was being extracted and
discussed for the benefit of the study.
A total of eight individual interviews where completed in the
space of two weeks. Three were conducted in the first week and five
in the following week. All respondents took part in the interviews
as individuals on a one to one basis, answering all the questions
and pro-actively participated in the study through their responses
and extra information.
4.2.1 Participant Backgrounds
Of the participants that were included in the study six were
working in the domestic cleaning sector. The other two participants
one worked as a chef and the other as an Account Manager. The six
participants working in cleaning included four first generation
Colombian migrants; Alexandra, Eddy, Hector and Fabio and two
second generation Colombian migrants Milton and Toni. Jorge a
second generation Colombian migrant, worked for a medium size firm
as an Account Manager and Oscar, a first generation migrant worked
as a Head Chef at a London restaurant. All second generation
migrants were born in the UK, worked and had studied up to at least
college level.
Fig. 1 (below) displays a table with the participants'
demographic information, including the type of membership they
considered themselves to have within the Colombian diasporic
community.
Name AgeGeneration TypeOccupationCommunityType
Alexandra
34First Generation MigrantCleanerOut-Community
Eddy55First Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community
Jorge24Second Generation MigrantAccount ManagerOut-Community
Hector33First Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community
Fabio46First Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community
Milton20Second Generation MigrantCleanerOut-Community
Oscar53First Generation MigrantChefOther
Toni21Second Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community
Fig.1. Table of ParticipantsFig.2. 1st and 2nd Generation
Migrant Community Representation
Fig. 2 demonstrates that half of the participant's did not
consider themselves to be active participants of the community, and
the other 50 percent felt that they played an active role in the
community. Of the first generation migrants two migrants did not
consider themselves as playing an active role in the community,
whereas the other half did consider themselves to be part of the
community. Of the second generation migrants only one participant
considered himself to be part of the community whereas the other
two participants did not feel they played an active part in the
community. This demographic information was crucial in measuring
the participant's attitudes to social, cultural and linguistic
attitudes as well as identifying how they perceive their own
identity and others in and outside the community. A review of the
transcripts showed that there was a relationship between the 'Type
of Community Membership' and the social, cultural and linguistic
attitudes displayed towards the wider community.
4.2.2 Determinates of Inter-generational Conflict
The study tested the following determinants of
inter-generational conflict, all of which were reviewed in the
literature review. These determinants are:
Imposed identities and membership
Contrasting social, cultural and language attitudes
Attitudes towards language maintenance and linguistic
abilities
4.2.2.1 Imposed identities and membership
In all eight interviews that were conducted I found that the
participants imposed identities on themselves and others within the
Colombian diasporic community. All participants had different
attitudes and beliefs concerning identity and membership which
generally involved a lot of confusion, acceptance and rejection
between first and second generation migrants.
In the first section of the interview I asked the participants
to explain whether they considered themselves to be active members
of the Colombian diasporic community in London or not and what it
meant to be part of that community. This data illustrates that
although there are more second generation migrants distancing
themselves from the community there are still cases of first
generation migrants that decide to leave the community.
Alexandra considers herself as a first generation migrant that
has isolated herself from the SSL community. She states that:
Before I very much liked staying in contact (with the SSL
community) because I felt very lonely and I was in need but after
seeing that there was not much help offered, well little by little
I started leaving.
Pues antediormente me gustaba mucho estar en contacto porque me
sentia muy sola y necesitaba, pero al ver que uno no encuentra como
mucha ayuda pues yo me fui alejando poco a poco.
Alexandra demonstrates that she initially found comfort and
support with the community as she identified more with the language
and the cultural and social norms they managed. She describes how
some people's attitudes and personalities change when they leave
their native countries. According to Alexandra it is hard to find
people that are consistently willing to help others in need. From
Alexandra's testimony it is evident that in diasporic communities
migrants rely on their fellow members for help but once there is
rejection they find new means of support outside the community.
Normally this widens the gap between themselves and their regular
contact with the community.
As well as changing attitudes and personalities Hector states
that there is a lack of trust surrounding the community. These
trust issues cause many first and second generation migrants to
leave their communities and look for different relationships and
contacts outside. Oscar mentions that in some cases Colombian
migrants who have spent some time in the UK start to reject their
own culture and identify more with British practices. They start to
behave, emulate and form identities and personalities that fit into
the society and culture. Oscar states:
...they are ashamed to show that they are Colombian, well
because Colombians have a bad reputation throughout the world as
drug dealers and stuff, so many are ashamed of speaking their
language so they speak in English...they start to act like the
English, going to restaurants like the English, they go to the
theatre like the English, their friends are English, they don't mix
with Colombians so they go on to form a different identity... they
start enculturating themselves in a new society...
...le da pene que sepan que es colombiano por que pues el
Colombiano tiene una mala fama de todo mundo de narcotraficante y
de todo esas cosas, entonces muchos les da pena hablar en el idioma
uno entonces hablan en ingles...Empiezan a comportarsen como los
ingleses, a ir a restaurantes como los ingleses, van al teatro como
los ingleses, las amistades son inglesas, no se rozan no se mesclan
con Colombianos entonces van creando como una identidad
diferente... se van como culturisando en una sociedad... totalmente
diferente.
Oscar clearly criticises those Colombians that decide to leave
the community but most of all those that reject their own social,
cultural and linguistic backgrounds in the way he has mentioned
above. Oscar believes that in order to progress and develop in
life, there is no need to abandon your identity: he believes that
trying to mimic a new foreign indentity is troublesome.
In contrast, Eddy believes that he has experienced a change in
his identity as a result of migrating to the UK. He states that he
has learned to be more objective about situations and respect both
adults and the younger generations. While these changes to Eddy's
identity may not seem immediately obvious as changes to his
cultural ideologies, respecting and listening to the younger
generations is not as common in Colombia as it is in the UK. Due to
the high emphasis that is placed on respect and obedience to elders
in Colombia and Latin American countries a large amount of problems
arise when migrants confront their parents with different social,
cultural and language ideologies. This problem projects itself in
work situations when first and second generation migrants interact
and work with each other. Most of the first generation participants
display a mixture of confusion, acceptance and rejection when
talking about second generation migrants. However, in examining the
second generation migrant's opinions of whether they feel they have
preserved their parents socio-cultural values and identity, they
appear much clearer about their relationships with first generation
migrants. When asked whether migrating has an impact on individuals
and the family, Jorge responds:
I think the second generation person becomes a lot different...
they become more westernised...and you can definitely see a
difference between the two groups... between the second generation
Colombian people and the migrants themselves.
When asked whether he felt he preserved his parents beliefs and
cultural values Jorge responded that although he had kept some of
his parents values he had also developed his own. Milton supports
Jorge's view, stating that:
...the society I've grown up in hasn't made me the person my
parents want me to be... probably, and I've got a different
attitude.... and I tend to speak more English because I'm use to
that with my brothers.
To add to the statement above Toni, also a second generation
migrant, expresses his belief that there is tension that between
1st and 2nd generation migrants. He adds that first generation
migrants see the 2nd generation different because they dress and
speak differently.
Oscar believes that there are major cultural differences between
first and second generation migrants despite their shared heritage.
He adds that many of the key elements that form the key elements
that form the identities of Colombians are different to those that
second generation migrants manage. Oscar identifies signs of
rejection and confusion:
...the culture that they manage, the language that they use is
different to our own, so that makes us different, but in no moment
do we reject them as Colombians... there's were the question
lies... that rejection, exists in the little knowledge of the
language and our culture...that is what makes the native Colombian
feel a little reserved with the someone that is from here.
...la cultura que ellos manejan nuestra, el lenguaje que ellos
manejen nuestro es diferente al nuestro, entonces eso nos hace
diferentes, pero en ningun momento nosotros los rechazamos como
Colombianos... alli esta la cuestion...ese rechazo esta, es en el
poco conosimiento del idioma y de la cultura nuestra...eso es lo
que hace que el Colombiano nato se sienta un poquito prevenido con
al que a estado aqui.
Furthermore, Oscar believes that second generation migrants have
a different culture that is mainly linked to music, fashion and
movie stars and has little to do with Colombian culture. Eddy
agrees with Oscar's statement adding:
...Young people also change because they are with fashion, and
where everything is modern..
...los jovenes tambien cambian por que ellos estan donde esta la
moda, donde esta lo moderno...
On the other hand Oscar considers that the identities and
sociocultural values of the second generation are often passed down
and learnt through imitation of their parents and are occasionally
used in family reunions or around other Colombians. Following this
observation one can assume that 2nd generation migrants often
negotiate and renewed their identities to adapt to first generation
migrants based on their understanding of cultural, social and
linguistic norms. However, there is no indication in the data that
first generation migrants have adapted to the younger generation or
second generation migrants. There is a certain confusion that
surrounds the community, particular in the significance that 1st
generation migrants place on learning English in order to improve
their social relations and work opportunities. Fabio expresses the
importance of knowing English has on his employment
opportunities:
... when you come like this, not knowing the language... it's
where you have to go because if you don't understand this language
you are not going to have many opportunities... you have to be real
and recognise if you know English...you can have better
opportunities...
... cuando uno venes asi, sin saber este idioma... es por donde
tu te tienes que meter por que si no entiendes este idioma no va a
tener muchas puertas abiertas ... hay que ser real y si tu te
vienes con el ingles.. puedes tener mejores oportunidades por otro
lado...
Fabio acknowledges that knowing English can improve employment
opportunities and lead to new possibilities other than sticking in
the same community to either work in or find employment.
4.2.2.2 Social, cultural and language attitudes
This section will be looking into the social, cultural and
language attitudes of first and second generation migrants. As both
first and second generation migrants become socialised into
different cultures and societies they can experience changes in
their social, cultural and language attitudes. The majority of
second generation migrants experience tension and conflict against
their newly developed identities, whereas first generation migrants
experience this problem both at work and with their children. In
order to avoid inter-generational conflict and tension between
first and second generation migrants, they must negotiate social,
cultural and linguistic norms. A major problem that prevails in
most first generation migrants is the lack of language use and
language skills. In the case of the second generation Colombian
migrants the biggest problem is lack of understanding of culture
but most importantly their language ideologies and linguistic
abilities. Alexandra recognises language as being one of the major
obstacles when arriving to the UK, adding that as result of poor
language skills the number of opportunities and time you spend with
your children decreases and in the long term affects family and
marital relationships. Eddy adds that without the necessary
language skills in the UK migrants become outcasts in society.
Although most second generation migrants recognise that there is
tension and at times conflict between what is perceived to be their
own formed identity and their parents' identity, many fail to see
how they can negotiate their own cultural, linguistic and social
norms with those of their parents and work colleagues. In the
previous section Oscar stated that although native Colombians do
not reject second generation migrants as Colombians the rejection
that exists due to the limited knowledge they have of the language
and culture. When all of the 2nd generation migrants were asked
about whether they believed a certain amount of tension existed
between first and second generation migrants they all agreed that
their parents felt unhappy with the way they have reformed their
own identities and attitudes towards the British culture and
language.
Alexandra believes that most second generation migrants do not
socialise enough with the Latino community or Colombians and feels
that they are slowly losing their identities. Alexandra states:
...the parents want the kids to be the same like them when they
were in Colombia but now the kids that are brought up here are
diffferent to the kids back home. Here the kids don't think things
through very well, whereas a kid in Colombia is more on the ball
and much faster...
...los papas quieren que los jovenes sean iguales como que ellos
cuando estaban en Colombia pero ya los jovenes que se crean aqui
son diferentes a los jovenes de alla. Aqui los muchachos no piensan
las cosas como muy bien, mientras un muchacho en colombia es mas
listo, como mas rapido...
Alexandra adds that second generation migrants try to
communicate like their parents and imitate their communication
styles. She believes that even if children are born in the UK they
should all be given the opportunity to learn how to speak in
Spanish and learn about the culture in order to be able to
socialise within the Colombian and other Spanish Speaking Latino
communities. Alexandra feels that the tension and conflict that is
caused between inter-generational migrants is down to the parents
and not English culture. She goes on to state that the younger
generation born in the UK have already become independent by the
time they are sixteen years of age, not a common occurance in
Colombia. In Colombia family is very close and it is the norm for
children to stay with the family until they graduate or get
married. Many Latin American families take on English customs and
teach their children only one side of their own identity. Alexandra
places high importance on traditional upbringing, which is why she
believes that teaching core values such as respect, culture and
language benefits children more. Alexandra believes that there is a
general lack of discipline and respect in the way children are
brought up in the UK, and when children grow up they show less
respect shown to adults. Alexandra feels that Latin American
families that know how to raise their children with their country's
customs, values, education, culture and language in mind to be
accomplished individuals in the future.
Eddy agrees with Alexandra's previous comments refering to how
second generation migrants lose their parents' values, customs and
culture. Eddy believes that some of the younger generation lack
respect for their elders. When asked whether he had either
experienced or believed that there were difficulties that existed
between first and second generation migrants at work Eddy
responded:
...the one that is from here doesn't change a bit... the thing
is the one that is from here or the one from over there wants to
dominate one another, only because the person from over there has
his beliefs and impunity that says, I'm the toughest around here
and no one is going to f**k with me and the one from here has
f**ked himself and now he is trying to lead the other so that he
doesnt f**k with him or he is setting rules based on his knowledge,
that's how it is.
...el que es de aqui no cambia nada ...lo que pasa es que el de
aqui o el de alla quiere dominar al uno o al otro, nomas porque el
de alla trae su creyencia y su impunidad,que dice, yo soy el mas
beraco y a mi no me va a joder nadie, y el de aqu pues ya se ha
jodido y lo esta orientandolo para que no lo jodan o esta imponendo
su conocimiento y asi es.
Hector expresses another point on what may tirgger possible
tensions and conflicting situations when working with 2nd
generation migrants.
...if your brother is a person, lets say... a person that says,
I was born here, I am one hundred percept English, lets say for
sure that no Latino would not bother to get to know him one hundred
percent... because know he will look over his shoulder at a
person.
... si tu hermano es una persona mas, digamos... la persona que
diga, "yo naci aqui, yo me creo Ingles cien por ciento", degamos
por seguro que mas de un latino no se le arrimaria cien por
ciento... por que ya el se va a ver por encima de la persona...
Based on the data collected from the interviews, it is evident
that in order for second generation migrants to negotiate social,
cultural and linguistic norms they must use their knowledge of
their parents' culture and language and implement it when
communicating within the community. As for first generation
migrants, they must learn to understand the culture of the country
they are living in and utilize combined knowledge of both the
language and culture to understand culturally driven communication
and attitudes. When asked whether he thought that second generation
migrants had more advantages of acquiring better positions and
accessing more resources based on their knowledge of the language
itself, Eddy stated:
Errm... yes but not only in English also in the knowledge of how
you should behave or maybe knowledge of where to go from a certain
place to another where it is much easier. There are many forms of
knowledge.
ermm..si pero no solamente en el ingles pero en el conocimiento
de como debe manejarse o tal vez el conocimiento de como debe irse
de tal parte a tal sitio donde queda mas facil. Hay muchos medios
de conocimiento.
Eddy displays a significant piece of understanding that shows
that cultural as well as linguistic and social knowledge of the
country in which you are working and living in requires more than
language awareness. Without the social, cultural and language
awareness of a country or community you cannot socialised to
community-specific ways of using language. To a certain extent this
equally translates itself into the communication that takes place
between first and second generation migrants and leads to more
successful communication.
4.2.2.3 Language maintenance & Linguistic abilities
The linguistic abilities of second generation migrants vary
depending on the level of contact they have with the language as
well as their knowledge of social and cultural backgrounds of a
community.
When analysing all three second generation interview transcripts
(Jorge, Toni and Milton) each mentioned how they felt they had good
knowledge of the language, although this varied to a certain
degree. Jorge and Toni both felt that they could use and understand
the language with fluency but admitted that there were some slight
differences between their linguistic abilities and those of a
native speaker. For example, Jorge felt that although he usually
uses Spanish to speak with his parents, Latin Americans and Spanish
people he felt that there was an obvious difference in the
competence of first and second generation migrants, that being that
first generation migrants had a better command of Spanish that
second generations. Additionally, Milton and Toni made some
interesting observations when asked whether they had a different
language ideology to 1st generation migrants and both participants
mentioned that when speaking to an older or first generation
migrants, Milton used his language wisely and Toni would
communicate with 'respect'. Milton identifies a slight variation in
his accent; however he feels fully confident using
community-specific ways of using language.
The interview findings showed that Milton and Toni were more
interested in maintaining their parents native language and felt
that it was important for their sense of identity. They understand
that they have formed new identities but feel that maintaining
their parents native language is important for socialising and
accessing the SSL communities, and in particular the Colombian
diasporic community. On the other hand, Jorge felt that maintaining
his parents native language was not important as he mainly
communicated in English with friends and at work. He felt that
losing his linguistic abilities of the language did not affect his
identity. These key comments clearly demonstrate how regular
contact with the Colombian diasporic community manifests more
interest in maintaining the community language and having much more
linguistic awareness. Milton and Toni both work in the domestic
cleaning sector and as a result have regular contact with
Colombians whereas Jorge works and socialises with English friends
both in and outside of work. An interesting observation that was
made was the significance migrants showed towards learning English
but most importantly the emphasis that was put on identity and
language maintenance. Seven out of eight participants felt that
maintaining their native language or their parents native language
which in this case is Spanish was crucial for their identity. See
Fig. 3 below.
Fig.3. Members of communityAlthough first generation migrants
consider themselves as having different identities to the
constructed identities of second generation migrants, Oscar states
that their social and cultural norms can be negotiated even if the
second generation migrant was not born in the same country but
manages to utilize and manipulate both linguistic and cultural
concepts to aid communication. According to Oscar:
What highlights the difference and distance between the
generations here and the people that come from over there is
exactly the use of language and the use of cultural concepts.
Lo que marca la diferencia y el distanciamiento de las
generaciones de aqui y la gente que viene de alla es exactamente el
manejo del lenguaje y el manejo de los conceptos culturales.
Oscar demonstrates that tension and conflicts between first and
second generations may derive from the lack of knowledge 2nd
generation migrants have of their parents native language. This
knowledge of linguistic and cultural concepts is especially
important when accessing and activating membership through SSL
communities. There are culturally driven linguistic forms that can
be employed to activate membership and common cultural and ethnic
backgrounds of interlocutors. The following section will look at
these linguistic devices in more detail.
4.3 Address Terms Activating Membership
This section of the study looks at the explicit use of address
terms used by first and second generation members of the Colombian
diasporic community in London. Interviews with the participants
allowed me to extract relevant information on the different types
of culturally specific address terms and pronominal uses which
included formal and informal address terms. The data that was
collected allowed me to understand ways in which cultural, social
and linguistic knowledge of language influence relationships
between first and second generation migrants in the community. The
differences in beliefs and values also influence the way language
is used and perceived, therefore by looking at specific linguistic
devices such as address terms I was able to measure the
participants knowledge of the language on a number of points. These
included linguistic competence, social awareness, cultural
knowledge and language ideology. These points allowed me to look at
how both first and second generation migrants use formal and
informal address terms in order to activate membership and
establish common cultural, social, linguistic and ethnic
backgrounds within the community. This formed as a particularly
important part of the study as it provided an insight into why
conflict and tension could exist between 1st and 2nd generation
members of the Colombian diasporic working community.
In order to test second generation migrants on their linguistic
abilities and knowledge of social and culturally recognised address
terms I divided the address terms into two categories: formal and
informal. From these categories, I was able to attain certain
findings and opinions with regards to how participants used
culturally specific address terms to initiate and activate common
social, cultural and linguistic forms. This was particularly
important as it allowed me to achieve a better understanding of the
differences that occur between the forms in which first generation
migrants communicate when compared to second generation migrants.
The analysis was largely influenced by the type of address terms
that the participants used and their opinions about their own
language ideologies and language proficiency. The address terms
that were used by both first and second generation migrants were
compared and contrasted, therefore based on this information I was
able to assess the extent to which first and second generation
migrants used different terms of address.
The data collected was gathered from both first and second
generation migrants. I was particularly interested in assessing the
manner in which participants would initiate a greeting and had
little to do with the variety of terms that could be used to
address an individual inside the community. However, the
alternatives to using address terms were recorded and considered as
important precursors that displayed the participant's knowledge and
variation of culturally specific address terms and language. This
was especially important in the case of second generation migrants
as it showed their linguistic ability, social and cultural
knowledge of how to use the language.
The data focused on two major categories of address terms,
formal and informal. In this way the information that was elicited
could be compared and contrasted against important cultural and
social contextual cues in language such as respeto (respect) and
confianza (confidence), which to a certain extent are similar to
the dimensions of 'power' and 'solidarity' discovered by Brown and
Gilman (1960). The selection process of terms in the interview
involved the interviewer asking the participants to give a number
of examples of terms used to communicate on the initial contact and
salutation at the beginning of an interaction to another member of
the community. The participants were asked to give examples of
address and salutation based on whether they knew the person or in
this case have confiaza and the second option was dependent upon
not knowing the person or having little contact and confianza with
the person with whom they initiate a conversation. The latter
option can also be viewed as a sign of respeto (respect), based on
power, social hierarchy and employment position at work. The data
elicited was categorised and placed into a table outlining the
formal and informal address terms used by both first and second
generation migrants. Fig 4 displays a variety of formal and
informal address terms.
ParticipantsTypeFormalAddressInformalAddress
EddyFirst generation Migrant
Hello, how are you?
Hola, com esta?Hola
How are you?
Como esta?
Good Morning
Buenos das
Buenos dias
AlexandraFirst generation Migrant
Buenos dias, como esta?How are ya, what are you doing around
here?
Que'ay, como esta, que hace por aca?
OscarFirst generation Migrant
Buenos diasWhat's happening brother?
Que'ubo hermano?
Good afternoon
Buenas tardes
How's it going?
Quemas?
Sir Don
What's up man?
Utd que hombre?
Mister Senor
Doctor Doctor
Pijuya
Pirobo
ToniSecond generation Migrant
How are you?
Como te encuentras?What's happening?
Entonces que?
Are you alright?
Bien o no?What's hap'ning
Ento'es que?
How is it going?
Quemas?Everything good mate?
Todo bien parsero?
HolaEnto'es que parse?
All good mate?
Todo bien pana?
Hola, como esta?
What's happening big man?
Ento'es que caravana?
MiltonSecond generation Migrant
Hola How are you brother?
Como esta llave?
Hola, como esta?
JorgeSecond generation Migrant
Hello, nice to meet you?
Hola, mucho gusto? What's happening?
Que'ubo?
Hola como esta?
HectorFirst generation Migrant
HolaWhat's up kid?
Que'ubo mjo, utd que?
Hola, como esta?
Entonces que parcerito?
Buenos dias
What's happening man?
Que pasa guevon?
FabioFirst generation Migrant
Hola Bro
Parce
Hola, como esta?
Que maricon?
Buenos dias
Como le ha ido?
How are you friends?
Que tal amigos?
Utd que?
Como estuvo la cosa?
Fig 4. Formal and Informal Address TermsThe tables below display
a variety of address terms used to communicate in formal and
informal contexts. From the terms above we can find the varieties
of address that are more commonly used in this group of
participants. Fig 5.1 and Fig 5.2 show the most popular formal and
informal address terms used by the participants.
Type of Migrant Generation
First Gen MigrantSecond Gen Migrant
FrequencyFrequency
Formal Address Option1Hola33
Buenos Dias/Buenas Tardes20
Informal Address Option1Que'ubo/Que'ay10
Parce/llave23
Guevon/Marico20
Fig 5.1 Option 1: Frequency of Formal & Informal Address
TermsType of Migrant Generation
First Gen MigrantSecond Gen Migrant
FrecuencyFrecuency
Formal Address Option 2Hola00
Buenos Dias/ Buenas Tardes30
other23
Informal Address Option 2Que'ubo11
Parce21
Guevon/Maricon10
other11
Fig 5.2 Option 2: Frequency of Formal & Informal Address
TermsFig 5.1 and Fig. 5.2 demonstrate that first generation
migrants use a larger variety of address terms than first
generation migrants. First generation participants also display
higher competency in culturally specific formal and informal
address terms, whereas the second generation participants showed
more basic knowledge of these terms. These results indicate that
although the second generation participants do have knowledge of
culturally specific address terms in both formal and informal uses,
they lack variety. However, Toni's interview demonstrates that he
posses a more complex linguistic variety of address terms. Toni
contributed more varieties of address terms than any other second
generation participant. Fig.4 shows one of Toni's preferred formal
terms of address, bien o no?, carry's a degree of respeto (respect)
but at the same time presents a degree of confianza (confidence).
This is an example of a complex and culturally specific address
term that can be used as both a formal and informal salutation
based on the context and relationship with an interlocutor. With
these types of address terms there is a degree of confidence and
respect that applies to each and every formal address term. Unlike
informal address terms, formal pronominal and language use is based
on the