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7/27/2019 Ciceros Catilinarian Orations. a Study in Emotional Appeal
Recommended Citation Jaracz, Mary Alvina, "Cicero's Catilinarian Orations: A Study in Emotional Appeal" (1942). Master's Teses. Paper 222.hp://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/222
1Lucretius on the deep-seated supersti t ions of the people
i s , in i t se l f , an indication of the hold which re l igious
observances had on the average educated Roman. And in
2former times did not Marcus Curtius, a brave youth, de-
vote himself as a sacrif ice to th e gods so that his coun
t ry might not perish? At another time when the Roman
armed forces were giving way and the enemy was pressing on
to victory, the chief pries t Showed how necessary to them
was the aid of the gods. Did not Decius Mus
3
then sacr i
fice his l i fe in the same unselfish spir i t? He mounted
his horse and rushed into the midst of the enemy, where
he fe l l pierced by many weapons. I t was perhaps with such
precedents in mind, and with a keen appreciation of the
sens i t iv i ty of his audience to a rel igious appeal, tha t
Cicero employed his invocations to the gods of Rome, in -vocations that could not f a i l to exal t the heart and s t i r
the soul from i t s profound depths.
In addition, therefore, to the item of personal char
acter , I intend to devote a chapter to the constant in -
1Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, Bk. 1, 62-65:
"Humana ante oculos foede cum vi ta inoeretin te r r i s oppressa gravi sub rel igionequae caput a coeli regionibus ostendebathorr ib i l i super aspectu mortalibus instansu
Ibid, 101: "tantum rel igio potui t suadere malorum"2caroline H. and Samuel Harding, £2• ~ . , p. 113.3Ibid.
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voking and apostrophising of the deit ies by Cicero. The
very fact that Cicero, in his speeches, could appeal to
the rel igious feelings of his l i s teners necessitates the
~ r e s e n c e of religious feeling in thei r hear ts . Every Ro-
man believed that Jupiter , Optimus Maximus, was the god
of the heaven above them and watched over the destinies of
the Roman State1 • Even Sulla who plundered the temple at
Delphi, always carried with him a l i t t l e image of Apollo,
which he frequently kissed, and to which he addressed fer
vent prayers in moments of danger2. In the eyes of Lucre
t ius a l l worship seemed prompted by fear and based on ig
norance of natural law3 • He saw men fearing death and
fearing the gods. And so we note Cicero made use of this
popular weakness in order to prevent crime and add ter ror
to l i f e . He announced himself the agent of the purpose
and the wisdom of the gods, saying tha t i t was they who
had willed that the wicked should be punished in the in
fernal region4. He emphasized continually the providence
1warde w. Fowler, Social Life a t Rome, p. 337.2Ludwig Friedlander, Romaii"Lifeand Manners, Vol. I I I ,
p . 86 --L u c r e t i u s , ££• c i t . Bk. I I I , 87-90:"nam veluti pueri t repidant atque omnia caecisin tenebris meticunt, s ic nos in luce timemusinterdum, nilo quae sunt metuenda magis quam
4quae pueri in tenebris pavitant figuntque futura•
Gaston Delayen, Cicero, p. 131.
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ancient and modern, have t r ied to explain the meaning of1
this "ar t of ar t s" . Why an "ar t"? When the human mind
endeavors to express i t se l f passionately, def ini te ly , v i
vidly - - that i s the beginning of a r t ; whereas when the
form charms the eye or the ear through the permanent and
continuing power of beauty that is the end of a r t . Elo-
12
quence is supposed to bear an intel lec·tual message, to con
vince through logic, and to at t rac t through charm. And so
in formulating a defini t ion of eloquence, this masterfular t , I have res t r ic ted myself to that of Cicero's own, since
2Thorndike remarks that "Cicero himself said the best thinga
ever said about i t " :
"Eloquence is not only the a r t of addressingmen in public - - it is the gi f t of strong feel ing, accurate thought, extensive knowledge,
splendor of imagination, force of expression,and the power of communicating, in written orapoken language, to other men, the idea, thefeeling, the conviction of t ruth, the admirat ion for the beaut i ful , the disposit ion of uprightnes's, the enthusiasm for vir tue , the devotion to duty, the heroic love of country, andthe fa i th in immortality, which make men honorable - - the feeling heart , the clear head, the
sound judgment, the popular knowledge, the ar t i s -
t ic imagination, the ardent patriotism, the a ttachment to l iber ty , the pious philosophy, andlas t ly the rel igion consonant with the most exalted 3idea of the people great , and the human race sacred."
David J . Brewer, The World's Best Orators, p. ix .;Ashley Thorndike, Modern Eloquence, Vol.IX, p .x i i i .
Qo·ted from A. DeLa.liiartlne, Memoirs of CelebratedCharacters, P• 335.
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farther in the Orator and defini te ly points out that the
duty of an orator is not only to inform his audience of
some circ1nnstance or prove his point but also to be able
to win the favor of the hearers and s t i r them to the de-
sired action. I t certainly did not suffice for Cicero
to enumerate a l l the vices of Cati l ine. His primary aim
in this case was to get the Senate interested in the af-
fa i r and put Cati l ine on the carpet .
Heshows us, then, that eloquence that amuses the
head without affect ing the heart does not deserve i t s
name. And in his Cati l inarian struggle how vividly did
his eloquence burn in his heart , f lash in his eyes, and
burst from his l ips , as he pronounced such statements:
"Vivis, et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad confirmandam
audaciamff.1 This effectiveness of Cicero 's eloquence,
based on the tone, look, gesture and whole manner2 {al l
of which things cannot be t ransferred to the writ ten or
24
printed page) played as well an important par t in the
orator 's projecting himself into the minds of his hearers.
Cicero knew the importance and power of gesture when he
remarked3 "the hands are the common language of mankind",
1cicero, In Catilinam I , i i : "You l ive , - and you
l ive, not to lay aside but to pers is t in your audacity".2arenville Kleiser, 2£• c i t . , pp. 26, 27.3navid A. Harsha, Orators-and Statesmen, p. 64.
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and seemed never ready to talk " t i l l he had warmed his arm".
Mighty mouthed and easily impressible, with a vivid imagi
nation and strong emotional nature , l his very presence and
bearing were enough to command, inspire , electr i fy and win.2
In this "prince of orators"3were combined a l l the essent ial
quali t ies of the accomplished Orator.
According to Harsha4 Cicero displayed his greatest t a l -
ents as an orator and statesman by detecting and crushing
the conspiracy of Cati l ine. He considers this "the most
glorious act of his pol i t i ca l career; and his orations a
gainst Catil ine as the most splendid monuments of his elo
quence•.5 Did not the Catil inarians drive out the conspir-
ators from Rome and save the commonwealth from ut te r de
struction?6 Did not Catil ine himself lose his l i fe in a
bat t le?7 Were not f ive of the principal conspirators exe
cuted?8 Was not , f inal ly , the conspiracy completely sup
pressed?
1sherwin Cody, World's Great Orations, p. 14.2J. Wight Duff, Writers of Rome, p. 40.
3Jerome Corcopino, Daily Life in Ancient Rome, p. 125.4David, A Harsha, on. ci t : - ; -P".nl . -5 ~ -Ibid . , P• 51.
6cicero, In Catilinam I I I , i : "Principio, ut Catil inapaucis ante diebus erupit ex urbe".
7sal lus t , ib id . , LV: "In eum locum postquam demissusest Lentulus, vindices rerum capitalitim quibus praeceptumerat laqueo gulam fregere." ••• "De Cethego, Sta t i l io , Gabinis , Coepario, eodem modo supplicium. sumptum est ."
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HIS OWN REPUTATION, A POTENT FACTORIN EXCITING THE EMOTIONS
How did Cicero, the upstar t , (novus homo) the strang-
er from the country, succeed in driving out the t ra i tor
Cati l ine, that unscrupulous ring-leader of an ancient
patr ician family, when there were many in that senate
bodyl who leaned toward that "scum of hum.anity",2 pi l lo
r ied as the very pattern of a l l wickedness3 who had threat
ened the l iber t ies of Rome? 4 We have th is vehement apos-
trophe:
"Quosque tandem abutere, Catil inapatient ia nostra? Quam diu etiam furori s te tuus nos eludet? Quam ad finemesse effrenata iactabi t audacia?"5
Had we been present a t the senate we should have seen Ci
cero, his eye fixed upon the conspirator . We should have
heard him breaking into the most scathing invective a-
l J . L. Strachan-Davidson, Cicero and the Fall of theRoman Republic, p. 123. - -- --W. L. Collins, Cicero, (Ancient Classics for EnglishReaders), p.32.
3Gaston Delayen, op. c i t . , pp. 78-79.4Torsten Petersson, op: -c i t . , p. 63.
5cicero, In Catilinam-I, i : "In heaven's name, Catil ine , how long-will you abuse our patience? How long wil lthat madness of yours mock us? To what l imit wil l your
unbridled audacity vaunt i t se l f?"30
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gainst Cati l ine when he accused him of attacking openly the
whole s ta te , of threatening with destruction the temples of
the immortal gods, the houses of the ci ty , the l ives of a l l
the ci t izens , - in short , a l l I t a ly , l and then, when he dis-
closed the infamy in the conspirator 's private af fa i r s ,
when he emphasized that l icentiousness in his eyes, that
atrocity in his hands, that in iqui ty in his whole body. 2
With a l l the f i re and force of an incensed eloquence, he
laid open the whole course of his vi l la in ies , and the noto
r ie ty of his treason, in order to show Catil ine that his
p lo t was discovered, that his movements were discovered and
to drive him out of the ci ty into the position of a public
enemy. Did his words bear weight? What was the reaction
of his audience to th is f iery denunciation of Cati l ine 's
effrontery? In answer we have Cicero's own response in the
Second Cati l inarian, where he recounted to the people the
events which had transpired in the senate on the preceding
da.y.3
1cicero, In Catilinam I , v: "Nunc iam aperte rempublicam universari1 pet i s ; templa deorum immortalium, tectaurbis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam totam ad exitium etvas t i ta tem vocas". .
2rbid. , v i: "Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis noninusta vitae tuae est? Quod privatarum rerum dedecus nonhaeret fama? Quae l ibido ab ocul is , quod facinus a manibus umquam tu is , quod flagitium a toto corpore afuit?"
3Ibid . , I I , v i .
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He makes mention f i r s t of a l l of the personal danger
to which he had been exposed when he had been "a l l but mur-
dered" in his own home. Then af ter winning the sympathy of
his hearers he t e l l s how he had convened the senate in the
temple of Jupi ter Stator and had related the a f fa i r to the
gentlemen of the senate. With what resul t? Cicero i s most
emphatic and dramatic in employing the rhetorical question
to heighten the colors of the picture he is paint ing. "What
senator addressed him?"l he cr ies ."Who
looked upon him
not so much even as an implacable enemy?" And with these
questions ringing in the i r ears, Cicero completes his pic-
ture with the graphic touch of the leaders leaving "that
par t of the benches to which he came bare and unoccupied.lt2
We should have seen th is most powerful exhibit ion of
indignant, denunciatory eloquence that te r r i f ied the enemy
of l iber ty! Even his accomplices did not dare to salute
Cati l ine . Astonished by the thunder of th is speech, the
l a t t e r had l i t t l e to say. Cicero t e l l s us that Cati l ine
was s i len t ,3 and Sal lus t adds tha t , uttering violent
1cicero, In Catilinam I I , v i: "quis sa lu tav i t , quisdenique a s p e x i ~ u t perditum civem ac non potuis ut im-portuniss urn hostem?"
2rbid. , "Quin etiam principes eius ordinis partemi l lam subselliorum, ad quam i l l e accesserat , nudam atqueinanem re l iquerunt ."~ C i c e r o , Orator, 129: "a nobis homo audacissimus Ca-t i l ina in senatu accusatus obmutuit."
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1 9threats , he l e f t the h o u s e , ~ Proclaiming himself the
general of the Republic, he hurried in to Etruria to assume
the responsibil i t ies of the head of an open insurrection.
The people were inflamed with indignation against him.
How did the orator accomplish these elect r ic effects? The
general esteem which he had won gave him the a ir of author-
i ty to denounce Cati l ine. His reputation as an honest or
as De Quincey te l l s us "thoughtfully conscientious man",3
in other words, his wise conduct gained him the confidence
of his people so that they believed whatever he said .
Quintil ian wrote about him:
I cannot see that the aims of Cicero were •in any portion of his career other than suchas may become an excellent ci t izen. As evid-
ence I would cite the fac t tha t his behaviouras consul was magnificent and his administra-t ion of his province a model of in tegr i ty ,while he refused to become one of the twentycommissioners, and in the grievous c ivi l warswhich aff l ic ted his generation beyond a l lothers, neither hope nor fear ever deterredhim from giving his support to the bet terparty, that is to say, to the in teres ts ofthe commonwealth.n4
1sa l lus t , op. c i t . XXXI, "Tum i l le furibundus, 'Quo-niam quidem cireumventus' inqui t 'ab inbtic is praecepsagor, incendium meum ruina restinguam'"·
~ I b i d . , XXXII: ffDeinde se ex curia domum proripuit .2
4Thomas DeQuincey, ££• c i t . , p. 2.Quinti l ian, XII, i , 12.
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in one of his le t te rs tha t he succeeded in delivering many
s ta tes from the burden of excessive t r ibu te , high ra tes
of in teres t , and fraudulent debt cla ims. l In reference
to his management in Cil ic ia he professed that in a l l his
l i fe he never experienced so much pleasure in the con-
templation of his incorrupt ibi l i ty as a t that t ime, and
tha t it was not so much the enhancement of his reputation,
though tha t i s important, as the exercise of the vir tue
tha t delighted him. 2 I t i s probable, however, that the
nobles whose honor or fortune he had saved and the towns
or provinces that he had protected agmnst greedy govern
ors, had often found an opportunity of tes t i fy ing their
grat i tude by bequest which they l e f t him. The greatest
origin of his fortunes was the legacies received af ter
death and wil l of the cl ien ts . From Cicero's le t te rs
to Atticus we are informed tha t Cluvius, a r ich banker
of Puteol i , l e f t his esta te to Cicero.3 We read in Pro
J.11ilone tha t Cyrus placed Cicero among h is heirs . 4 One
lc icero, Ad Fam. x:.l, 4: 11 Q.uibus in oppidis cum magni
conventus fuissent:-mllltas civi ta tes acerbissimis t r ibu-t i s e t gravissimis usuris e t falso aere alieno l iberavi .n
2cicero, Ad Att . V, 20: "Ego in vi ta mea nulla umquamvoluptate tanta-sum-adfectus, quanta adf ic ior hac in tegr i -t a te , nee me tam fama, quae summa est , quam res ipsa delec ta t .n
ocicero, Ad. Att. XIV, x i: "De Cluvio quoniam in remea me ipsum diiTgentia vincis , res ad centena perduci tur ."
4cicero, Pro JV:ilone, xvi i i : 11Nam quid de Gyro nuntiare t , quem Clodius Roma proficiscens re l iquera t morientem?
Testamentum simul obsignavi, una fui; testamentum autempalam fecerat e t illum heredem e t me scr ipsera t ."
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(amantissimos) to the republic. 1He summoned his ci t izens
to consider Scipio i l lus t r ious (clarus) because by his
wisdom (consilio) and valor (vir tute) Hannibal was com-
pelled to return to Africa and to depart from I ta ly . 2 This
second Africanus, W1o destroyed the two ci t ies of Carthage
and Numantia, which were host i le to the Roman empire, was
to be extolled with conspicuous praise (eximia laude).3
Lucius Paullus was to be thought a great man (egregius),
he whose triumphal car was graced by Parses, previously
a most noble (nobilissimus) and powerful (potentissimus)
4monarch. Marius who delivered I ta ly from siege and
from the fear of slavery deserved eternal honor (aeterne..
glor ia) . 5 Pompey was to be ~ e f e r r e d to them al l ;
Pompey, whose virtues (vir tutas) were bounded by the same
dis t r ic t s and l imits as the course of the sun.6 Then,
1cicero, In Catilinam III , i i : "Itaque hesterno dieFlaccum e t c:-Pomptinum praetores, fort issimos atque aman-t issimos re i publicae viros, ad me vocavi. I l l i autem,qui
2omnia de re publica praeclara atque egregia sent i rent" .
Ibid . , IV, x: "s i t Scipio clarus i l l e , cuius consil ioatque vir tute Hannibal in Africam redire atque I ta l ia
decgdere coactus est"Ibid. , "ornetur a l te r eximia laude Africanus, qui duosurbes huic imperio infestissimos, Carthaginem Numantiumque,
d e l ~ v i t "Ibid. , "habeatur v ir egregius Paulus i l l e , cuius currum
rex potentissimus quondam e t nobilissimus Perses honestavit"5Ibid., "s i t aeterna gloria Marius qui bis Italiam ob
s i d ~ o n e e t metu servi tu t is l iberavi t"Ibid. , "anteponatur omnibus Pompeius, cuius rea gestae
atque vir tutes iadem quibus. aolis curaus, regionibus acterminis continentur."
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further, in his speeches he continued to tag the patr iots
with superlatives of noble qual i t ies such as when he called
~ · Catulus a most eminent (clarissimo) and brave ( for t i ss i -
1mo) mm. , when he spoke of the husband of Lucius Caesar 's
s is te r as a ~ excellent (lectissimae) woman, 2 when he
called the tribunes of the treasury ~ excellent ( for t i
ssimos) men, who displayed zeal in defense of the republ ic . 3
Then he proceeded to say that no injury could be done to
him by them for he f e l t great protection in the affect ion
of a l l good (bonis) men, a protection which was procured
4for him forever. In another passage he mentioned a high
sp i r i t in the virtuous (in bonis) ci t izens.5
The consul had nothing with which to oppose this hor
r id conspiracy except his power of eloquence which alone
procured the desired resul ts without any other assistance6than firm, undaunted resolut ion. This he employed wher-
ever opportunity presented i t se l f .
1cicero, In Catilinam I I I , x: "Dissensit M. Lapidus ac:Ja rissimo e t fortissimo viro Q. Catulo"
2Ibid. , IV, vi: "cum sororis suae, feminae l ec t i s s i
mae virum dixi t"~ I b i d . , vi i : "Pari studio defendendae re i publicaeconlenisse video tribunos aerarios, fortissimos viros"
Ibid. , xi i : "Quamquam, Quiri tas, mihi quidem ips inih i l ab i s t i s iarn noceri potest . Magnum enim est in bonis praesidium, quod mihi in perpetuum comparatum est"
5Ibid. , I I , ix : "deinde magnos mimos esse in bonisvir i s" .
6T. Petersson, op. c i t . , p. 171.
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From the outcome of the Catil inarians we know that
Cicero's reputation played a great part in promoting his
success. A great orator must not only possess in te l lec-
tual abi l i t i es but he must be a man of s ter l ing character.
In one of Pliny 's l e t te rs to Catius Lapidus where Pliny
attacks Regulus as the opposite of a good orator , he te l l s
us that "Herennius Senecio admirably reversed Cato's de-
f in i t ion of an orator and applied it to Regulus: 'An ora
tor is a bad man, unskilled in the a r t of speaking. ' In
real i ty Cato's defini t ion is not a more exact description
of a true orator than Senecio's is of the character of
th is man. "2
This magnetic orator besides his good reputat ion had
other outstanding qual i t ies of character, one ofwhich we
shal l discuss in the following chapter. His patr iot ic
zeal deserves a marked consideration. He always spoke of
his country with a throb of pleasure, and f inal ly sealed
his devotion for it with his own blood.
1Pliny, Epistulae Selectae 4, vi i : "Itaque Herennius
Senecio mirif ice Catonis i l lud de oratore in hunc e cont rar io ver t i t ' o ra tor es t v ir malus dicendi imperitus ' .Non mehercule Cato ipse tam bene verum oratorem quam hie
Regulum expressi t ."
39
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popularity i f only he could fu l f i l l his duty. 1 He had
made an offer of his l i fe to save his country, for death
would not be fearful to a brave man, not premature for one
who had been consul, nor grievous for a man of wisdom.2
Richard te l ls us "that Cicero upheld the banner of a free
republic to the end and gave his l i f e for her ." 3 Cicero's
patriotism appears sometimes bewildered. This is due, per-
haps, to his vivid imagination which presented every pos-
sible aspect of a problem to his mind; as a consequence he
would view i t from a dozen angles. This habit led at
times to inconsistency of statement, confusion or to hesi-
tancy in action. One too sensi t ive to the excesses and
acts of his fellow-men becomes deprived of thei r powerful
support . This hero of his nation was, however, the expo
nent of i t s best thoughts and noblest aspira t ions; he was
i t s fai thful servant in l i f e .
In other passages which are an expression of pat r io t -
ism he aroused the popular passion by personifying his
lc icero, In Catilinam I I , vi i : "Est mihi tant i , Quir i t es , huius invidae falsae atque iniquae tempestatem subi re , dum modo a vobis huius horr ibi l i s bel l i ac nefar i ipericulum depellatur.u
2cicero, ib id . , i i i : Hnam neque turpis mors fo r t i viropotest accidere neque immatura consulari nee misera sa
p i e n t ~ . "G. c. Richard, ££· c i t . , p. 64.
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native land as she is represented crying aloud and address
ing her cit izens when Cicero makes her say that there has
now for many years been no crime committed but by Cati l ine,
who alone unpunished and unguestioned has murdered the
ci t izens , has harassed and plundered the a l l i es , that he
alone has had power not only to neglect a l l laws and in
vestigations but to overthrow and break through them. 1 Do
not such forceful statements impress the mind of a l iber ty
loving people and produce the desired effects? Cicero
aimed to kindle and keep alive the flame of l iber ty which
had been fed by every lover of his country.
We have another such outpouring, now swelling with
successive bursts of thunder, in the passage in which he
te l l s the senators tha t the ir common country, besieged by
the hands and weapons of an impious conspiracy, stretch
ed forth her hands to them as a suppliant , that she recom-
mends to them the l ives of a l l the ci t izens , the ci tadel ,
the capitol , the a l ta rs of the household gods, the eternal
and unextinguishable f i re of Vesta, a l l the temples of a l l
lc icero, In Catilinam, I , vi i : "Nullum iam al iquot
annis facinus exs t i t i t nis i per te , nullum flagitium sinete . Tibi uni multorum civium neces, t ib i vexatio direptioque sociorum impunita fu i t ac l ibera ; tu non solum ad neglegendas leges e t quaestiones verum etiam ad evertendas
perfrigendasque voluis t i ."
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the gods, the a l ta rs , the walls and the houses of the ci ty .
Moreover, their l ives, the l ives of the i r wives and chi l -
dren, the fortunes of a l l men, the ir homes, the ir hearths
are th is day interested in their decision. 1
In addition we have Cicero painting pictures of pa
t r io t ic ci t izens , aa in the passage where he refers to Lu
cius Caesar as a thoroughly brave (fortissimo) man, and of
2the best disposit ion toward (amantissimus) the republic,
or as an excellenty o u n g ~ '
Publius Sextius,
3or that
brave (fortissimo) man, Marcus Marcellus. He comments on
Lucius Flaccus and Caius Pomptinus, the praetors, stat ing
that they deservedly (merito) and r ight ly (lure) were
praised because he has availed himself of the i r brave (for-
4t i ) and loyal (fidel!} assistance, or he speaks of Caius
Marcius, that most i l lus t r ious (clarissimo) of men, who had
1Cicero, In catilinam IV, ix : "Obsessa facibus e t
te l l s impiae-coniurationis vobis supplex manus tendit p a ~t r ia communis, vobis se, vobis vitam omnium civium, vobisarcem e t Capitellum, vobis aras Penatium, vobis illum ig nem Vestae sempiternum, vobis omnium deorum templa atquedelubra, vobis muros atque urbis tecta commendat. Pr.aeterea de vestra vita, de coniugum vestrarum atque liberorumanima de fort inus omnium, de sedibus, de focis vestr ishodierno die vobis iudicandum es t . "
2Ibid. , "vir fort issimus e t amantissimus re i publicae"3Ibid. , I , vi i : "huic adulescenti optimo P. Sestio s i
f o r ~ i s s i m o viro M. Marcello"Ibid . , I I I , v i: "Flaccus e t c . Pomptinus praetores,
quod eorum opera for t i fidel:tque usus essem merito aclure laudarus"
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no scruples about putting to death Caius Glaucius.l He
mentions the cit izens who shed the blood of Saturninus, the
Gracchi, and Flaccus, as most noble (summi) and most famous
(clarissimi) men who not only did not s ta in their names but
even were honored for the i r acts . 2 Further on, how empha-
t ica l ly he claims that the honest (bonis} cit izens have
srea t courage (magnos animos}; thei r unanimity of feeling
(concordiwm) is great (magnam).3
At times Cicero may seem to have pursued a wavering
course but his ultimate goal, the welfare of the republic,
was foremost in his mind.4 We come in contact with such
accusations even today. The American Observer carried an
ar t ic le about Raymond Clapper, a well-known columnist,whose
comments appear dai ly in eighty-f ive newspapers, to the ef-
feet that he was accused by a reader of inconsistency.
Mr. Clapper admitted tha t the gentleman was correct and
that he switched almost completed around. He quoted col-
umns he had writ ten during the las t several years to prove
how changing world events had caused him, month by month,
to revise his own personal opinions to a great extent and,
lc icero, In Catilinam I I I , v i: "c.Mario, clarissimoviro
9non fuerat quo minus c . Glauciam"
~ I b i d . , I , xi i : "Etenim s i summi vi r i e t clarissimi elves Saturnini e t Gracchorum et Flacci et superiorum complurium sanguine non modo se non contaminarunt sed etiam honestarunt"~ I b i d . , I I , v i i i : "deinde magnos animos esse in bonisvi r i s magnam c o n c o r d i ~ "4Frank, Tenney, Cicero, p. 17.
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" Yes, I have switched. I try to learnfrom events. Events are not consistent.Some people, once they adopt an idea,bury i t in the ground and go on the res tof their l ives defending i t , without ever
r e - e ~ i n i n g i t to see whether time andthe elements have caused i t to decay intoa worthless handful of dust. In that wayyou can be always consistent - - and oftenwrong."l
Cicero's attainment in the Catil inarians best proved
that an individual may be moved by an enthusiastic appeal
to loyalty and patr iot ism. But in addition to thiswe
~ h o u l d note that there was a sanct if icat ion of patriotiam in
Rome. This sanctif icat ion of the Roman ci t izen 's highest i
deal - embodied in the Roman rel igion. An appeal to rel igion
might easi ly weld the s ta te into a whole, as we shal l note
in the next chapter. I t might well make and hold together a
nation. Even St. Augustine, af ter four hundred years, seemed
impressed with the sp i r i t which breathed through the book of
Varro, wherein the l a t t e r exhibited the vanities and fol l ies
2of the old Roman rel igion.
Let us, therefore, now turn our investigation to the
consideration of the use which Cicero makes of religious ap-
peals in his attempt to arouse the popular emotions against
Cati l ine.
1"Price of Consistency", !!!.!. American Observer, Vol. X,
(Feb. 17, 1941),p.s.2 Cyril Bailey, The Religion of Ancient ~ ~ p. 112.
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not . 1 In the l e t t e r Which he addressed to his wife, Teren-
t i a , he says that he served men, while she worshipped gods.2
Yet, when Tullia died, the bereaved father intended to build
for her not a tomb (sepulchrum) but a shrine (fanum),3 and
we might note that when Cicero was an augur he was proud of
holding that posi t ion. S t i l l i t is probable that such pride
rested rather upon his natural conservatism and his respect
fo r established ins t i tu t ions than upon rel igious conviction.
He was keenly al ive, however, to the poll t i ca l value which
rel igion possessed - the value of unif icat ion of in teres t
in the various elements in the const i tut ion.
His majestic invocations to the gods, gained for him
the esteem of pious and rel igious groups. These prayers
cer tainly had a mighty influence over the minds of the men,
for pie tas , which expressed the due fulf i l lment of man's
duty to god, is the ru le and measure of a l l vir tue. 4 I t is
in these invocations that we detect tha t a speaker has not
a more advantageous way of recommending himself or of mer-
i t ing approbation than by making a s t r i c t and severe pro-
1Grant Shower.man, ~ ~ ~ Roman, pp. 292, 293.
2cicero, Ad Fam. 12, 4, 1: "Neque Dii, quos tu ca.stissime coluis t i , neque homines, quibus ego semper servivi" .~ C i c e r o , Ad. Att. XII, 12, 1.
A. De Lamartine, ~ c i t . , p. 348, 419.
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urged the Romans to propagate the adoration of the ir dei t ies ,
when he attr ibuted the world-wide victor ies of his people to
piety, rel igion, and the knowledge that everything is direc
ted by the will of the gods. In the Fourth Catil inarian he
stated that the gods have determined that he should snatch
the senators and the people from miserable slaughter, their
wives and chi ldren and the vestal virgins from most b i t t e r
dis t ress , the temples and shrines of the gods, and that most
lovely country of a l l of them, from impious flames, a l l I ta ly
from war and devastation. 1 Deus to the Romans was a person
of reverence, a supernatural being who could help or harm,
and whose re l igious sanction attended bir th , adolescence and
marriage.
Let us examine the apostrophe Cicero made in glowing
terms to the mighty Jupiter in one of his Catil inarian pero-
rat ions where he t r ied to recapture the ancient Roman charac
ter , discipline and morals upon which he perceived that
Rome's great past had been securely bui l t . In the in ternal
organization of the s ta te there was f e l t the need of re l i -
gious sanction for public morality, and Jupiter was invoked
lc icero, In Catilinam IV, i : "di immortales esse voluerunt , ut vos populumque Romanum ex caede miserrima . conjuges liberosque vestros virginesque vestales ex acerbissimavexatione, templa atque delubra, hanc pulcherrimam patriamomnium nostrum ex foedissima flamma, totam I tal iam ex belloe t vast i ta te eriperem"
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as the deity of jus t ice , Jupi ter whom he pronounced conse
crated by Romulus with the same auspices as the c i ty , mom
the Romans r ight ly called the stay of the ci ty and empire.
I t is upon Jupi ter tha t he calls to repel Cati l ine and his
companions from his own al ta rs and from the other temples,
from the houses and walls of the ci ty , from the l ives and
fortunes of a l l the ci t izens , and to overwhelm a l l the ene
mies of good men, the foes of the republic, the robbers of
I ta ly , men bound together by a t reaty and infamous ~ l iance
of crimes, dead and alive, with eternal punisbments. 1
In mother select ion we find Cicero giving great thanks
to the immortal gods, and th is very Jupi ter in whose temple
they were, the most ancient protector of tha t c i ty , that they
have already so often escaped so foul , so horrible, and so
2deadly an enemy to the republic . To whom was Jupi ter not
known? What Roman had not had personal dealings with th is
1Cicero, In Catilinam, I , x i i i : "Tu Jupi ter , qui isdemquibus haec urbs, ausplci is a Romulo es consti tutus, quemStatorem huius urbis atque imperi vere nominamus, hunc e t huius socios a tu is ceterisque templis a tec t i s , urbis ac moe-
nibus, a vita fortunisque eivium arcebis e t homines bonoruminimicos host is patr iae, latrones I ta l iae scelerum foederein ter se ac nefaria societate coniunctos, aeternis , suppli-ciiA vivos mortuosque mactabis". . .
~ i d . , v: "Magna dis immortalibus habenda est atquehuic ips i Jovi Stator i , antiquissimo custodi huius urbis ,grat ia , quod hanc tam taetram, tam horribilem tamque in festam re i publicae pestem tot iens lam effugimus".
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"highest and best" god? To him the Roman youth came to
make his offering when he took the dress of manhood; to him
the magistrates before entering on their year of office per
formed sacr i f ices ; before him the victorious general with
the spoils of h is v i ~ t o r y passed in procession.
Then, too, the fear of retr ibution for evi l among the
Roman was an important contribution to the character of a
disciplined sta te . We note Cicero threatening the wicked
with the statenent that the immortal gods wil l stand by and
bring aid to this invincible nation, this most i l lust r ious
empi're, thi,s most beautiful ci ty , against such wicked vio
l e r r ~ e . lIn at t r ibut ing the credit of saving Rome to himself he
would, no doubt, spel l h is downfall. The re i tera t ion of
self-praise would create for him many enemies. Is he not
shrewd, therefore, when in his hypnotic language he ascribed
his success to the interposit ion of the Gods? "And i f I were
to say that i t was I ~ h o resis ted them, I should take too
much to myself, and ought not to be to lerated. He - - he,
Jupiter, resisted them, he determined that the capitol
should be safe, he saved these temples, he saved th is c i ty ,
lc icero, In Catilinam I I , ix : "deos denioue immortaleshuic invicto populo, clar!ssimo imperio, pulcherrimae urbicontra tantam vim sceler is praesentes auxilium esse l a t u r o s ~
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he saved a l l of you, "says our magnetic ora tor . l Or he
t e l l s his audience that he rel ied neither on h is prudence,
nor on human counsels, but on many and manifest intimations
of the wil l of the immortal gods, under whose guidance he
entertained this hope and th is opinion; the gods who were
defending their temples and the houses of the ci ty not far
off as they were used to , from a foreign and distant enemy,
but here on the spot by theirown divinity and their p o ~ e r . 2
The view that re l igion supplied an instrument to the
statesman might be traced in such addresses as those in
which he questioned the Romans whether there could be any
one so obstinate against the t ru th , so headstrong, so void
of sense, as to deny tha t a l l these things which they saw,
and especial ly th is ci ty , was governed by the divine author
i ty and power of the immortal Gods?3 And then, further on
Cicero, In Catilinam I I I , ix : "quibus ego s i me res t i -t i sse dicam, nimium mihi sumam e t non aim ferendus; i l l e Jupi ter r e s t i t i t ; i l l e Capitolium, i l l e cunctam urbem, i l l evos omnia salvos esse "olui t"
2Cicero, Ib id . I I , xi i i : "Quae quidem ego neque mea pru
dentis neque humanis consi l i i s fretus polliceor vobis, Quir i t e s , sed multis e t non dubiis deorum immortal-111m s ign i f i -cationibus quibus in hanc spem sententiamque sum ingressus;qui iam non procul, u t quondam solebant, ab externo hoste a tque longinque, sed hie praesentes suo nomine atque auxiliosua ~ e m p l a atque urbia tecta defendunt."
Ibid. I I I , ix : "Hie quia potest esse, Quiri tes, tam aversus a vero tam praeceps, tam mente captus, qui neget haecomnia quae videmus, praecipueque hanc urbem deorum immorta-11um nutu ac potestate administrar:i 'l "
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he continued to emphasize the fact that the republic, and
a l l thei r lives,, thei r goods, their fortunes, their wiveS'
and children, the home of that most i l lust r ious empire,
their most fortunate and beautiful c·ity, by the great love
of the immortal gods for them were snatched from f i re and
sword, and almost from the very jaws of fate preserved and
1restored to them.
T h ~ s , we see that Cicero created a rel igious atmosphere
to give support and sanction to the achievement of his im
diate politic:al aim. Although i t was impossible for him to
recapture the ear l ier Roman rel igion and the old family vi r
tues, yet i t proved to be one of the l inks in the chain
that he was forging for the destruction of his antagonist .
Besides, a ll these.prayers and entreat ies were molded into
such hypnotic language that i t simply charmed the public as
we shall detect in our next chapter.
1Cicero, In Catilinam III , i : "Rem publicam, vitam-
que omnium vestrum, bona fortunas, conjuges liberosque vestroatque hoc domicilium clariss imi imperi, fortunatissimam pul •c h e ~ m a m q u e urbem, hodierno die deorum immortalium summo erga vos amore, - - - e flamma atque ferro ac paene ex faclbusfa t i ereptam e t vobis conservatam ac resti tutam videt is ."
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"As to patterns for imitat ion, theonly master of style I have everhad (which i s strange consideringthe differences of the languages)is Cicero. I think I owe a greatdeal to him, and as fa r as I know:
to no one else."
Quotation from J.C.RolfeCicero and His Influence,P• I59.
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fluence of passion than under the influence of reason. By
employing this s tyle the orator could excite the admira-
t ion not only of the cultured few, but also of the general
publi.c, which even i f 1 t did not understand the cause,
could, a t any ra te , appreciate the effect of sublime
eloquence. Cody names him a "typical master of rhetoric-
a l s tyle , rhetor ical device, and the kind of oratory which
is entertaining as well as convincing• 1 Catullus calls
Cicero "the most eloquent of the descendants of Romulus,that are, that have been1 or that wil l be in years to
come, and the best of a l l pleaders.n2 He knew not only
how to select words, but also how to use them effect ive-
ly . He used threatening language where vehemence demanded
i t , and lofty tones in cases of great moment as in suppli-
cations. In the Orator he informs us that one style of
oratory i s not suited to every occasion, nor to every
audience. 3 For this reason he was carefUl to adopt a
lsherwin Cody, ...2!2• c i t . , p. 39.2catullus, Carmina, 49:"Disertiss1me Romuli nepotum,
Quot sunt quotque fuere,Marce Tull iQuotque post a l l i s erunt in annisGratias t ib i maximas CatullusAgit pessimus omnium poeta,Tanto pessimus omnium poetaQuanto tu optimus omnium patronus."
3cicero, Orator, xxi, 7: "Non enim omnia fortuna non om-nia honos non omnis suctori tas non omnia aetas nee vero locusaut tempus aut auditor omnia eodem aut verborum genera t rac-tandus es t aut sententiarum, semperque in omni parte ora-
t ionis u t vitae quid deceat est considerandum; quod e tin
rede qua agitur positum est e t in personis e t eorum qui dicunte t eorum u i audiunt."
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variable style suited to the different parts of his speeches
Accomplished as an orator he could so well play upon
the gamut of human emotions that he succeeded in forcing
Catil ine to flee from Rome. In the hands of a master l ike
Cicero gl i t ter ing rhetoric became a weapon to accomplish
his purpose, not a mere display of f inery for public
occasions. Let us see how his rhetoric flashes out in
the f i r s t exordium against Catil ine awakening the in teres t
of his hearers with such rapier- l ike thrusts as:
"Quo usque tandem abutere, Cati l lna, patient ianostra? Quam diu etiam furor late tuus noseludet? Quem ad finem sese effrenata ~ a c t a b i taudacia?"I ·
He then presses his advantage, exciting their emotions,
f ixing thei r attention, and making a l l this their personal
concern when he cr ies :110 tempora, o moresl Senatus haec in te l legi t ,consul videt; hie tamen vivi t . Vivit? Immovero etiam in senatum venit , f i t publici cons i l l part iceps, notat e t d e s i ~ n a t oculis adcaedem unum quemque nostrum."
1ctcero, In Catilinam I , i : "In heaven's name, Catil ine,how long w i l ~ y o u abuse our patience? How long wil l thatmadness of yours mock us? To what l imit wil l your unbridledaudacity vaunt i t se l f?"
2Ibid. , "What an agel What morals! The Senate knows
these things, the consul sees them. Yet this man l ives .Lives, did I say? Nay, more, he walks into the Senate, hesingles out and marks with his glance each one of us formurder."
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"An vero v ir amplissimus, P. Scipio, Pontifexmaximus, Ti. Gracchum madiocriter labefactantam statum re i publicae privatus in te r fec i t ;
Catilinam orbem terrae caede atque incendii!vastare cupiantem nos consulas perferemus?"
66
Cicero here compares Gracchus with Cati l ine; the whole earth
with the commonwealth; slaughter, f i re , and devastation with
moderate changes; consuls with a private ci t izen. Amplifi
cation in this instance i s an exaggeration of a l l the con
st i tuent parts , and lends strength to the argument by dwell
ing upon i t . I t i s ~ f u r t h a r m o r e , a typical example of an
orator ical appeal to the prejudice of the audience, for a t
the vary thought of the nama Gracchus, the ar is tocrat ic
feeling was roused, whereas a t the time of the deed referred
to, Scipio's conduct met with severe condemnation from his
contemporaries.
Another rhetor ical device that i s suitable for Ampli-
2'fication is Interrogatio (Lat. inter-among, between,
thoroughly; rogare-to ask) a question propounded with no
intent of receiving an answer, but to presuppose the idea
that the hearers may be challenged to gainsay the affirm-
at ion. I t serves aptly to express any emotion; here anger:
1Cicero, In Catilinam I , i : "Did not that i l lust r ious
man and chier-Pontiff , Publius Scipio, in his privatecharacter, k i l l Tiberius Gr8 cchus when he was making onlymoderate changes in the commonwealth, and sha l l we consulsbear with Catil ine who i s seeking to devastate the wholeearth with f ire and sword."
2c. Mueller, Cicero's Ad Herennium, Vol. I , P• 89.
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"How long, Cati l ine, wil l you abuse our patience? How
long will that madness of yours mock us? To what l imi t
wi l l your unbridled audacity vaunt us?"1 In a str ing of
wrathful interrogation the orator exhibited the character
i s t i cs of f i re and vigor and of fervid imagination. But
then, a certain pitch of excitement is requisi te to jus t i -
fy the boldness of th is f igure. Men scold in interrogations.
Again,
Or,
"For what, Cati l ine, can please younow in this city where there i s no one,except your fellow-conspirators - ruinedmen - who does not fear you, or who doesnot hate you? What stigma of disgraceis not branded on your private l i fe? Whatdishonor in personal relat ions does notcling to your ill fame? What lus t has notstained your eyes, what crime has not s ta in-ed your hands, what corruption has not
stained your whole body? To what youthwhom you had ensnared by the allurementsof seduction have you not furnished aweapon for his crimes or a torch for hislust? What then? When la te ly , by thedeath of your former wife, you had madeyour house empty and ready for a newbridal , did you not even add another in credible wickedness to this wickedness?"2
"Haec, s i tecum, i ta u t dixi , patr ia lo quatur, nonne impetrare debeat, etiamsi vimadhibere non possit? ••• Quid est , Cati l ina?Ecquid at tendis , ecquid animadvertis horumsilentium? ••• Quid expectas auctoritatem
1cicero, In Catilinam I , i .
2 rbid. , v i:
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loquentiym, quorum voluntatem tacitorum perspicio?"
This f igure serves as a charged electr ic wire carrying to
his hearers the sign of vivid conviction. Cicero reduced
his opponent to sophist icated answers, making him make
such shif ts as these: " 'Tis so•; ' t i s not soi •11
When the orator af ter laboring under such violent
emotion, sought to give speedy release to his thoughts,,
he employed Asyndeton (Gr. a , privat ive; e r uv together;,
d'e w to bind; not connected together) . By dropping the
connective pa»ticles he produced the effect of impassioned
and rugged impetuosity. We may note it in such passages
as:
"Nihilne te nocturnum praesidium Pala t i ,nihi l urbis vigi l iae , nihi l timor populi,nihi l concursus bonorum omnium, nihi l hiemunitissimus habendi senatus l ~ c u s , nihi lhorum ora vultusque moverunt? 11
In th is passage we find Asyndeton interwoven with Anaphora
8
1cicero, In cati l inam, I , vi i i : "I f our country speaksto you thus,-as I have spoken, ought she not to obtain her
request, even though she cannot use force? ••• What are youwaiting for? Do you notice a t a l l the silence of these men?••• Why do you await the spoken word when you see their wish
s i l ~ n t l y expressed?"Ibid. , i : "Is i t nothing to you that the Palatine has
i t s garrison by night , nothing to you tha t the ci ty is fu l lof patrols , nothing that the populace in panic, nothing thata l l honest men have joined forces, nothing that the senateis convened in this stronghold, is i t nothing to see thelooks on a l l the faces?"
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(Gr. a Vll . ; again, back: o ; ~ , to bring) where repeti t ion
of nih i l with each item mentioned a t the beginning of suc
cessive clauses helps to concentrate force in that one
word which, by reason of i t s importance, holds the f i r s t
place.
Another example of this rhetor ical device is found
in· the following passage:
Or,
"Tum denique in terf ic iere , cum iam nemo tamimprobus, tam perdiius, ~ tu i simil is in - - -
venire poter i t e tc .
"illum ignem Vestae sempiternum, vobis om-nium deorum tampla atque delubra,
2vobis mu-
ros atque urbis tecta commendat."
With a gesture toward the small round Temple of Vesta,
Cicero made this repeti t ion prove i t se l f emphatic. In
t h ~ s e two extracts we see the force in each case that is
concentrated in one w o r d - - ~ and vobis. The sensations
aroused and renewed again in this same order must remain
deeply embedded in the mind of the audience. I t is used
to economize the mental energy of the l i s teners while add
ing charm and grace to speech. Thus in the following re-
lc icero, In Catilinam, I , i i : "You will be put to death,then, when there shal l be not one person possible to bef o u ~ d so wicked, so abandoned, so l ike yourself , etc."
Ib id . , IV, ix : "she commends the eternal f i re of Vesta,and a l l the temples of a l l the gods, and the al tars andthe walls and the houses of the c i ty ."
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rerence, since Catil ine had several times attempted vio
lence a t the Campus Martius and the Forum, as well as
on Cicero's l i re at his residence, i t is the special
province or the anaphora 'o£ "non" coupled with the asyn
deton to emphasize the £act that such dangers exist no
longer:
llNon enim iam inter la tera nostra sica
i l l a versabitur, non in Campo, non in Foro,~ in Curia, n o n - a 8 n i ~ ~ ~ i n t r a ~ m e s t i c o sparietes p e r t i m e s c e m u s ~A £urther i l lus t ra t ion or Amplification is Accumula-
70
~ ~ (Lat. cumulus - a heap; ad - to ; accumulare - to heap
up) a heaping up or phrases or sentences more or less of the
same tenor. I ts purpose is to r ivet the thought to the
mind or the l i s tener by a ~ p l i f i c a t i o n , and to please the
ear by symmetry of construction in phrases and sentences.
An example or this £igure is round in the rollowing:
1
"O rortunatam rem publicam, s i quidemhanc sentinam urbis ejecer i t l Uno meherculeCati l ina exhausto, levata mihi e t recreatares publica videtur. Quid enim mali autsceleris £ingi aut cogitari potest , quodnon i l l e conceperit? Quif tota I ta l ia vene
£icus, quia gladiator, ~ l a t ro , quiasicarius, quil parricida, qtis testamentorumsubjector, ~ circumscrip or, ql is ganeo,quia nepos, quia adulter, quae mu ie r infamia,
Cicero, In Catilinam I I , i : "For now that dagger willno longer hover about our sides; we Shall not be arraidin the campus, in the rorum, in the senate-house,--aye,and
withinour own
private walls."
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. . 9 ! ! . _ ~ corruptor juventutis , qlis corruptus, quispe:rQitus invenir i potest , qu se cum Catil inanon familiarissime vixisse fateatur? Quae caedes per hosce annos sine i l lo far ta est , quodnefarium stuprum non per illum?"
Here we have an aggregation of thoughts and words which
have the same signif icat ion, but they do not ascend step
by step. All these thoughts work together to produce one
harmonious effect . In this passage as in previous tones
which we have noted, the emphasis i s strengthened by the
use of Asyndeton and Anaphora. Although redundancy of
words may a t times be considered a defect , yet, such elo-
quent passages as th is , with their piled-up and trip-hammer
diction certainly are a source of .power and beauty.
Cicero was fond of expressing many facts in one well
balanced sentence. This was brought about by means of a• I ' /
making a c i rcu i t around) - - a structure in which the
1cicero, In Catilinam I I , iv : "Happy country, could i tbe drained or-the impurit ies of th is cityJ To me the absenceof Catil ine alone seems to have given i t fresh bloom and
b e ~ u t y . Where is the vil lainy, where is the gui l t , that canenter into the heart and thought of man that did not enterinto his? In a l l I ta ly what prisoner, W2at gladiator , whatrobber, what cut- throat , what parricide, what robber, whatforger, what rascal , what ruff ian, WGat debaucher, i s therefound fdong the corrupted, among the abandoned of our country,that d not avow that he was on terms of intimacy withCatiline? What murder has been committed for years withouthim? What nefarious act of infamy tha t has not been doneby himyn--
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completion of the sense is suspended t i l l the close. One
effect of the periodic structure i s to throw emphasis upon
the end. The following is a well-balanced period, with
ski l l fu l arrangement of words and clauses:
"Si non minus nobis jucundi atque i l lus t res Slnt i i diesquibus conservamur,quam i11i , quibus nascimur,quod salut is certa lae t i t ia es t ,nascendi incerta condi t ic, ,e t quod sine sensu nascimur,cum voluptate servamur,
profecto quoniam illum qui hanc urbem condidit ,ad deos immortales benevolentia famaque sustulimus,esse apud vos posterosque vestros in honore debebit i s ,qui eandem hanc urbem conditam amplificatamque servavi t ." l
Notice how the members of this long period go on lengthen
ing, and close with the longest. This sentence permits the
disclosure of the growth of a thought. A certain lof t iness
of imaginative thinking takes place.
Another i l lus t ra t ion of the orator ical Period may be
found in the f i r s t Catil inarian lhere Cicero exclaims:
1cicero, In Catilinam I I I , i : "And i f the days of ourpreservation-are not less joyous or less i l lus t r ious , / than
those on which we were born; / because the pleasure of del i -verance i s cer ta in , / but the condition of l i fe is precarious;/and because we are born unconscious of it,/ but we are p r e ~served with great del ight ; / ay, since him, who founded thisc i ty , / we have, by our grati tude and veneration, raised tothe immortal gods; / he ought, by you and your poster i ty,to be revered, / he, who this ci ty with a l l i t s accessions ofstrength and wealth has preserved;/ for by me were thoseflames •••• averted."
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aestu febrique jactantur, s i aquam gelidambiberunt, primo relevari videntur, deinde multogravius vehementiusque aff l ic tantur , sic hiemorbus, qui est in re publica, relevatus i s t iu fpoena vehementius rel iquis vivis i n g r a v e s c e n t ~
Here we f ind the sense of this sentence suspended t i l l the
words "will grow much worse." We also note that Cicero
generally employed the Period in sonorous passages as well
as in calm, unimpassioned narrat ive. Such uses tend to
keep up and concentrate the l i s teners ' attention.
73
In the employment of Climax2 ( G r . k ) ~ £ 6 l a d d e r , s ta i r -
case) the ordering of thought and expression takes place
so tha t there i s evident increase in significance, or im-
portance or in tensi ty . The thought must grow, must have
progress. What could be more effect ive than the gradual
r ise in emotional appeal in the climactic period:
1cicero, In Catilinam I , x i i i : "Just as often men,sick with a grievous disease and tossed about in a burningfever, drink cold water at f i r s t seem to be relieved, but
l a te r are more grievously and violently aff l ic ted, sothis disease in the state , though relieved by the punish-ment of this man, so long as the res t remain alive willgrow much worse."
2w. Thrall and A. Hibbard, A Handbook to Literature,p . 84. - --
3cicero, In Catilinam I , vi i i : "when they say nothingthey expresst 'heir approval; thei r acquiescence is a decree;by the i r silence they cry aloud."
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"Quid es t enim, Cati l ina, quod tejam in hac urbe delectare possit?in qua nemo est extra istam conjurarationem perditorum hominum qui tenon metuat, nemo qui non oderi t .Quae nota domesticae turpitudinesnon inusta vitae tuae est? Quod pr i -vatarum rerum dedecus non haeret infama? Quae l ibido ab oculis , quod facinus a manibus umquam tu is , quod
f l a g i ~ u m a toto corpore afui t? Cuitu adlescentulo, quem corruptellarum i l lecebr is i r re t i sses , non autad audaciam ferrum iu t ad libidinemfacem praetul i s t i?"
76
Cicero's apostrophies or diversions of speech are made
either to his country or to the dei t ies or to his adversa
ry or opponent, and las t ly to men of rank such as his se-
nator ia l colleagues. In the direct address of the country
to Cati l ine there is an aptness for grievous complaint
when she rebukes him because there was no crime for some
years that had come into existence except through him, no
outrage without him; that he alone has kil led many ci t izens,
harried and despoiled the al l ies unpunished and free, tha t
he had been able not only to neglect the laws and the courts
but even to thwart and destroy them. She had endured the
1cicero, In Catilinam I , vi: "For what, can pleaseyou now in this ci ty where there is no one, except your fe l -low-conspirators, ruined men? Who does not fear y o u ~ no onewho does not hate you? What stigma of disgrace is not branded on your private l i fe? What dishonor in personal relat ionsdoes not cling to your i l l fame? What lus t has not stainedyour hands, what corruption has not stained your body? Towhat youth whom you had ensnared by the allurements of yourseduction have you not furnished a weapon for his crime or
torch for his lus t?"l
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ear l ie r deeds patiently, although they ought not to be
borne, but now to remain in fear on account of him a one
77
- - that whatever rus t les , he should be suspected,--that no
plan should be s u s ~ c t e d , that can be undertaken against
her uninspired by his vil lainy, this she cannot bear.
Therefore she urges him to depart and free her from tha t
te r ror .1
In other instances Cicero uses apostrophe to make a
pleasant variat ion, notably in the case in which he ex
horts the cit izens to give praise to that Jupiter , the
guardian of the ci ty and to depart to thei r homes.2
The direct address3 of the country personified, ca l l
ing upon her servant Cicero to give an account of himself
1Cicero, In Catilinam, I, vi i : "Nullum jam aliquot
annis facinus-exst i t i t ni s i per te , nullum flagit ium sinete ; t ib i uni multorum civium neces, t ib i vexatio direptioque sociorum impunita fu i t ac l ibera; tu non solum adneglegendas leges e t quaestiones, verum etiam ad evertendas perfrigendasque valu is t i . Superiora i l l a , quam-quam ferenda non fuerunt, tamen, u t potui , tu l i , nuncvero me totam esse in metu propter unum te ; quicquid
increpuerit , Catilinam timer!; nullum videri contra meconsilium in i r i posse, quod a tuo scelere abhorreat,non est ferendum. Quam ob rem discede atque hunc mihitimorem eripe;"
2Ibid. I I I , xi i : "Vos, Quiri tes, quoniam jam est nox,
venerati Jovem illum, custodem huius urbis ac vestrum, investra tecta discedite e t ea, quamquam jam est periculumdepulsum tamen atque ac priore nocte custodiis vigil i isquedefendite."
3Ibid. , I , x i .
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has been great ly admired. A£ter beginning with the direct
address in the apostrophe, the country employs an "accunru
la t io" as Cicero himself does. Note the opening two sen-
tences:
"Marcus Tullius, what are you doing? Thisman is a public enemy as you have discovered,he wil l be the leader of the war, as you see,he is expected to take command in the enemies'camp, as you know: head of a conspiracy, re -crui ter of slaves and criminals--and you wil lle t him go, in such a way that he will seemto be not cast out of the ci ty by you but
le t loose against the ci ty."
At th is point the country merges the "accunrulatio"
with the "interrogatio" in the question:
"Will you not command him to be cast intochains, to be punished with the greatestseverity?"
The remainder of the br i l l i an t apostrophe combines
in an in t r icate pattern the devices of " i n t ~ r r o g a t i o " ,"amplificatio", heightened in the f inal sentence by "ana-
phora" and "simile" :
What, p:-ay, hinders you? The custom ofour ancestors? But often even private c i t i -zens in this s ta te have punished with death
dangerous men. Isit
the laws which havebeen enacted regarding the punishment ofRoman ci t izens? But never in this ci tyhave those who revolted against the stateenjoyed the r ights of ci t izens. Or do youfear the odium of posterity? A fine returnyou are making to the Roman people who
have raised you, a man distinguished onlyby your own deeds, and by no achievementsof your ancestors, so early to the hghestoffice through every grade of honor, i f
because of the fear of unpopularity or any
78
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danger whatever you neglect the safety ofyour fel low-cit izensl But i f there isany fear of unpopularity, the unpopularitythat comes from sternness and severity isno more greatly to be dreaded than thatwhich comes from laxness and cowardice.
Or when I ta ly shal l be devastated by war,when the ci t ies shal l be harried, whenhouses shal l be burned, do you not thinkthat then you wil l be consumed by the f i reof unpopularity?'1
I t i s small wonder that very often a great in tensi ty of
emotion was aroused in the hearers by the employment of
such rhetorical devices.
Among the more common rhetorical "white rabbits" in
the Ciceronian "bag of t r icks" may be mentioned Homoeo-
...
teleuton, (Gr.o/'a/o,s -like;JT<: ...w - to bring to an end or
ending) a figure consisting in the conscious and deliberate
use of a succession of words or clauses concluding with
the same sound or similar syl lable. In such sentences,
clauses f in ish in words of l ike tune by using l ike cases,
ltenses, or other points of assonance; for example:
Or,
ttnemg es t in l ~ d Q gladiatoriQ paulg ad faci -nus audacior"
"luce sunt c l a r i o r ~ nobis tua consi l ia omnia"3
- - -1J . Macbeth, Might and Mirth of Literature, (Figures
of ~ h e t o r i c ) , p. 250Cicero, In Catilinam I I , v: "there is no one in the
gla9iatorial school a l i t t l e too eager for crime"Ibid. , I , i i i : "a l l your plans are clearer than the
l igh t of day"
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I t is not di f f icul t for us to feel the real force of
this figure as Cicero employed i t when he exclaims:
"Etenim, credo, Manlius i s te centurio quiin agro Faesulano castra posuit bellum populoRomano suo nomine indixi t , e t i l la castra nuncnon Catilinam ducem exspectant, e t i l l e ejectusin exsilium se M a s s i l ~ a m , u t aiunt , non inhaec castra confert ."
This whole sentence i s strongly i ronical , as i f Cicero had
said, " I t i s absurd to suppose that Manlius, tha t petty
centurion, has declared war against Rome on his own account,
and that i t i s not Cati l ine, thei r r e a ~ leader, that they
are waiting for ."
Again speaking to the people of Rome and reporting
his previous acts in the senate and crying out:
"Ego vehemens i l l e c o ~ s u l qui verbo elvesin exsilium ej ic io" .
he speaks i ronically of himself as "that violent consul
who could drive cit izens into exile by the very breath of
my mouth". In fact , he is defending himself while leading
1J . F. Genung, The Working Princinles of Rhetoric, p. 100.
2cicero, In Catilinam, I I , vi: "And I suppose that Manlius,that centurion who has pitched a camp in the dis t r ic t ofFaesulae, has prepared war against the Roman people on hisown account; and that camp does not now await Catil ine asi t s leader; and he, driven forsooth into exile , wil l go toMarseil les, as they say, and not to the camp."
3Ibid. , v i.
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lat ing torrent of denunciation may be considered one of the
drast ic performances both in history and in l i tera ture .
But the use of such sharp ra i l lery against opponents seems
1allowable rhetoric a t this period. This bi t te r and coarse
personality in Which Cicero so frequently indulged was a
legitimate weapon of oratory.2
In fact , i t was sure to be
highly relished by a mixed audience.3
Cicero launched his
invective a t times most unscrupulously. His personal i t ies
and redundance of such ra i l lery would not be tolerated in
a modern court , but what we disl ike today met with no ob
ject ion in ancient times.
An i l lus t ra t ion of an instance in which Cicero used
hyperbole for praise is found in the passage where he s ta t -
ed that Pompey fixed the borders of the Roman empire not
by l imits of the earth, but by the l imits of the sky.4
However, it is mentioned not without some basis; for Pompey
had fought with Sartorius in the extreme west, and Mithri-
dates in the extreme eas t .
5Again the passage "persaepe •••m.ultarun" wherein
1A.H. Clough, op.ci t . p. 420.2cicero, Orator, xxxviii , 128-129.~ . Forsyth, The Life of Cicero, p. 227.4cicero, Orator I I I , xi: "quorum al ter f inis vest r i
impgri non terrae sed cael i regionibus terminaret"Ckero, In Catilinam I , x i: "At ~ rsaepe ~ i a m privat i in
hac re publiCa perniciosos civis morte multarunt."One incident previously stated was that of Scipio, ibid. I , i .
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"s i quidem hanc sentinam urbis e iecer i t lUno mehercule Catil ina exhausto, levatamihi a t recrea ta r as publica videtur .1
The figure is drawn from a ship (the s ta te) free of sentina
(bilge water). The sentina consists of Catil ine and his
followers. Cicero's wish is tha t this ent i re sentina be
pumped out (exhausto) and got r id of.
87
Another interest ing figure is Chiasmus (planning
crosswise, from the Greek l e t te r X) which consists in chang-
ing the re la t ive order of words in two ant i thet ical phrases,
as:
"industriae subsidia atque instruments vir tut is"2
The power of endurance referred to in "frigore e t fame •••
perferendi", 3which might have been so useful in an active
(industriae) and virtuous (vir tu t is ) l i f e , he was ut te r ly
wasting in debauchery and crime.
Again, Litotes is the e ~ e s s i o n of an idea by the
4denial of i t s opposite, a euphemism, as :
1cicero, In Catilinam, I I , iv : " i f it can cast forththese dregs OI" the s ta ta l Even now, when Catil:tne alone isgot2r id of, the s ta te seems to be relieved and refreshed."
3Ibid . , v; "aids of industry and means of virtue"
4!b td . , I, ix : "abi l i ty to endure hunger, cold"
c. Coppens, English Rhetoric, p. 83.
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and then Cicero enumerates them, thus implanting the ideas
more impressively. I t is a rhetorical trick that the mo-
dern lawyer copies when he asks the witness a question,
receives the answer and then hears the judge say "The jury
will disregard that statement". But does the jury real ly
forget?
Many t r ibutes were paid to Cicero both in his own and
succeding ages for his wit and humor in which he was con
sidered the superior of Demosthenes. 1 Furthermore according
to Cicero, Grand style required i t s seasoning of wit and
humor. 2We know that af ter the Verrine orations Cicero
accepted his destiny as dean of Roman wits ,3
and henceforth
he labored so well tha t each sharp saying which fe l l from
his l ips was hailed in Rome with spontaneous delight .
Collectors of jokes jot ted them down for the enjoyment and
wonder of posteri ty. Jul ius Caesar himself could t e l l by
the ring, as it were, whether any new joke that reached his
4ears was genuine Ciceronian coinage. Plutarch says of him,
1Quintilian X, i , 107: "Salibus certe e t commiseratione,qui duo plurimum in adfectibus valent, vincimus".
2cicero, Orator, XXV, 87-90: "Huic generi orationis aspergentur etiam sales , qui in dicendo nimium quantum valent .Quorum duo genera sunt, unum facetiarum alterum dicaci ta t is"
3H. Bennett, "The Wit's Progress," Classical Journal, Vol.30,4p. 197.
R. s. Rogers, "Augustus the Man", Class:ical Journal, Vol.36, P• 450.
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Against conspiracy strong adject ives;A lean man stands before the mob and fl ingsProud words, proud nmmes, proud deeds into the ai r ,
To beat against sharp swords with valiant wings.
\Vhen dying freedom fa l l s before the greedOf men who seek renown and wealth alone,He st·ands before them, in the i r faces f l ingsAll of the scandal, a l l the f i l th in Rome.
Of course they k i l l him, for the t ruth stabs deep;But through the ages bright , untouched by rus t ,
The t r a i l words s t i l l wil l shine in free men's heartWhen their proud nmmes are los t , when Rome i s dust.
Power leaves only cold and broken stones;Yet buried under rubble, debris , sods,Liberty sings, unconquered through the years,In a dead tongue, s t i l l cal l ing on dead gods.
Quoted from Mary E. Sergent 's"Marcus Tullius Cicero", The
Classical Outlook, Vol. XV!!,P• 85. -
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In the foregoing chapters an effor t has been made
to demonstrate the fact that Cicero se t for himself the
task to r id the country of i t s audacious and a r r o ~ a n t ene
my by wielding the weapon of clever tact ics alone. In the
Catil inarians he stands forth as the true patr io t , with
a l l his lof ty pol i t ica l ideals - as the supreme master of
rhetoric and f ierce invective. When the l i fe of the repub
l ic was endangered by such desperate men as Catil ine, Ci
cero 's imperious personal leadership and unselfish cour
age were always unfail ing even unto his death. As a guard
ian of his s ta te he played the game with such craf t and
boldness that Catil ine was driven from Rome without b l o o ~shed, leaving behind him a h e a d l e ~ s and i rresolute g r o u ~who planned. the i r own destruction. We have seen that Cice
ro employed the feelings which prompt men to action, by
s t i r r ing them to affection for the gods, the s ta te , se t t -
ing before them instances of glorious deeds formerly ac
complished in behalf of the i r country. This appeal to pa
tr iotism was one of the most successful attempts to ac
count for the obtaining of his object - Cati l ine 's banish
ment. Cicero deliberately undertook to drive Catil ine from
Rome by his speeches and he su·ceeeded. The essentia l ele-
7/27/2019 Ciceros Catilinarian Orations. a Study in Emotional Appeal
Cicero 1 Ad Herennium, Vol. I , c. Mueller, Lipsiae,-1893 .
Cicero, Brutus and Orator, t rans. By G.L.Hendrickson ancrl:>y H.M. Hubbell (The Loeb Classical Series) Harvard Univarsi ty Press,Cambridge, Mass., 1939.
Cicero, De Oratore, 0hase & Stuart ' s New Classical-Se r i e s , Noble and Noble Publishers, New
York, 192'7.
Cicero, In Catllina:m, I-IV, Louis E. T.Jord, Harvard-un ivers i ty Press, Cambridge, Mass. 193'7.
Cicero, In Pisonem, N.H. Watts, F.P. Putnam's Sons,-New York, 1931.
Cicero, Ad Familiam,Glynn
w. Williams, G.P. Putnam's-Sons , 1929.
Cicero, Ad Atticum, E.o. Winstedt, G.P. Putnam's-& Sons, 1928.
Cicero, Pro Milone, Leo W. Keeler, Loyola Univer- - s i ty Press, Chicago, 1919.