Chinese Parian in Late 16th Century- 02

Economic Contributions of the Chinese Parian in the late

16th century Spanish Manila

Ansam Lee

Kas 195 Prof. Ma. Serena Diokno, PhD

  2  

Abstract

Prior to the advent of Spanish colonization in Manila, the area and its

surrounding towns had been actively trading with the Chinese. Chinese trade relations

with the local natives had been good, and the archipelago, particularly Luzon area was

naturally within the Chinese sphere of influence. Because of this deeply rooted Chinese-

native relations as pronounced in cultural exchange like kinship ties, trade and

commerce, it is apparent that the Chinese had a strong foothold in Manila prior to the

Spanish colonization.

Then the Spanish came in around late in the sixteenth century and established a

colonial outpost in the archipelago. Establishing a colonial settlement thousand of

leagues from mother Spain was not an easy task. Colonial maintenance and survival of

the colonists in an unknown and hostile territory was not an easy challenge for the

Spanish “conquistadores”. Although in the Philippines, unlike in the Americas, the

natives were relatively peaceful and accommodating. Starting up a colonial venture in

the Philippines demanded a stable source of manpower and resources. The Spanish

sailors and colonists from the colonial expedition could not fare with themselves alone,

there must be another source of labor and much needed goods for the early settlement

to survive. Obviously it was only later in the 17th century when the Spanish colonial

  3  

enterprise had been securely established, that the Spanish authorities could

systematically tap the native Filipino workforce. Prior to that, they had to rely on Chinese

goodwill and cooperation. From this circumstance of early Spanish colonial ventures in

the archipelago, it is encouraging to look at on how did they succeed and how did the

ethnic Chinese in Manila contributed to that. The researcher is particularly interested in

the role of the Chinese trading centers or what is historically known as the parian, in

sustaining the early Spanish colonial venture in Manila during the late 16th century.

  4  

INTRODUCTION

What is a Parian? The name parian had many origins. The author of the book

Ciudad Murada, Jose Victor Torres, who is a historian, essayist and playwright, who

presently serves as a senior historical researcher in Intramuros Administration, claimed

that the word parian was an old Tagalog word meaning “marketplace” that appeared in

a 1619 dictionary, San Buenaventura Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala.1 In the

dictionary, the word was used as “magpaparian” meaning “to go to the market”. Torres

also cited that for Dr. Isagani Medina, a renowned writer-historian from the History

Department in UP Diliman, the name parian originated from Brunei, although no

elaboration was made regarding how it originated from the source. On the other hand, in

the compiled article by the author Alberto Santamaria, OP entitled The Chinese Parian,2

a brief discussion on the origins of the word parian was made. In the article, a writer by

the name of Ortiz Armengol cited that the parian according to some, originated from

Mexico while for others, it originated from China. As for its Chinese origin, the town may

have been originated from the Spanish concept of Chinese district as in the statement

given by governor Corcuera on the Chinese, saying “They live in a place which has

been built for them near the walls of Manila called in their language the Parian.”

However, Chinese scholars like Wu Ching-Hong and Shi Liang both denied that the                                                                                                                          1  Jose  Victor  Z.  Torres,  Ciudad  Murada:  A  Walk  Through  Historic  Intramuros  (Quezon  City:  Vibal  Publishing  House  Inc.,  2005),  7.    2Alberto  Santamaria,  “The  Chinese  Parian,”  in  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines:  vol.1,  ed.  Alfonso  Felix  Jr.,  (Ermita,  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1969),  67-­‐72.        

  5  

parian was of Chinese origin. For Shi Liang, the parian had another name for the

Chinese, which was Chien-nei. Similarly Wu Ching–Hong also mentioned that the

Chinese once called the parian as Jiann-nei, pronounced in Mandarin. Both Chien-nei3

and Jiann-nei mean inner stream, referring to an area along Pasig River where the

Chinese lived. He also added that parian, pronounced Pai-lin in Mandarin, Pak-lam in

Cantonese and Pa-lam in Fukinese had no Chinese meaning and was a word of

modern origin.

As regards to the word parian and its Mexican origin, Encyclopedia Espasa4 cited

parian as a market that resembled the Oriental bazaar. At the same time Dr. Edgar C.

Knowlton Jr. also mentioned the existence of the place Parian that was near Mexico in

Guadalajara City.5 Additionally, speculation on its Mexican origin was due to the

frequent usage of the word parian in Mexico, especially with the establishment of the

Manila Acapulco trade. Alberto Santamaria, a known historian-writer from the Catholic

Church religious order, Order of Preachers, also discussed the probability that the

parian was of a Tagalog origin given that the word was mentioned by governor Vera in

1589, and Bishop Salazar in 1590. The word parian was also mentioned by Father

Alonso Fernandez (1611), Father Collins (1663), and by Father Zuñiga (1803). Not to

                                                                                                                         3Ibid.,  68-­‐70.  4  Ibid.,  68.  5  Ibid.,  69.  

  6  

mention a statement made by Bishop Salazar in 1586 “That the Indians call Parian.”

Which was deemed to be an indication of a Tagalog Origin.6

Same explanations were also given on the relevance of its Tagalog origin.

Etymologically, the first explanation suggested that the word was based on “pali “ which

means to argue and “an “ which means a place that could have been the origin, hence

the word “palian” or “parian”, the place for argument or bargaining was made. Another

explanation was based on the Tagalog word “diyan” or “dian”. The word “diyan” or “dian”

means just around the corner. And to add the prefiix “pa” which means, “to go to” the

word “dian” or “diyan” we derive the word “padiyan” or “parian”.7 A second explanation

seemed to be justified by the frequent usage of the word among servants during those

times. The servant would be asked to go to the market, or to go around the corner of the

town to buy goods in a retail store. Hence the word parian became a common term to

mean buying something in the market, or retail store.

From the explanations above, the Tagalog origin of parian seems to have a

stronger basis. Later, the term parian was used in Mexican, Chinese and other origins

mentioned. In relation with the word alcaiceria, that was a designated place for the

Chinese silk. Later Spanish authorities and even historians such as Blair and

Robertson would use the term interchangeably. For instance, a certain bishop by the

name of Domingo de Salazar reported that, “Don Gonçallo Ronquillo allotted them a

                                                                                                                         6Ibid.,  71.  7Ibid.  

  7  

place to live in, and to be used as silk-market (which is called here Parian),”8 The

bishop repeatedly referred to the silk market and to the Chinese place as parian in his

account, as he continued, “… The site adjoins the Parian of the Sangleys… they have

built a Parian resembling the other, although much larger and higher… This Parian was

also destroyed by fire on account of the houses being built of reeds… This Parian was

provided with doctors and apothecaries… The pond beautifies the Parian… “.9 The

interchange of term was understandable if we look at the meaning of alcaiceria.

Alcaiceria comes from the Arabic word al-gaisariya, which means a street with stores10

during the Spanish colonial period alcaiceria would mean district with stores that sell

raw silks, or just simply silk market. It also means a customs house where the silk

merchandise was taxed11. But in most cases, the term alcaiceria was termed as market

and that the words alcaiceria and parian are often used interchangeably,12 which just as

shown on how Don Gonzalo Ronquillo called the place allotted for the Chinese

residence, to be used as silk market.13 Seemingly enough, from this interchange of

usage, the word Parian was termed as a name of a place frequented with Chinese and

with a capital “P”, while silk-market or alcaiceria became a common term. But

coincidentally the silk-market or alcaiceria was located in the Parian, hence the

interchange of the words.                                                                                                                          8Domingo  de  Salazar,  “The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila,”  Emma  Blair  and  James  Robertson  (comp.)  The  Philippine  Islands,  1493-­‐1898  (Cleveland,  Ohio:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  1904),  vol.  07,  220.  The  55-­‐volume  compilation  of  primary  sources  by  Blair  and  Robertson  shall  hereinafter  be  termed  as  “Blair  and  Robertson”.    9Ibid.,  223-­‐228.  10  Santamaria,  72.  11  Ibid.  12Domingo  de  Salazar,  “The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  07,  220.  13Ibid.  

  8  

Pre-colonial Era

Even before the term parian came to be its essence had long been there. Before

the Spanish, there already existed a pre-colonial native Filipino and Chinese trade

relations. This can be attested through the documents Chu fan chi during the Sung

Dynasty around 1225 and Tao i chi lueh during the Yuan Dynasty around 1350 written

by Chao Ju Kua and Wang Ta Yuan respectively. Inside those documents were intricate

descriptions of the different topographical conditions of the Philippine archipelago as

well as descriptions of the inhabitants and their life styles. Even the way the native

inhabitants do their business with the Chinese merchants were also described. The

Ming Annals also made mention of Admiral Zheng Ho who was commissioned by

Emperor Yung Lo (1402-1424) to establish Chinese suzerainty and trade relations

among the native chiefs within Luzon area.14

Since interest on the part of the Chinese to establish trade relation among the

natives were justified by the artifacts found in the archeological sites in the Philippines

suggesting booming commercial ties within the region. Artifacts such as the porcelains,

                                                                                                                         14Milagros  C.  Guerrero,“The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines  1570-­‐1770”,  in  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines:  vol.  1,  ed.  Alfonso  Felix  Jr.  (Ermita,  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1969),  15-­‐16.  Hereinafter  this  source  shall  be  termed  as  “Guerrero,  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines”.    

  9  

jars and potteries that came from China even dated back around 9th to 10th century,

during the late Tang Dynasty to as early as 12th century during the Sung Dynasty.15

Together with the trade relations, there were also evidences which suggested

cultural relationships that already existed through intermarriages or kinship between the

Chinese and native Filipinos. Archeological studies suggested that around 3rd to 8th

centuries AD, a group of people known as the Hakka or the Burial Jar people coming

from the Fukien province of China were one of the early wave of migrants. They might

have entered the Batanes-Babuyan region and spread through the eastern region of the

Philippines even as far as the Celebes.16 They seemed to have settled in those areas

and intermarried with the local native Filipinos and hence passing on their practice and

culture of carrying the bones of their deceased loved ones in a jar.

Additionally, there was evidence that suggests that there was a mutual

recognition or relationship between the Chinese and the local natives. For example was

the official visit of Sultan Paduka of Sulu to Emperor Yung Lo of China. According to

Teresita Ang See, “Volume 323 of Ming Annals had an extensive report on Sultan

Paduka Batara of Sulu who paid tribute to Emperor Yung Lo of Beijing in 1417.”17

Together with the official visit, the unfortunate demise of the sultan was also narrated

and the memorial tombstone erected in his honor. As well as the princes who stayed to                                                                                                                          15Dr.  Robert  B.  Foz,  “Chinese  Pottery  in  the  Philippines”  in  Chinese  Participation  in  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy,  ed.  Dr.  Schubert  S.C.  Liao  (Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964),  96-­‐101.  16  Dr.  H.  Otley  Bayer,  “Philippine  Pre-­‐Historic  Contacts  with  Foreigners”  in  Chinese  Participation  in  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy,  ed.  Dr.  Schubert  S.  C.  Liao  (Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964),  03.  17Teresita    Ang    See,  Chinese  in  the  Philippines:  vol.  03,  (Manila:  Kaisa  Para  sa  Kaunlaran,  Inc.,  2004).  69.  

  10  

guard and care for the sultanʼs tombstone who later intermarried with the Chinese.

Although in other work, the said event was contained in volume 325 of the Ming

Annals.18

Spanish Colonial Period

The parian came to be with the establishment of the colonial Spanish settlement,

by congregating most of the scattered bargaining posts near the colonial settlement.

And by so doing, the colonial authorities were able to implement their isolation policy

over the Chinese merchants, and thereby enabling them to check Chinese activities.

Also, the supplies needed by the settlement could be obtained at armʼs reach. Not to

mention the convenience of tax collection from the proceeds of the parian as compared

to the inconvenience of collecting tributes from segregated marketplace, which were

often not within the colonyʼs sphere of influence, but the native chiefsʼ control.

During the pre-colonial era, the Chinese merchants were free to trade with the

native Filipinos and resided wherever they choose with permission of the local chiefs.

Then came the Spanish colonization of the archipelago and with it the establishment of

the colonial settlement. Together with the colonial settlement was the establishment of

the parian, at first it was nothing more than a place for the Chinese merchants to reside

and do their business trades. Later on, it became so phenomenal that parian became a

                                                                                                                         18Teresita    Ang    See  and  Go  Bon  Juan  (ed.)  Heritage:  A  Pictorial  History  of  the  Chinese  in  the  Philippines,  (Manila:  K  Kaisa  Para  sa  Kaunlaran,  Inc.,  1987),  15.  

  11  

busy market place with stalls and stores in it. Offering not only Chinese products from

abroad, but local products produced by Chinese parian as well. Which include products

of finest quality made by craftsmen of Chinese parian. Also known as the Chinese

ghetto, the parian according to Teodoro Locsin was a place where the Chinese were

contained as part of the policy of segregation between Christian and non-Christian

Chinese.19 Not to mention of the Spanish distrust of the Chinese, a cannon from the fort

was situated facing directly upon the parian in case of a Chinese disturbance, which

often included a surprise attack by pirates like that of Lim Ahong who left the settlement

half destroyed, and caused the death of one of the distinguished Spanish official Martin

de Goiti. Another example was the 1603 Chinese revolt, which was due to high taxes

imposed upon the Chinese by the Spanish authority. It resulted to a bloodbath that left

thousand of Chinese in parian either dead or taken as prisoners. Then again the 1639

Chinese insurgency and the Chinese revolt on 1662, a misconstrued phantom of

Koxinga invasion,20 such Spanish fear of invasion that resulted again in the Chinese

casualties. These are just a few of the examples of the ʻChinese disturbancesʼ. This was

especially applied at the Manila parian, where a section of the wall cannons of

Intramuros were aimed at the parian. In a more subtle sense, we could say that the

Chinese were allotted a place known as the parian. It was where the Chinese could

                                                                                                                         19Teodoro  Locsin,  “The  Chinese  Problem  –  a  Christian  Solution”  in  The  “Hua  Ch’iao”(Overseas  Chinese)  is  Never  Going  Home:  The  Emergence  of  the  Chinese  Filipinos,  eds.  Graciano  L.  Wee  and  Lily  T.  Chua  (Quezon  City:  Committee  on  Research  and  Publication),  164.  20Guerrero,  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines,  32.      Victor  Purcell,  “Part  VII:  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines”  in  The  Chinese  in  Southeast  Asia,  2nd  ed.,  (Oxford,  England:  Oxford  University  Press,  1965),  494.        

  12  

freely do their business as well as their trades as craftsmen. And at the same time the

Spanish authorities could be able to watch over them and have ease in collecting taxes

from the parian.21

Generally, every colonial settlement a Chinese parian was established within or

close to its proximity. The Spaniards made such decision due to the immediate need for

supplies and provisions, not to mention services that the Chinese could offer the

colonial settlement.22 At the same time, the colonial government could be assured of

the easy book keeping and collection of taxes, as well as convenience in procuring

necessary items and supplies. And to add up to that, was that the colonial authorities

could be able to watch over the Chinese activities and easily mobilize colonial troops in

case of unwanted incidence. This was the case in Manila parian.

In the early parts of the Spanish colonial settlement, trade relations between the

Spanish colonial society and the Chinese merchants were lukewarm relationships.

Merchandise brought in by the Chinese traders were bought and then sold by the

Spaniards to the Americas that made Spanish trades profitable.23 And with the

introduction of the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade, Chinese merchants served as an

                                                                                                                         21Patricio  N.  Abinales  and  Donna  J.  Amoroso,  State  and  Society  in  the  Philippines  (Pasig  City:  Anvil  Publishing,  Inc.,  2005),  65.  22Gregorio  F.    Zaide,  “Contribution  of  the  Aliens  to  the  Philippine  Economy”,  in  Chinese  Participation  to  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy,  ed.  Shubert  S.C.  Liao,  PhD  (Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964),  152.    23Chen  Ching-­‐Ho,  The  Chinese  Community  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,  (Tokyo,  Japan:  The  Centre  for  East  Asian  Cultural  Studies,  1968),  119.    

  13  

adjunct by providing the Spaniards with the luxury items they required.24 The Manila

Acapulco trade was apparently dependent upon the Chinese. Not only upon the

services the Chinese provided but also on the merchandises they brought into the

colonial society which were widely accepted. And profits from the Chinese trade

transactions were used to supply the demand of the colonial society for its economic

ventures.

The Chinese in the parian were economic contributors to the colonial society by

transforming the parian into an economic center of the colonial settlement. They were

self-sufficient and did not need Spanish assistance.25 Although many of the Chinese

were traders at first, eventually the products they offered extended from produce from

China to local produce made by them, as well as different kinds of skilled services that

they offered the colonial settlement, such as bakers, tailors, carpenters, masons, and

others. Often such craftsmanship was at par with the quality in China and Spain and at

a cheaper cost, as ascertained by Fray Ramon Prat and Bishop Domingo de Salazar26.

The Chinese were one of the major contributors to the colonial treasury through the

taxes they paid. These came from the 3% tariffs on imported goods which was first

mandated by governor Gonzalo Ronquillo, by 1603 the 3% was raised to 6% tariffs for

the imported goods; the five reales collected from the Chinese as annual tribute, then

                                                                                                                         24Renato  Constantino,  The  Philippines:  A  Past  Revisited  vol.1  (Manila:  Twentieth  Printing,  1975),  59.  25  Guerrero,  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines,  27.  26  Ibid.      Domingo  de  Salazar,  “The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  07,  221,  225  

  14  

the two reales for temporary residency or temporarily be permitted to stay,27 these are

just to mention a few.

With the ensuing transactions made between the colonial society and the

Chinese, laws and decrees as well as ordinances were promulgated to protect not only

the interest of the colonial society, but also to ensure that fair and just treatment were

given to the Chinese traders.28 These laws protecting the Chinese traders from ill

treatment or molestations were enacted due to the misgivings of the colonial authorities

responsible. These acts came upon the kingʼs knowledge when King Felipe II stated, “I

have been informed that wrongs are inflicted on the heathen Chinese Indians who go to

trade with the said islands, both in permitting the guards stationed by my royal officials

on their vessels to take bribes… and in the conduct of those who register the vessels,

who seize and take from them the best merchandise, and leave them only the worst.”29

On the other hand, laws were enacted in support of the interest of the colonial

government. These laws included the three percent anchorage fee collected from

merchants upon docking at the port, the stall rentals in parian, and the taxes and

tributes from the Chinese. These revenues collected were used to fund the colonial

expenses, such as building of infrastructure. One example was shown in the letter sent

                                                                                                                         27Dr.  Schubert  S..  C.  Liao  “How  the  Chinese  Lived  in  the  Philippines  from  1570  to  1898”,  in  Chinese  Participation  in  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy,  ed.  Dr.  Schubert  S.C.  Liao  (Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964),  24.  28King  Felipe  II,  “Laws  Regarding  the  Sangleys,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  22,  151-­‐153.  29King  Felipe  II,  “Instructions  to  Tello,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  09,  252.  

  15  

by governor Dasmariñas to Felipe II, informing the king that he increased the import

duty to sustain the building of the fort and wall infrastructure.30

On the other hand, stringent laws were made to allegedly protect the colonial

society and the interest of its inhabitants. Some of these include the ordinance against

the use and production of counterfeit coins or money,31 the ordinance against the selling

of stolen goods or what is presently known as the anti fencing law.32A decree was also

made against huckster or retailer of certain products such as eggs, rice, wines, fowls,

swine, cows, coconuts, bananas. This anti huckster act was made due to the increase

of prices of certain commodities.33 Meanwhile prohibition of native Filipinos from

wearing Chinese silk clothes 34 or silk skirts was made because as Spanish authorities

claimed that wearing ready to wear silk clothes made the native Filipinos indolent. This

was said so, because most native Filipinos patronizing the Chinese ready made silk

cloth, seldom go back to their old ways of weaving their own clothes just as they did

during the pre-Spanish time.35 And other local natives would rather go the easy way, by

serving their Spanish masters and use their wages to procure for the ready made silk

                                                                                                                         30Gomez  Perez  Dasmariñas,  “Three  Letters  from  Governor  Dasmariñas  to  Felipe  II,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  08,  271.      31Audiencia  of    Manila.  “Ordinances  Enacted  by  the  Audiencia  of  Manila:  Ordinances  and  Laws  for  the  Sangleys,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  11,  57.    32Ibid.,  57-­‐58.  33Audencia  of  Manila,  “Ordinances  Enacted  by  the  Audencia  of  Manila,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  10,  296.  34  Gomez  Perez  Dasmariñas,“Ordinance  Forbidding  the  Indians  to  Wear  Chinese  Stuffs,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  08,  78.    35Gomez  Perez  Dasmariñas,“Ordinance  Forbidding  the  Indians  to  Wear  Chinese  Stuffs,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol..  08,  91.  

  16  

they needed.36 On the other hand, some Spaniards claimed that too much patronage of

the Chinese silk products would make them dependent upon the Chinese for their basic

clothing. Apparently in fear of silver going out of the colonial treasury went to the

Chinese coffers. Another decree regarding commerce was made in favor of the colonyʼs

inhabitants, wherein the residents were given the trade rights with China for a period of

six years. This decree stated,” …that the citizens of the said islands alone be allowed to

buy and export to the said Nueva España domestic and foreign products… I grant that,

for the present, they alone and no others – whether of Nueva España, or any other part

of the Indias – may trade in China, and export, take, or sell to the said Nueva España

the merchandise and articles thus traded for in both the kingdoms and in the said

islands, for the time and space of six years.”37 These were just to mention a few of the

laws enacted.

In so far as the Chinese traders and the parian were concerned, the colonial

government made it a point to assure them that fair treatment will be given to the

Chinese and that all measures acted upon them and their merchandise shall be carried

out with gentleness. This was prompted by the grievances of Chinese merchants

ascertained by Bishop Domingo de Salazar in his letter to King Felipe II, “… I soon cast

my eyes upon them, and took precautions that they be well treated, for in that way they

would become attached to our religion – as I was aware this was your Majestyʼs desire.

Considering that, wherever Spaniards are to be found, there will always be unruly ones,

                                                                                                                         36  Ibid.,  81.  37King  Felipe  II,  “Royal  Decree  Regulating  Commerce  in  the  Philippines,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  07,  263-­‐264.  

  17  

who, forgetting the good examples they ought to give these infidels, ill-treat them at

times, I began on this account to protect and to assist the Chinese, reproaching those

who maltreated them. I took care to have their grievances removed so as to give them

freedom to attend to their mercantile interests, and to sell their goods.”38 At the same

time an assurance was given that justice will be given to all those who molested them

with their merchandise and properties. These provisions were stipulated in Laws III, IX

and X issued by King Felipe II. Law IX was issued as a reminder to Chinese traders who

frequently come to the colony to trade that certain procedures should be followed. Such

as the pancada system, whereby deputized Spanish officials set the price of the

merchandises brought in by the Chinese traders and at the same time, these

merchandises were sold at a fixed price to merchants in the settlement. And depending

on the amount of their investment, the system gives the merchants in the colony equal

chances to procure the merchandises for them to sell. In actuality, this system is a

safeguard made by the colony to isolate and contain Chinese merchants within the

vicinity of their merchant ships, thus avoiding any possible contact with the colonyʼs

native inhabitants and possible business transactions with them, not to mention Chinese

merchants losing themselves around the parian area39 and thereby becoming an illegal

immigrant. However according to the author Benito Legarda Jr., it was due to the

problems encountered during the bargaining of imported Chinese goods that the

                                                                                                                         38Domingo  de  Salazar,  “The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  07,  220-­‐221.  39Milagros  C.  Guerrero,  “The  Political  Background,”  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines:  vol.  02,  ed.  Alfonso  Felix  Jr.,  (Ermita,  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1969),  3.      Guerrero,  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines,  p.24.    Purcell,  517.    

  18  

pancada system was proposed, whereby the representatives of the colonial merchants

negotiate with the Chinese importers for a fixed price of each cargo of goods being

sold.40 The procedure in implementing this system will be done justly and without injury

on the Chinese traders, and that prices shall be set on the luxury and fine product items

only. This law was served as a notification to avoid misunderstandings between the

Chinese traders and the colonial officials. In connection with Law IX41, this law or Law X

was enacted to inform the governor general that measures must be taken against

injuries and harm as well as molestations done on the Chinese traders and their

merchandises and properties.42 Such molestations and injuries often took the form of

bribes forcibly taken from the traders, the seizing of prime quality products of the

officials upon registration of the merchandise and the setting of these items at a low

price wherein profits were deemed impossible. Added to that was the forcible taking of

the light masts from the Chinese ships just to be traded with the heavy cumbersome

ones that resulted to most shipwrecks.

Law III was truly a unique one, since this law involved the church and the state.

This law was decreed in connection with the bishopʼs imposition of the prohibition to

Christian Chinese from going back to China. This resulted into a dilemma, which

became one of the governorʼs concerns since the prohibition hindered the conversion of

other Chinese into the Catholic fold. With the Law III enacted, the governor general was                                                                                                                          40Benito  J.  Legarda  Jr.,  “The  Galleon  Trade”  in  After  the  Galleons,  (Quezon  City:  Ateneo  de  Manila  University  Press,  1999),  34-­‐35.      41  Purcell,  517.  42  Ibid.  

  19  

tasked to see to it that the Christian Chinese will be given due consideration upon the

application of their travel permit and that upon approval, the fee for the permit shall be

waived.

During the late sixteenth century, especially in the early parts of the colonial

settlement, the society was organized into class – race. The Spanish, the native

Filipinos (Indios) and finally the Chinese in parian, with each of their own distinct

culture.43 And as the Chinese tried to assimilate into the society, together with their

continuous economic trade with the colony and its residents, the mestizos were formed.

The mestizos were a distinct race of their own, a product of inter marriages between the

Chinese and Spanish or between Chinese and native Filipinos. The mestizos occupy a

distinct social class order in the colonial society, and by eighteenth century, they were

said to be occupying the status of social elites of the colonial society.

The Chinese parian allegedly tried to permeate itself into the system of the

colonial society, by trading with the Spanish authorities and church clergies, and by

supplying their needs. At one point, the governor general Perez Dasmariñas drafted a

list he submitted to King Felipe II, stating lists of cargoes or shipment including names

of the consignees.44 Names included were that of some government officials, members

of the Audiencia, the bishop and the clergy, who were alleged by the governor general

as those who profited from the Manila Acapulco Trade vis-à-vis cheap high quality                                                                                                                          43  Renato  Constantino,  The  Philippines:  A  Past  Revisited:  vol.  01  of  02,  (Manila:  Twentieth  Printing,  1975),  59.  44Chen  Ching-­‐Ho,  The  Chinese  Community  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,  (Tokyo,  Japan:  The  Centre  for  East  Asian  Cultural  Studies,  1968),  117-­‐119.  

  20  

supplies from Chinese merchants, by favoring the Chinese merchants.45 With the list

names of the silent partners, the regulating agencies had done a “closed eye” inspection

or “hands off” procedure upon the importation and exportation of the merchandises.

All economic activities revolve almost around the parian which was also

seconded by the author Jose A. Quirino who did mention that the parian was the

“economic nerve center” of the country or the colony. He cited the letter of the Bishop

Domingo de Salazar to the king and also his description of the daily activities in the

parian as bases for his claim. In a letter of Bishop Salazar dated June 24, 1590, he

related to the king his amazement in his observation of the parian. In it, he stated, “The

Parian so adorned the city that I do not hesitate to affirm to your majesty that no other

known city in España or in these regions possesses anything so well worth seeing at

this.”46 Allegedly what the bishop was commenting was the ingenuity of the Chinese by

transforming a marshy place allotted to them into a bustling elegant city adorned with

stone structures that are equal to cities of the known European world during that time.

Meanwhile in describing the daily activities in parian, Jose Quirino wrote “ In the

daytime, the drawbridge of the Parian gate was lowered and the city residents marched

in exodus into the Chinese marketplace. Here were sold all kinds of goods which came

from China and which were manufactured locally by the Sangleys (Chinese). Chinese

bakers sold the best bread made from the wheat and fine flour they brought from their

native country. Here too, were silken ware and porcelain, fans… By 9 pm. curfew                                                                                                                          45Ibid.,  119.  46Jose  A.  Quirino,  “The  Parian,”  The  Pacific  Review,  (July  1955):  43.  Hereinafter  this  source  shall  be  termed  as  “Quirino,  The  Parian”.  

  21  

started. The drawbridge by this time had been raised and all the Parian customers were

within the cityʼs wall.”47 Again the author reiterated such description by stating “… when

the drawbridge of the Parian was lowered, hundreds of the city residents marched in

exodus into the Chinese marketplace. The Spaniards bartered Castilian goods for

Chinese confectioneries, fans, embroidered goods and silken wares, drugs and

porcelain. The Filipinos traded native goods.”48 It seems from the description, that the

Chinese contributed much in the daily activities of the residents in the colonial society,

by providing them with the needed supplies or goods, as well as luxury items. Not to

mention the chance to amaze the local residents of the beauty of the ambience in the

Parian, one particular site was the pond,49 and the multitude of items and services the

Chinese had to offer.

Not only was the parian self sufficient, but it has proven itself as an important

economic sector of the colonial society as well as supplier of different kinds of

merchandises that the colonial society badly needed. Even the cannons which are

among the necessities of the colonyʼs defense were sold at a cheaper price. Almost all

kinds of merchandise were being sold in the parian at a lower cost, these also includes

the fine quality silks being offered in abundance. Aside from the merchandises, the

Chinese, especially skilled craftsmen like the carpenters, masons, artisans and others,

also contributed to the building of churches, forts, hospitals and most especially the

                                                                                                                         47Quirino,  The  Parian,  43.  48Jose  A.  Quirino,  “The  Parian  Circa  1581:  The  First  Chinese  Settlement  in  the  Philippines,”  Sunday  Times  Magazine,  (March  15,  1964):  54.  Note:  hereinafter  the  source  shall  be  termed  as  “Quirino,  Parian  1581”.  49  Quirino,  The  Parian,  46.  

  22  

building of stone houses, through their cheap labor and materials.50 Generally, all

economic activities of the colonial society revolved around the parian itself. To illustrate

this point, after the massacre of Chinese on 1603, basic commodities as food and

shoes commonly supplied by the parian were hard to come by.51 Dr. Morga, who

believed that the Chinese were vital suppliers of the colonial society, personally

witnessed this.52 It would seem clearly that not only Spaniards but also native Filipinos

were dependent upon the Chinese in the parian for their needed supplies.53 Even prior

to the 1603 incident, a Spanish missionary by the name of Fr. Hernando de los Rios

Coronel, was convinced of the importance of the goods and services supplied by the

Chinese in the parian and cautioned the colonial government that the Chinese in the

parian be treated well, as they were an important factor for the survival of the colony.54

The Chinese parian with all its trade, as well as craftsmanship had become not

only an important part but also had made a deep impact in the minds of the colonial

society. For the native Filipinos and the Spaniards, they served as important middlemen

                                                                                                                         50  Bishop  Domingo  de  Salazar,  “Early  Eyewitness  Accounts:  A.  Bishop  Salazar’s  Report  to  the  King”  in    The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines:  vol.  01,  ed.  Alfonso  Felix  Jr.  (Ermita,  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1966),    127.      Domingo  de  Salazar,  “The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila,”    Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  07,  228.    Lourdes  Diaz-­‐Trechuelo,  “The  Role  of  the  Chinese  in  the  Philippine  Domestic  Economy:  1570-­‐1770”,  in  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines:  vol.  1,  ed.  Alfonso  Felix  Jr.  (Ermita,  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1966),  179.  Hereinafter  this  source  shall  be  termed  as  “Diaz-­‐Trechuelo,  Role  of  Chinese  in  Philippine  Economy”.    50Zaide,  Contributions,  153.  51Diaz-­‐Trechuelo,  Role  of  Chinese  in  Philippine  Economy,  183.  52Zaide,  Contributions,  153.  53Ibid.,  153-­‐154.  54  Ibid.,  153.  

  23  

or intermediaries between Spaniards and the local native Filipinos by trading or by

buying provisions and items from one party to sell to the other. They were also great

and skillful artisans whom both Jesuit Ramon Prat and Bishop Domingo Salazar agreed

that the Chinese were best in their fields of craftsmanship. Examples of these were

carpenters, masons, and others whose workmanships were at par and sometimes even

better than those found in China and Spain. Even Chinese apprentice were able to

surpass their mentors that when they opened shops, their mentors would no sooner be

running out of their business, such was the case of the bookbinder and his apprentice.

Not only skillful, they are also excellent workers, that the Spaniards saw a potential

workforce on them, comparable to that of the natives. They had food stalls that bake

bread and foodstuffs that were allegedly frequented by native Filipinos and Spanish

officials alike. Their affordable Chinese silk clothes were at one time highly demanded

by the native Filipinos that it almost threatened the influx of silver to the colonial

treasury.55 Even their innovative ways of credit system, which was very popular among

colonial officials to compensate their short allowances, as was the case of the Chinese

bakers in Parian, “… they make good bread and sell it at low cost… They are so

accommodating that when one has no money to pay for the bread, they give him credit

and mark it on a tally. It happens that many soldiers get food this way all through the

year, and the bakers never fail to provide them with all the bread they need.”56

                                                                                                                         55  Domingo  de  Salazar,  “The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila,”,  80.  56  Domingo  de  Salazar,  “The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila,”  Blair  and  Robertson,  vol.  07,  227.  

  24  

Chinese parian was able to produce a particular consciousness during the late

sixteenth century. This consciousness made them realize that they were an important

aspect on the development of the colonial economy as well as an important contributor

to the economic ventures of the colonial government. Such consciousness began when

the colonial authorities inevitably depended upon the Chinese merchants and the parian

for their needs, realizing that they would gain less profit from native Filipinosʼ local

agricultural economy which were being practiced during pre-Spanish times. This led to

low encouragement or little effort in permitting local agriculture, producing a vacuum in

the local economic structure of the colony.57 Meanwhile the Chinese in the parian took

this opportunity to fill the vacuum in the local economic structure by providing the

needed supplies and services at a cheaper cost. And with the application of stringent

laws and increase in taxes, it became evident of the colonial authoritiesʼ concerns over

the outflow of silver and into the coffers of the Chinese parian. Yet, it was through the

collection of these taxes from the Chinese parian that the colonial society were able to

subsist itself.

By eighteenth century this consciousness had pervasively made its way into the

socio-cultural aspect of the colonial society. The Chinese mestizos had proven

themselves a class of their own. With the backing of their capital and the privilege to

enter Spanish schools, they started to become well-accomplished citizens of the

colonial society. And in time they shall prove to be indispensable members of the

society, at the top of the economy as well as social hierarchy. Together with the                                                                                                                          57  Constantino,  59.  

  25  

emergence of the Chinese mestizos, were the rise of infrastructures such as the

Binondo Church founded in 1596, which was a product of Chinese labors as well as the

proliferation of Chinese-inspired craftsmanship and works of arts.

The Chinese parian had made its mark in the economic sector of the colonial

society during the late sixteenth century. Through the sampan trade, which had already

been in existent even before the Spanish colonial era, the Chinese merchants were able

to bring in supplies that were needed by the colony. Hence an increase in influx of the

sampan trade which was so successful that Chinese traders not only profited from it but

it also attracted the attention of other European states.58 With the introduction of the

galleons, the Chinese merchants acted as consignee by bringing in products from their

homeland. Much gain was made between the colony and the Chinese through the

sampan and the galleon trade with the Parian as commercial complex. Along with it

were the different goods and services offered by the Chinese at a cheaper cost. This

economic condition developed a consciousness unique among the Chinese parian and

inevitably extended within the colonial society. While the socio-cultural aspect may have

started to make itself felt during the seventeenth century, it was not until the eighteenth

century that it made itself evident.

After the British invasion, the parian came to an end with the lifting of isolation

policy and an introduction of the policy of attraction by the colonial authorities.59

                                                                                                                         58Legarda  Jr.,  37.  59Quirino,  Parian  1581,  55.  

  26  

Thereby allowing the Chinese, most especially the reputable ones, to come in contact

and mingle with the local residents (Spaniards and native Filipinos) of the colony. It

gave opportunity for the Chinese to advance their social positions through

acquaintances with Spanish authorities as well as intermarriage with the local residents.

Through inter-marriages, the Chinese mestizos were introduced and were themselves

important individuals who made their mark into the higher social order of the society.

And through associations with the colonial inhabitants, a definite Chinese-mestizo

culture was introduced into the colonial societyʼs way of life. An example of which were

cuisine of Chinese origin that had been accepted as well as adjusted to suit the taste of

the Filipino people.

Although the parian had already ceased to exist, it can never be denied that its

economic contributions as previously discussed, had helped sustain the needs of the

colonial society. Through hard work and ingenuity, the Chinese parian, made it possible

for the parian (especially the Manila Parian), to transform from a backwater marshland

into a bustling economic district of the colony that was a center of business trade of the

colonial society. Similar to the present-day Singapore and Hong Kong, most of the

imports and exports of the colony passed through the Parian. Being self-sufficient, the

parian was able to sustain itself as well as contribute to the colonial authorities through

taxes paid. The parian also became one of the supply sources of the colony, especially

during the colonyʼs infant stage. And by the time the Spaniards had firmly established

themselves, the parian became not only just a source of supply, but rather, the parian                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                          

  27  

became an important business district that most business transactions revolve. The

parian came to an end with the lifting of the isolation policy by the Spanish authorities.

Hence, what was left was the shadow past of what was once a flourishing district. But in

exchange, the influx of Chinese residents in Parian had transformed the once forbidden

Intramuros, especially Manila, into a bustling commercial city district. A larger version of

what was once Parian.

In Retrospect

Today, the Manila parian may no longer be existed, but the nostalgic feeling of

how it once existed was still there. The hustle bustle economic activities going around at

Divisoria, which includes the Divisoria Mall, 168 and Meisic Mall that had stalls that sells

different kinds of items, from school supplies to kitchen wares, are reflection of the area

of Binondo four hundred years ago. Just like during the late sixteenth century, they

supply us with cheap and affordable items and materials that are just right to fit our tight

budget. Roaming around Chinatown at the Street of Ongpin, we can even sample a

taste of Chinese foods at a low cost, as well as experience retail stores that give credit

to their clients, especially their “suki”. These retail stores in Chinatown sell a wide

variety of services and products at low cost. And the products they market ranges from

the original ones to China-made and local-made that are sometimes at par with the

  28  

original brands but at a cheaper price. This is especially true on auto parts as well as

electronic and computer gadgets.

And in relation to economic contributions, Chinatown district is said to be one of

the major contributors to the city of Manila through tax returns. The Chinese, through

their social awareness, became more proactive by assisting local governments and

doing charity works. Examples of which was the formation of Chinese volunteer fire

brigade, the scholarship grants given by some Chinese philanthropists like Lucio Tan,

as well as giving of donations for the renovation and building structures of public

institutions, and organizing of medical missions through business clubs and other

organizations. Through their growing social consciousness, the Chinese living in

Chinatown, would perhaps someday not only just be a passive contributor, but an active

partner of the local government of Manila, and someday transform the already bustling

district into something even more, that it can be showcased to the world as not only as a

tourist spot, but one of Manilaʼs pride.

  29  

Bibliography

Abinales,  Patricio  N.,  and  Donna  J.  Amoroso.  State  and  Society  in  the  Philippines.  2nd  edition.  Pasig:  Anvil  Publishing  Inc.,  2005.  

Audiencia  of  Manila.  Ordinances  Enacted  by  the  Audiencia  of  Manila.  Vol.  11,   in  The  Philippine  Islands:  1493-­‐1898,  edited  and  compiled  by  Emma  Blair  and  James  Robertson.  Cleveland,  Ohio:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  1904.  

Beyer,  H.  Otley.  Chinese  Participation   in  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy.   Edited  by  Shubert  S.  C.   Liao.  Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964.  

Chen,   Ching-­‐Ho.   The   Chinese   Community   in   the   Sixteenth   Century.   Tokyo:   The   Center   for   East   Asian  Culture  studies,  1968.  

Constantino,  Renato.  The  Philippines:  A  Past  Revisited   .  Vol.   1.  2   vols.  by  Renato  Constantino.  Manila:  Twentieth  Printing,  1975.  

Dasmariñas,  Gomez  Perez.  Three  Letters  from  Governor  Dasmariñas  to  Felipe  II.  Vol.  8,  in  The  Philippine  Islands   1493-­‐1898,   edited   and   compiled   by   Emma   Blair   and   James   Robertson.   Cleveland,   Ohio:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  1904.  

Dasmariñas,   Gomez   Perez.   Ordinance   Forbidding   the   Indians   to   Wear   Chinese   Stuffs.   Vol.   8,   in   The  Philippine   Islands:   1493-­‐1898,   edited   and   compiled   by   Emma   Blair   and   James   Robertson.  Cleveland,  Ohio:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  1904.  

Foz,  Dr.  Robert  B.  Chinese  Participation  in  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy.  Edited  by  Dr.  Schubert  S.  C.  Liao.  Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964.  

Guerrero,  Milagros  C.  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines  1570-­‐1770.  Vol.  1,  in  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippines,  edited  by  Alfonso  Felix  Jr..  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1969.  

King   Felipe   II.   Royal   Decree   Regulating   Commerce   in   the   Philippines.   Vol.   7,   in   The   Philippine   Islands  1493-­‐1898,  edited    and    compiled  by  Emma  Blair  and  James  Robertson.  Cleveland,  Ohio,  1904.  

Liao,  Dr.  Schubert  S.  C.  Chinese  Participation  in  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy.  Edited  by  Dr.  Schubert  S.  C.  Liao.  Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964.  

Locsin,   Teodoro.   The   "Hua   Ch'iao"   (Overseas   Chinese)   is   Never   Going   Home:   The   Emergence   of   the  Chinese   Filipinos.   Edited   by   Graciano   L.   Wee   and   Lily   T.   Chua.   Quezon   City:   Committee   on  Research  and  Publication.  

Purcell,  Victor.  The  Chinese  in  Southeast  Asia.  2nd  Edition.  Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  1965.  

  30  

Quirino,  Jose  A.  "The  Parian."  The  Pacific  Review,  July  1955.  

Quirino,  Jose  A.  "The  Parian  Circa  1581:  The  First  Chinese  Settlement  in  the  Philippines."  Sunday  Times  Magazine,  March  1964.  

Salazar,  Domingo  de.  The  Chinese  and  the  Parian  at  Manila.  Vol.  07,  in  The  Philippine  Islands:  1493-­‐1898,  edited    and  compiled  by  Emma  Blair  and  James  Robertson.  Cleveland,  Ohio:  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  1904.    

Salazar,  Domingo  de.  Eyewitness  Accounts:  A.  Bishop  Salazar's  Report  to  the  King  in  The  Chinese  in  the  Philippine.  Alfonso  Felix  Jr.  Vol.  1.  2  vols.  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1966.  

Santamaria,  Alberto.  The  Chinese  Parian.   Vol.   1,   in  The  Chinese   in   the  Philippines,   by  Alfonso  Felix   Jr..  Manila:  Solidaridad  Publishing  House,  1969.  

See,  Teresita  Ang.  Chinese  in  the  Philippines.  Vol.  03.  03  vols.  Manila:  Kaisa  Para  sa  Kaunlaran,  Inc.,  2004.  

See,   Teresita   Ang,   and   Bon   Juan   Go.   Heritage:   A   Pictorial   History   of   the   Chinese   in   the   Philippines.  Manila:  Kaisa  Para  sa  Kaunlaran,  Inc.,  1987.  

Torres,  Jose  Victor  Z.  Ciudad  Murada:  A  Walk  Through  Historic  Intramuros.  Quezon  City:  Vibal  Publishing  House,  1971.  

Zaide,  Gregorio  F.  Chinese  Participation  to  Philippine  Culture  and  Economy.  Edited  by  Schubert  S.  C.  Liao.  Manila:  University  of  the  East,  1964.