CHAPTER - IV PROFILE OF THE STUDY AREA AND HOUSEHOLDS …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/48088/10... · Profile of Bangalore (rural and urban) district Between the two,

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CHAPTER - IV

PROFILE OF THE STUDY AREA AND HOUSEHOLDS OF

RESPONDENTS

The preceding chapters have focused upon the topic of research,

namely, the role of education in bringing about social change, about

community participation in school management, and achieving social

change through school as an institution, the role of decentralized bodies

in the whole process and so on. Based on a theoretical discussion

drawing from a review of literature, the objectives of the study have

been drawn and statement of the problem on hand for research has been

defined.

In this chapter an attempt to delineate the research methodology

used for the present investigation is made. It discusses, in detail, the

location of the study area, nature and size of the sample, methods of data

collection and its analysis and the scheme of presentation of the study

findings. The chapter discusses:

Rationale for study;

Profile of the study area and its general features;

The State of Karnataka and its brief profile suitable to the

theme of the present study;

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Origin of its name;

History of the District as an administrative unit;

Profiles of the Taluks;

Sampling design of the study and

Sources of data, method of analysis of data and

presentation of findings.

Rationale of the study

The present research has selected Bangalore (Rural) District as its

area or universe of study or investigation. This selection was made

because of its proximity to the capital city of Bangalore (new name

Bengaluru). Obviously, being the capital city, it is characterized by

much better facilities than the other districts. It has also made an

international name with much fame due to its recent revolutions in

launching successfully information technology (IT) and Bio-technology

(BT) firms. As a result of this, the district has improved a lot in terms of

its social, demographic, educational, economic and political aspects of

development.

This study has, therefore, selected this city with a view to look at

its impact on peri- urban area of Bangalore rural district and the

educational advancement of the poor in this mega city.

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Profile of the study area

The study has concentrated upon the Bangalore rural district in

the state of Karnataka. In this chapter, it is attempted to understand the

physical, social, economic (commercial) and political characteristics of

this universe of study. The chapter tries to discuss the background of the

study area, with a detailed discussion of the district, covering its

geographical setting, physical characteristics, economic profile and

social structural aspects such as caste composition, age and nativity of

the population.

This will be followed by a profile of the taluks where this study

was carried out, in terms of their demographic and physical

infrastructure, social structure, such as caste and religious groups,

cultural and political institutions.

The State of Karnataka

Karnataka state has a total of 30 districts and a population of 61

million according to the 2011 census. The state was renamed Karnataka

in 1973 from its former name as Mysore State derived from the name of

Princely Mysore that existed with 11 districts till the state was

reorganized in 1956. Subsequently, in 1956 it was expanded with

additional 8 districts drawing from the Bombay Karnataka Area, the

Hyderabad Karnataka Area and the Madras Presidency as part of the

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state reorganization move by the centre. In course of time, the state

came to have additional districts by way of dividing a district into three

(Dharwar) or two parts (Mysore, Raichur, Bijapur, Gulbarga,

Chitradurga, Bangalore (rural) and Kolar).

The state is the eighth largest in India in terms of total

geographical area (1, 91,791 square kms). It is considered as the ninth

largest in terms of population. At present the state has 30 districts and

176 taluks. Experts have classified the state into four regions based on

its physiographic features. They are the coastal region, Malnad (hilly)

region, northern plateau region and the southern plateau region.

The state has continued to have the same geographical area which

has not changed as compared to 1991. However, its population growth

has almost been close to the national average, but the last two decades

have seen a decline in the same. As per the Census 2001, state is having

6,11,30,704 (61 million) population with a decadal population growth

rate of 15.67 per cent, having 968 sex ratio and with having 319 density

of population. It is reported that the population of Karnataka is growing

at a slower pace than the national average (Lingaraju 2012).

The table shows distinctive features of Karnataka in terms of the

following indicators:

Total Population of the State and its districts;

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Decadal growth rate;

SC population;

ST population;

Density of population;

Sex ratio and

Literacy rate.

It is clear in the table below table that the literacy rate of north

eastern district of Karnataka (Yadgir, Raichur and Gulbarga21) are still

low and children of the migrant poor from these area are more

vulnerable than the rest. It is also speculated (in the absence of any

studies in this regard) that the backward region is contributing more to

the increasing number of migrants to the city of Bangalore. Migration

due to distress situation in the native places is pushing families to come

to the cities and towns seeking some or the other forms of work. In

course of time, due to extreme poverty and joblessness of parents, the

children either do not get admitted to any school at all; or even if they

did, they will drop out from the schools, because the family is unable to

support their education. In most cases, the child is forced to survive and

eke out a living for supporting not only itself but for its family also.

21 Which fall under the backward districts of the state (in the Hyderabad Karnataka (HK)

Area). The Constitution of India has provided special status to these and other districts in the HK

area under clause 371J to help the people develop themselves socially, educationally and

economically.

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The Human Development Index (HDI) for Karnataka increased

from 0.598 in 1996 to 0.658 in 2006. It is, in fact, above the all India

HDI of 0.648 in 2006. The Gender Development Index (GDI) for

Karnataka was 0.647 in 2006, above the all India figures of 0.633 in

2006. The Hunger Index of Karnataka (HIK), according to the

International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), is 23.7 which is on

par with that of India, ranking 11th among the states as per this index.

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Table 4.1 Karnataka: Demographic Characteristics, 2011

Population 2011 Decadal Growth Sex

ratio

Density Literacy rate 2011

District

Code

State/ District Persons Males Females 1991-

01

2001-

11

2011 2011 Total Male Female

- KARNATAKA 6,11,30,704 3,10,57,742 3,00,72,962 17.51 15.67 968 319 75.6 82.85 68.13

1 BELGAUM 47,78,439 24,27,104 23,51,335 17.61 13.38 969 356 73.94 82.9 64.74

2 BAGALKOT 18,90,826 9,52,902 9,37,924 18.82 14.46 984 288 69.39 80.16 58.55

3 BIJAPUR 21,75,102 11,12,953 1,06,21,49 17.51 20.38 954 207 67.2 77.41 56.54

4 BIDAR 17,00,018 8,70,850 8,29,168 19.63 13.16 952 312 71.01 79.94 61.66

5 RAICHUR 19,24,773 9,66,493 9,58,280 23.52 15.27 992 228 60.46 71.35 49.56

6 KOPPAL 13,91,292 7,01,479 6,89,813 24.84 16.32 983 250 67.28 78.21 56.22

7 GADAG 10,65,235 5,38,477 5,26,758 13.13 9.61 978 229 75.18 84.89 65.29

8 DHARWAD 18,46,993 9,39,127 9,07,866 16.68 15.13 967 434 80.3 86.83 73.57

9 UTTARA KANNADA 14,36,847 7,27,424 7,09,423 10.93 6.15 975 140 84.03 89.72 78.21

10 HAVERI 15,98,506 8,19,295 7,79,211 13.39 11.08 951 331 77.6 84.22 70.65

11 BELLARY 25,32,383 12,80,402 12,51,981 22.41 24.92 978 300 67.85 77.24 58.28

12 CHITRADURGA 16,60,378 8,43,411 8,16,967 15.63 9.39 969 197 73.82 81.37 66.05

13 DAVANAGERE 19,46,905 9,89,602 9,57,303 14.86 8.71 967 329 76.3 83.02 69.39

14 SHIMOGA 17,55,512 8,79,817 8,75,695 13.1 6.88 995 207 80.5 86.11 74.89

15 UDUPI 11,77,908 5,62,896 6,15,012 7.14 5.9 1,093 304 86.29 91.69 81.41

16 CHIKMAGALUR 11,37,753 5,67,483 5,70,270 12.15 -0.28 1005 158 79.24 85.66 72.88

17 TUMKUR 26,81,449 13,54,770 13,26,679 12.1 3.74 979 253 74.32 82.05 66.45

18 BANGALORE 95,88,910 50,25,498 45,63,412 35.09 46.68 908 4,378 88.48 91.82 84.8

19 MANDYA 18,08,680 9,09,441 8,99,239 7.26 2.55 989 365 70.14 78.14 62.1

20 HASSAN 17,76,221 8,85,807 8,90,414 9.68 3.17 1,005 261 75.89 83.55 68.3

21 DAKSHINA KANNADA 20,83,625 10,32,577 10,51,048 14.59 9.8 1,018 457 88.62 93.31 84.04

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22 KODAGU 5,54,762 2,74,725 2,80,037 12.31 1.13 1,019 135 82.52 87.24 77.91

23 MYSORE 29,94,744 15,11,206 14,83,538 15.75 13.39 982 437 72.56 78.44 66.59

24 CHAMARAJANAGAR 10,20,962 5,13,359 5,07,603 9.29 5.75 989 200 61.12 67.88 54.32

25 GULBARGA 25,64,892 13,07,061 12,57,831 21.76 17.94 962 233 65.65 75.11 55.87

26 YADGIR 11,72,985 5,91,104 5,81,881 20.12 22.67 984 224 52.36 63.33 41.31

27 KOLAR 15,40,231 7,79,401 7,60,830 14.46 11.04 976 384 74.33 81.94 66.56

28 CHIKKABALLAPURA 12,54,377 6,37,504 6,16,873 14.33 9.17 968 298 70.08 78.36 61.55

29 BANGALORE RURAL 9,87,257 5,07,514 4,79,743 18.6 16.02 945 441 78.29 85.44 70.73

30 RAMANAGARA 10,82,739 5,48,060 5,34,679 7.84 5.06 976 303 69.2 76.92 61.3

Source: Census of India, 2011, Directorate of Census Operations, Karnataka, Primary Census Abstract, Table 1, 3, and 5

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Profile of Bangalore (rural and urban) district

Between the two, i.e., Bangalore Rural and Bangalore Urban

districts, the latter, expectedly (holding the capital city of Bangalore in

it), has the highest rate of growth of population at 6.5 per cent. It has the

smallest area of 2190 sq. kms and has the highest population density of

around 2979 persons per sq. kms. This could be attributed to the

increase in commercial and economic activities which have led to

increased population density. The speedy growth of important cities and

towns in the state has also increased the number of slums formed in

them. Bangalore had remained as a single district for a long time and

later it was bifurcated into Bangalore (rural) and Bangalore (urban). In

2008, the former was split into two to accommodate one more district,

Ramanagaram, which was earlier one of the taluks in Bangalore rural

district. The five taluks, by which Bangalore urban district is comprised

of, are Anekal, Bangalore North, Bangalore South, Bangalore East and

Bangalore City. The district has a population of 65, 37,124 that clearly

emphasize the growth of the district and in relation to its area and

population (see Table 4.1).

Bangalore has a total population of 84996399 of whom males

were 4441248. Of them the highest number was staying in Anekal taluk

(506579) followed by Bangalore North (302754), Bangalore South

(185594) and Bangalore East (94584). Anekal taluk is 532 sq.kms, the

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second after Bangalore city (709 sq kms), followed by Bangalore North

taluk with 490 sq kms of total area. Bangalore South taluk and

Bangalore East come last with 381 sq kms and 96 sq kms respectively in

their total area. The district has registered a decadal growth rate of 46.68

as against 15.60 of Karnataka.

Bangalore Rural district, the study area of the present research,

came into existence on August 15, 1986, when old Bangalore District22

was bifurcated into two separate districts, viz., Bangalore (Rural) and

Bangalore (Urban) districts. It occupies 16th place in terms of its size.

The districts of Bidar, Mandya, Kodagu, and Bangalore (Urban)

Districts occupy the next ranks in succession, in the State.

Bangalore (Rural) District is located in the South-Eastern corner

of Karnataka State. Physically, the new district almost surrounds the

Bangalore (Urban) District, except having an opening in the South-East,

i.e., towards the Anekal Taluk, which is the connecting area between

Kanakapura and Hosakote Taluks, being a part of the Bangalore (urban)

district. The headquarters of the new district is at Bangalore itself.

The district is located on a plateau with an average elevation of

600 to 900 meters from mean sea level. It has ranges of hills, which are

actually spurs of the Eastern Ghats, Stretching northwards with peaks

22 Source: District profile, Handbook for Bangalore rural district, The Office of the Deputy

Commissioner, Bangalore Rural District.

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like the Banantimari Betta, Mudawadi Betta, Bilikal Betta, Siddadevara

Betta. The Savandurga and Shivaganga peaks are another row of hill

ranges, spreading upto the Nandi Hills running across the Bangalore

(Urban) district. Bangalore (Rural) District has many prehistoric sites at

places like Jadigenahalli (Hosakote Taluk), Bellandur and Savandurga.

The District abounds in tourist spots. Places of scenic beauty, tall hills,

forts and beautiful monuments beckon the Tourists to visit them. The

Arkavati, the Kanva and the Dakshina Pinakini are the tributary rivers,

which flow through the district in the general direction from north to

south. Cultivable lands are mainly rain-fed and dry farming is a

characteristic feature of the district. By and large, this rural district is

agricultural and Ragi (finger millet) is the main crop though mulberry is

raised over considerable tracts. The climate of the district is salubrious

and very agreeable. It is devoid of extremes. But rainfall is meager, and

as no major river flows in the district irrigation facilities are also limited.

This district too had often suffered from deficit and capricious rainfall

conditions and the resultant phenomenon of crop failure.

The contribution of horticulture to the economy of the district is

quite substantial. The district has considerable tracts under horticultural

crops like mango and grapes. Betel vine gardens are also seen in many

places. Animal husbandry is being practiced since generations as an

adjunct to agriculture. A high degree of urbanisation of Bangalore city

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has enhanced the economic importance of dairying, poultry keeping and

horticulture, which provide livelihood to a very large section.

Considerable numbers are also engaged in raising sheep for wool as

well. Channapatna, Ramanagara Kanakapura23, and Vijayapura have

been the most notable centers of Sericulture, while Doddaballapuraa and

Devanahalli are remembered for prosperous weaving Industry. The toys

of Channapatna, of Lacquer-ware and the pottery objects of

Ramanagaram are the outcome of flourishing crafts. Considerable

numbers of people are engaged in rolling beedis24 and making

Agarbattis25.

Origin of the name ‘Bangalore’

The Bangalore Rural District derives its name from the

headquarter town, i.e., Bangalore and a majority of the district consists

of rural areas. The earliest reference to the name is seen in a ninth

century Ganga inscription from Begur, where it is documented as

‘Benguluru'. ‘The name ‘Bangalore’26 is the Anglicised form of

Bengaluru. A popular story tries to suggest the origin of Bengaluru

‘from ‘Bendakaluru`. It says that a king by name Hoysala Ballala,

23After 2007, Ramanagaram was declared as new district which now includes

Ramanagaram, Channapattana and Kanakapura taluks.

24 Country cigarettes

25 Incense sticks.

26 Renamed as Bengaluru in 2010 and officially declared in 2014.

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during his long journey is stated to have been fed by an old woman, with

Benda kalu (Boiled beans), when he went out of food. Pleased with her

mercy and kind deed, the king granted the place to her name and named

the place as ‘Benda kala uru’.

The district lies in the southern maidan region of the state, bound

on the north by Tumkur and Kolar districts; on the south by

Ramanagaram, Mandya and Mysore Districts and Tamil Nadu State; on

the east by Kolar district and Tamil Nadu State and on the West by

Tumkur, Ramanagaram and Mandya districts. The outline map of the

district seems to roughly resemble a human ear, the hollow in the center

and the portion connecting the ear to the head representing the

Bangalore (Urban) district. For a distance of about 16 kms on the south,

the river Cauvery separates the district form Mysore district narrowing

at one point called the ‘Mekedatu’, meaning ‘Goat’s Leap’.

History of administration in Bangalore (rural) district

Historically it is documented that the earliest dynasty which

established its sway over this district is that of the Gangas. In about the

fourth century A.D., the Gangas established themselves at Kolar and the

territory comprised in Bangalore (rural) district formed part of

Gangavadi and Honganur of Channapatna Taluk was the chief town of a

sub-division, called Chikka Gangavadi, which occupied the Shimsha

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valley. During the seventh century, Mankund was a place of great

importance and was the second royal residence of Ganga Bhuvikrama

(654-79) and also of Shivamara (679-726). In the eight century, Shri

Purusha made Manyapura (Manne of Nelamangala Taluk) his royal

residence and later it was a major center under the Rashtrakutas. Manne

or Mannekadakam of Tamil records had been the headquarters of

Kambarasa, the Governor of the Rashtrakutas. Certain parts of the

district, especially in the east, were held by the Nolamb Pallavas also.

Rivers

The major portion of Bangalore (rural) district lies in the Arkavati

valley. The Arkavati, the Kanva and the Dakshina Pinakini (southern

Pennar) are the rivers, which flow through the district in the general

direction from north to south.

Unique Cultural system contributed to the wealth of the Indian

Heritage. Bangalore (rural) District is located in the south-eastern corner

of Karnataka spanning a geographical area of 5,814 sq. kms and it forms

about 3.02 per cent of the total area of the state. In 2011, it had a

population of 990,923 of which males and females were 509,172 and

481,751 respectively. According to the 2001 census, Bangalore (rural)

had a population of 850,968 of which males were 437,489 and the

remaining 413,479 were females. Bangalore (rural) district’s population

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constituted 1.62 per cent of the total Maharashtra population. The

District consisted of 4 taluks, viz., Devanahalli, Doddaballapuraa,

Hosakote, Nelamangala.

Table 4.2: Population of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in

Bangalore Rural District

Source: Census of India 2011 & Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Karnataka.

Taking the other taluks and the presence of SC and ST population

in them, we find that it is Devanahlli taluk that has the highest

concentration of SC population, Hosakote and Nelamangala taluks are

having same SC population. ST population is high in Devahanalli taluk

(9.7) and the Hosakote has low rate of population among the talukas.

Educational profile of Bangalore rural district

Bangalore rural district had 1315 primary schools and 193 high

schools at the time of the data collection. The number of students

studying in primary schools were 1,07,794 among them 53,702 were

boys and 54,092 were girls respectively, during 2009-10. Similarly in

high school 45,070 students were studying, among them 23,352 were

boys and 21,718 were girls. Here it is noticeable that the number of

Sl. No. Name of the Taluk SC Population in

%

ST Population in

%

1 Doddaballapura 20.3 4.8

2 Devanahalli 23.6 9.7

3 Hosakote 21.4 3.6

4 Nelamangala 21.6 4.0

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school going girls rate is decreased, number of girls enrolment is high is

primary school compare to high schools (refer Table 4.2.1).

Table 4.2.1: Educational Status of Bangalore Rural District

Sl.

No.

Name of the

taluk

Primary Schools High Schools

No. of

schools

Boys

Girls

No. of

schools

Boys

Girls

1 Devanahalli 265 12233 11691 49 5767 5030

2 Dobbaballapura 403 16365 15677 43 7000 6284

3 Hosakote 318 13890 15817 53 5729 6194

4 Nelamangala 329 11214 10907 48 4856 4210

Total 1315 53702 54092 193 23352 21718

Source: Directorate, Department of Public Instruction, Karnataka-2009-10.

Profile of the selected taluks

The profile of the selected taluks for the study in terms of their

geographical, economic, social and cultural aspects is given below;

Devanahalli taluk

Devanahalli taluk is situated at 36 kms from Bangalore and has

four major hobli centres. They are: A) Vijayapura B) Channarayapatna

C) Kundana and D) Kasaba. Devanahalli is the taluk headquarters and is

mentioned variously in several records, such as Devanapura,

Devandanahalli. In about 1501 A.D., Mallabhaire Gowda of Avati is

said to have built a fort with the consent of `Deva', a feudatory at

Devanadoddi and changed the name of the place to the Devanahalli. In

1747, the Mysore dynasty conquered the place. The Marathas conquered

it several times from Mysore. The remains of this fort were formerly

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seen inside the present fort. The present fort with large and tall walls

having bastions at suitable points is acri-bed to Haider and Tippu Sultan.

Tippu Sultan also changed the name of the place as Yousafabad (the

abode of Yosuf, the finest man), a name which however never became

popular. Since Devanahalli was his birth-place, Tippu frequently

undertook hunting as well as pleasure excursion to this place.

Doddaballapuraa Taluk

Doddaballapuraa taluk has a total geographical area of

78,760 hectares. It has five Hoblis, viz., A) Doddabelavangala B)

Thubagere C) Sasalu D) Madhure and E) Kasaba.

Doddaballapuraa Taluk has twenty nine Grama Panchayaths. The

main economic activity of the people here is manufacturing of silk

clothes using power weaving looms. The other activities of the taluk are

manufacturing of Veena and Thamburi, Pottery work, Agarbatti. There

are also different types of small and large-scale industries set up in the

industrial area and industrial estate.

This taluk, situated to the north-west of Bangalore, is a sub-

division and taluk centre. It is covered on the north and north-west by a

chain of mountains and offers an uneven landscape with partially plain

land area, and is on the bank of the river Arkawathi. The place is

directly connected by railways. Doddaballapura was a commercial

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centre right from the Hoysala period. This was administered by a branch

of the Avathi clan. Towards 1637-38, the place was occupied by the

Bijapur Commander Ranadaula Khan. For the next forty years,

Doddaballapura continued to be in the hands of the Bijapur Sultans,

being a part of Shahji's Bangalore Jahgir. The place was presented as a

Jahgir to a Muslim chief Ali Khuli Khan. After his death, his son Darga

Khuli Khan, the Nawab of Sira, received the town for a temporary

period of one year as Jahgir. Later, for a span of fifty years, the place

was under the Nawab of Sira when the Nizam of Hyderabad took over

the administration. It is described that one feudatory Abbas Khan

received Doddaballapura as Jahagir. In 1761, Haider Ali annexed the

region and subsequently it was passed on to the Wodeyars of Mysore.

The place Doddaballapura was so named in order to distinguish it from

Chikkaballapur. This taluk has important temples dedicated to Goddess

Chowdeshwari, Lord Venkataramana, Ishawara, Someshwara,

Janardana, Kashi Vishveshwara and Nagareshwara. The Venkataramana

temple is a huge structure covered with a vast compound the decorations

in which have clear signs of the impact of Muslim architecture.

Hosakote taluk

Hosakote taluk is a part of Bangalore (rural) district and is at 25

kms away from Bangalore city. The taluk consists of five Hoblis, viz.,

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A) Sulibele B) Anugondanahalli C) Jadagenahalli D) Nandagudi and E)

Kasaba

Hosakote taluk has thirty four Grama Panchayats. Its total

geographical area is 54,857 hectares. The people of this taluk are mainly

dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. Bee keeping is based on

agriculture, horticulture and forest. There is a good source and potential

for bee keeping in this taluk. It is also considered as a rural industry. The

state government is providing training programmes and issuing bee

inputs under the 50 per cent subsidy scheme to give a face lift for bee

keeping, on a large scale. The main objective of bee keeping is to obtain

good yield of the crops through cross pollination from bees, like honey,

bee wax.

Nelamangala taluk

Nelamangala taluk has twenty two Grama Panchayaths spread

over three hoblies, viz., A) Sompura B) Tyamagondlu and C) Kasaba.

This taluk lies near the junction of two National highways, NH-48 from

Bangalore to Mangalore and NH-4 to north of Bangalore city.

Nelmangala appears to have been transferred to the Mysore Kings,

along with Thyamagondlu, by the Mughals, around 1689 A.D., having

acquired it from Bijapur. The place has temples of Rudradeva,

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Basaveshwara, Anjaneya, Lakshmi, Channakeshava, Ganesha,

Veeranjaneya, Mahalingeshwara and Basavanna.

The main activity of the taluk is manufacture of silk cloths by

using power looms. The other activities of the taluk are making of

Agarbattis, Handicraft articles. Also different types of small-scale and

large-scale industries are set up in the industrial area.

The above discussion has given a brief introduction to the

historical background on the socio-economic characteristics of the study

area.

Education

The educational status of the district is a specific issue in this

work (see table 4.3).

Table 4.3 Literacy rate of Bangalore rural vis-à-vis State’s

Literacy rate in 2001 & 2011 (in %)

2011 Census 2001 Census

Total Male Female Total Male Female

Karnataka 75.6 82.8 68.1 67.0 76.2 54.4

Bangalore Rural 77.9 84.8 70.6 69.5 78.9 59.6 Source: Census of India 2011, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Government of Karnataka.

The table shows that the average literacy rate of Bangalore rural

in 2011 was 77.9 per cent as compared to 69.5 per cent of 2001. If

things are viewed from a gender perspective, male and female literacy

were 84.8 and 70.6 per cent respectively. In the 2001 census, the same

111

figures stood at 78.9 and 59.6 per cent in Bangalore Rural District. The

total number of literates in Bangalore rural district was 688,749, of

which males and females were 385,311 and 303,438 respectively.

Sampling

Based on the secondary data collected from various sources, the

universe of study within the two taluks was identified for collection of

primary data. From each one of the selected taluks, six Gram Panchayats

(GP) were selected to carry out an in-depth study. Quota sampling

method was used to select these GPs from the selected taluks. In each

GP, two schools were selected and, further, from each school, 2 teachers

consisting of one head master/teacher and one assistant teacher, two

parents whose children were studying in the same school and one each

of SDMC president and member were selected to form the group for

administering the questionnaire for collection of primary data.

The two taluks where the study was conducted are Nelamangala

and Doddaballapura. Both are old taluks of Bangalore (rural) district.

The criteria to choose them were: literacy rate for men and women

across these taluks and distance of these two taluks from the city centre

(at Bangalore (urban) district). The latter indicator was expected to play

a significant role in enabling job opportunities to the students, besides

creating better standard of living and providing quality of education to

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them. Thus, one taluk with the highest literacy rate among the taluks and

located at a very short distance from Bangalore urban district was

selected using appropriate statistical tools. The second taluk was chosen

as the one with the lowest literacy rate and also located far away from

the Bangalore urban district.

Nelamangala taluk has recorded the highest literacy rate among

all taluks of the Bangalore (rural) district (see table below). It also lies

closer to the junction of two National highways, viz., NH-48

(connecting Bangalore - Mangalore) and NH-4. It is just 25 kms away

from Bangalore urban district and is expected to be at the receiving end

of the impact of the metropolitan city on its semi urban areas. Many

people from the taluk commute to work (both formal and informal) on a

daily basis. Such employment has facilitated better living conditions to

most of them, with good economic conditions. It has also helped them to

offer better and quality education to their children.

Table 4.4 Taluk-wise literacy rate in Bangalore rural district

Sl. No.

Name of the Taluk

Literacy Rate (in %)

2001 Census 2011 Census

1 Nelamangala 69.9 78.9

2 Devanahalli 65.9 76.727

3 Hosakote 67.3 77.9

4 Doddaballapura 65.9 78.0 Source: 2001 and 2011 census data, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Karnataka.

27As per 2001 census Doddaballapura had the lowest literacy rate and as per 2011 census

data Devanahalli has the lowest literacy rate.

113

The second taluk identified for study is Doddaballapura. It has

rated lower than the first taluk in terms of its literacy rate, which is low,

i.e. 69.1 per cent. It, in fact, is rated the lowest among the taluks in this

district. It is also located at a longer distance, i.e., 40 kms from

Bangalore city. The main economic activity of the people here is

manufacturing of silk textiles by using power looms. Besides this,

people are engaged in several other activities, such as, pottery works,

Agarbatti making. There are also different types of small-scale and

large-scale industries set up in the industrial area and industrial estate of

Doddaballapura town.

Table 4.5 Distance from Bangalore Urban district

Sl. No. Name of the District Distance (in KM)

1 Nelamangala 25

2 Devanahalli 35

3 Hosakote 25

4 Doddaballapura 40 Source: Samanya Mahiti, Bangalore Rural District, Directorate of Economics and Statistics,

Karnataka

114

Table 4.6: Details of Selected Gram Panchayats

Name of the

Taluk

Sl.

No.

Name of the

Gram Panchayat

Distance

from

taluk HQ

Population No. of

Elementary

Schools

Doddaballapura

1 Aralumallige 06 5466 07

2 Hadripura 13 5756 11

3 Kanasavaadi 21 8835 19

4 Bashettihalli 03 10967 12

5 Hulikunte 23 5553 17

6 Thippuru 12 7175 18

Nelamangala

7 Arebommanahalli 11 5988 19

8 Shivagange 25 7205 22

9 Hasuruvalli 12 5544 15

10 Thyamagondlu 49 16141 08

11 Doddabele 11 7554 15

12 Bhodihala 06 10356 28 Source: Rural Development and Panchayati Raj - Data of Financial Year 2006 – 07,

Government of Karnataka.

As mentioned earlier, this study also tried to look at how the

capital city (Bangalore urban district) impacted its peri-urban areas

(Bangalore rural district), especially in the context of providing

education to its poor. It used similar criteria while choosing the Gram

Panchayats for investigation at each one of these two taluks. Given

below are the selected GPs where the study was conducted to collect

primary data:

115

Table 4.7: Selected villages in Nelamangala taluk

Sl. No. Name of the Gram

Panchayat

Name of the Village Distance

from Gram

Panchayat

(in KMs)

1.

Soladevanahalli Soladevanhalli 3.0

Banasavadi 9.0

Kottanahalli 3.0

Manchenahalli 1.0

Choudasandra 4.0

2.

Shivagange

Shivagange 0.0

Kambalu 4.0

Gowrapura 2.0

Basavapattana 3.0

Koothagatta 2.0

3.

Hasuruvalli

Hasuruvalli 0.0

Jakkanahalli 4.0

Varadhanayakanahalli 3.0

Gulapura 2.0

Lakkappanahalli 1.0

4.

Doddabele

Doddabele 0.0

Thadasighatta 2.0

Kenchanpura 3.0

Hattukuntepalya 4.0

Doddachannohalli 6.0

Karehalli 4.0

5.

Thyamagondlu

Thyamagondlu 0.0

Beeragondanahalli 7.0

Bidaluru 3.0

Kodihalli 2.0

Narasapura 2.0

6.

Arebommanahalli

Arebommanahalli 0.0

Sulkunte 3.0

Thimmasandra 4.0

Lakkasandra 2.0

Halkur 5.0

Source: Saamanya Mahiti, Bangalore Rural District, Directorate of Economics and Statistics,

Karnataka.

116

Table 4.8: Selected Gram Panchayats in Doddaballapura taluk

Sl. No. Name of the

Gram

Panchayat

Name of the Village

Distance

from Gram

Panchayat

(in kms)

1.

Bashettihalli

Bashettihalli 0.0

Arehalli 2.0

Kolipura 2.0

Obadenahalli 3.0

yellupura 1.0

2.

Aralumallige

Aralumallige 0.0

S M Gollahalli 2.0

Ekashipura 2.0

Alahalli 2.0

Jakkasandra 2.0

3.

Hadripura

Hadripura 0.0

Naranahalli 4.0

Chunchegowdanahosahalli 6.0

Madhurahosahalli 3.0

Chikkahejjaji 1.5

4.

Kanasavadi

Kanasavadi 0.0

Kurithimmaianapalya 8.5

Yaladarahalli 7.5

Nagenahalli 5.0

Ramadevanahalli 2.0

5.

Thippuru

Thippuru 0.0

Chokkanahalli 5.0

Suttahalli 4.0

Kamaluru 4.0

Byrapura 3.0

6.

Hulikunte

Hulikunte 0.0

Ambalagere 7.0

Kasaghatta 4.0

Thubugunte 2.5

Tharabanahalli 3.0

Source: Saamanya Mahiti, Bangalore Rural District, Directorate of Economics and Statistics,

Karnataka.

117

Sources of data and Methodology

The study is more leaning towards qualitative methodology

because the information it had to collect from different sources and

people was sensitive. It was related to the opinions and perceptions of

parents, teachers, local leaders, children and many other stakeholders. It

is also exploratory in nature and depended upon data from both primary

and secondary sources. Primary data was collected by using an

interview schedule with exhaustive lists of questions formulated to

collect data. Besides these, focused group discussions were also carried

out with selected groups of parents and community representatives in

the various school improvement programmes in the study area.

Primary data was collected from 3-4 sources. The first and the

most important unit of information was the household from where the

child hailed. A detailed schedule was administered to the households

covering the demographic, economic (assets and occupations), social

and cultural profile of the households and its members. The second unit

was the SDMC of that school, whose president, members and the head

master of the school were interviewed, using a check list (of questions).

The third unit comprised of the concerned officials of the education

department, the Grama Panchayat, Anganawadi centre and the district

administration, from whom relevant information was discussed and

collected. Lastly, the local organizations in the village where the school

118

under study was located, such as the Self-help Groups, youth

organizations, any other community-based organizations and Non-

governmental organizations were also contacted to collect data.

The study covered 120 households from two selected taluks

where the children had studied before dropping out. There were 10 such

households from each GP and 60 such households from each taluk.

Quota sampling method was used to select the targeted GPs, villages

and schools.

As the study was highly qualitative in nature, simple statistical

applications like Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) was

used to analyse the household level data. Information collected from

other sources was also analysed using qualitative methods and case

studies covering both successes and failure cases that have been

delineated.

Socio-Economic profile of households (Parents)

This chapter attempts to discuss the findings of the study from the

point of view of the social and economic profile of the households of the

children of the schools selected for the study. These include the details

about the native place, the religious and caste composition of the

households, type of housing, possession of ration card, sources of

income and income earned per year, occupations followed, facilities

119

obtained by children in the school, proximity to the school and mode of

transport (reaching the school). It begins with an analysis of the personal

profile of the respondents and goes on to discuss the household details in

terms of its economic condition and educational facilities received by its

children.

Native place

Place of birth and nativity are considered sociologically,

important indicators of a person or household’s socio-economic status in

both rural and urban areas. Being native of a place, rural or urban, gives

the family a sense of security and opportunity to settle down with a

sustainable livelihood and stable income source. It also promotes

ownership of economic assets and participation in socio-political

processes in the local set up.

The respondents were asked if they were native to that village and

if so, since when? The responses were classified into certain groups by

the number of years since they are resident in the village.

Table 4.9 shows that a large majority of respondents and across

field settings were not immigrants to the village and were natives by

birth. About 47.0 per cent of them stated that they were residing in the

village from the time of their birth. The remaining 53 per cent were not

immigrants in the recent past but were staying there from a number of

120

years, even decades. For example, 2.6 per cent were resident from more

than 20 long years. Those who were resident since a little lesser time

(15-20 years) but nevertheless from a long time constituted 9.6 per cent

of the total sample. Nearly 14.0 per cent of households were in the

Table 4.9: Number of years of stay in the village

Sl. No. Number of

years

Number of

respondents

Percentage

1. By Birth 53 46.5

2. 5-10 Years 32 27.4

3. 11-15 Years 16 13.9

4. 16-20 Years 11 09.6

5. Above 20 Years 03 02.6

Total 115 100.0

village where they were contacted for the study from the last 11-15

years. Those who are residents from a much longer time of 5 -10 years

formed a bulk of 27.4 per cent. Thus, we find that the households

covered by the study were not new to the village. They were residents

from a relatively long period of time and therefore, we expect that there

is sufficient social interaction between them on matters of common

interest and when need for community participation arises. We will

further see in table 5.2 and 5.3 as to their subdivisions based on religious

and caste considerations. This is because the two elements are the major

disruptive causes for any communal differences and conflict, if not, at

least in posing threat to any sustainable community participation effort.

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Religious composition

The villages in the state are comprised of Hindus as the majority

community. The presence of Muslims and Christians as the two non-

Hindu and minority communities is limited. This is due to their

economic position in the social structure of the village community,

where they are generally non-land-owning households and lead their

lives by performing certain other occupations, but also needed for the

village’s jajmani system in the traditional society. These included

collection and sale of leather from dead domesticated farm animals, sale

of copper, aluminum and steel vessels and their repair, tailoring,

preparation of cotton beds, smithy and a few others. The Christians are

limited to a few pockets of the state where the Church began its

activities in the 19th century and led to the conversion of people

particularly from the dalit and tribal communities. Thus, both the non-

Hindus are found more in the urban than rural areas.

This situation is echoed in our sample villages also. Of the total

115 households contacted for collecting information on the survey’s

subject matter, a majority (96.5 per cent) hailed from the Hindu religion.

Barring these 111 households, the remaining all 4 belonged to Muslim

community (3.5 per cent).

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Table 4.10: Religious composition of the respondents

Sl. No. Religion Number of respondents Percentage

1. Hindu 111 96.5

2. Muslim 004 03.5

Total 115 100.0

Caste composition

Caste is the most significant feature of Indian social structure and

forms an essential segment of any analysis or understanding of Indian

society both in the past and present. It is not only a traditional social

institution but has influenced, rather, decided, all other aspects of the

society, such as economy and polity, to mention a few.

Rural India is highly caste-centric. This is because of the agrarian

social structure depending on the caste-based super structure in

allocating economic responsibilities and duties to different castes, but

based on a hierarchical, ritualistic social order. Ownership and control of

natural resources like land and even water, thus, are socially controlled

or distributed, leading to structural inequalities among the people.

Against a minority of owners of economic assets (land and livestock),

we have the large masses who are landless cultivators and wage earners

- both on farm and off farm. The land owning gentry in the villages of

India are termed by M N Srinivas as the ‘dominant castes’, who are,

according to him, ‘are large in number and owners of the largest area of

123

agricultural land and hence economically dominant and by virtue of that

politically also dominant in a given village’ (Srinivas 1966). Almost

every state of India traditionally is characterized by the presence of one

or two such dominant castes. Srinivas has named the Lingayats and

Vokkaligas of Karnataka, the Kammas and Reddys of Andhra Pradesh,

the Goundars and Mudaliars in Tamil Nadu, the Ahirs and Jats of Uttar

Pradesh, the Marathas in Maharashtra, the Patels in Gujarat, and so on,

as examples of such dominant castes (ibid., 100).

The role and influence of the dominant castes in any state’s

economy and politics have been variously captured by the sociologists

and political scientists. A number of studies have directly or indirectly

referred to this phenomenon of dominant castes’ impact on respective

state’s politics, governance and government’s formation, education

system, economic assets and livelihoods and in the rising conflict

situations (Kothari 1970; Rao M S A 1978; Beteille 1978; Gupta 2000;

Karanth 1998; Manor 1972).

A number of village studies of the 1950s and 1960s, in particular,

concentrated upon drawing the picture of village society where the

influence of caste and its variables are evident. These monographic

studies have highlighted the importance of caste in the other institutions

of society like economy (farming), education and governance – to

124

mention a few (Ishwaran, 1966, Bailey, 1957, Epstein 1973, Oommen

1976).

Thus, caste is not a factor to be ignored in sociological

understandings, such as the present study on education and social

change. Despite the last six decades of independence and a number of

attacks on the caste, the system continues with its ‘elasticity’ and

survives in the present era with its ‘twentieth century Avatar’ (Srinivas

1998). The institution is capable of promoting as well as obstructing

community participation under certain contexts and situations. The

presence of dominant castes in any village is an indication of economic

and political power being in their hands by virtue of their hold over land

and other economic assets as well as political power. In some states due

to interfere of political strategies the many states like Bihar, and Andhra

Pradesh wider agenda of development through decentralisation is

missing. (Manisha2011). However, this traditional dominance of the

upper castes is curtailed by constitutional and other legal enactments

from time to time. The practice of untouchability in any form was

abolished long time back in the mid-fifties through Article 17 of the

constitution. Over the last 67 years after independence of the country,

there have been several more legislative measures and enactments

condemning the negative impact of caste and its tentacles. Reservation

of seats for the children of weaker sections of society (like the SCs and

125

STs) in educational institutions and later in government jobs through

Article 16 (4) and Article 15 (4) of the constitution has empowered these

people to a large extent. Children from poor and vulnerable family

background are enabled by these legal and administrative and

reformative measures to get into schools and remain there till they

complete education. This is in particular applicable to the girls among

these students who are traditionally denied education under a patriarchal

system where they are condemned to unhealthy practices like early

marriage. The craving for the birth of a son has led to having a large

number of daughters born while waiting for the son to be born. This is

true of all households irrespective of the fact that they are poor or rich.

Thus, the daughters face deprivation as far as their education goes as

many families cannot afford it financially. There is also the belief that

educated daughters find it difficult to get married.

Thus, we cannot undermine the importance of caste in our

society. Now turning to the findings of our study, we find that the

situation has recurred in the case of our study villages also. Of the 115

total sample households, we find that more than 38 per cent belong to

the two dominant castes. Among them, as is true of the district’s caste

profile, the Vokkaligas (27.8 per cent) are more in number than the

Lingayats (10.4 per cent) (see table 4.11). The SCs are the next major

caste category forming nearly 33.9 per cent of the total number of

126

households. The STs are 12.2 per cent. All other castes which are non-

dominant and non-SC form the remaining caste households in the study

area.

Table 4.11: Caste composition

Sl. No. Caste/sub caste Number of

respondents

Percentage

1. Scheduled Caste 35 30.4

2. Vokkaliga 32 27.8

3. Scheduled Tribe 14 12.2

4. Lingayat 12 10.4

5. Kuruba 06 05.2

6. Thigala 06 05.2

7. Bhovi 04 03.5

8. Viswakarma 03 02.6

9. Acharya 02 01.7

10. Bajanthri 01 01.0

Total 115 100.0

Table 4.11.1: Caste composition (Constitutional category-wise)

Housing

An important indicator of one’s standard of living and economic

condition is the type of house that one is put up. Villages, as it is well

Sl. No.

Caste composition

Number of

respondents

Percentage

1 OBC (Dominant Castes) 44 38.2

2 OBC (Non-dominant caste) 18 15.6

3 SC 39 34.0

4 ST 14 12.1

Total 115 100.0

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known, have thatched huts where the poor generally live in. However, as

a result of the anti-poverty programmes of the centre and the state, in

particular due to the housing schemes, the poor have largely benefitted.

The details of such housing schemes have already been discussed in the

preceding chapter. There are separate programmes for the SCs and STs

and for the other poor called as households living Below Poverty Line.

The Ambedkar Housing Scheme and Rajiv Gandhi Housing Schemes

cater for the needs of the SCs and STs and the Ashraya scheme

(implemented from the time of former chief minister of the state, late

Sri. S Bangarappa in the late eighties) covers the BPL households as far

as their housing needs are concerned.

There is also a lot of reinvestment on their old houses even in the

rural areas, when the owners rebuild or renovate the old structure

according to some modern norms. In fact, now-a-days, it is hard to find

a tiled house in the villages. This is because RCC roof and cement

walled houses are the fancy everywhere, which are more steady and

withstand the onslaughts of rain. Single or two-storeyed houses are

common among the rich in the villages, who are seen to have combined

other activities like an attached cow-shed, goatery and kitchen garden in

the backyard of these new RCC houses. It is not uncommon to find a car

shed also attached to the wide compound. Thus, house continues to be a

status symbol then and even now. The pillar houses (kambhada mane) of

128

olden days are fast getting replaced by modern houses with mosaic tiles

for the floor and bath, fancy fittings in the kitchen, bath and most

importantly, the new houses are always attached with a toilet. This is

somewhat a positive change, as the old houses never had one.

Defecating in the open was, and even now is, a regular practice among

the rural folk in India.

The table below tells us about the nature of housing, i.e., whether

the households in our sample own their house or not. Here, we have to

keep ourselves knowing that the phenomenon of renting out the house

was something not much known in the rural areas, until recently when

the migrants from outside started to live in villages. They are comprised

of the government and private workers or staff of departments like

Anganawadi centre, staff of Integrated Child Development Services,

agricultural extension officer or worker and so on. By their very

designation, we can ascertain that they are grassroots workers. Some

entrepreneurial householders began to build small single room houses

for the staff and rented them out. This was in the seventies. Now-a-days,

renting out premises is more common in villages that are big and

headquarters (HQs) of Grama Panchayats (GPs) or hoblis.

From our sample of 115 households, a majority of the

respondents (88.6 per cent) have stated that they stay in their own house.

The remaining 13 households live in rented premises. We have to keep

129

in mind here that ‘ownership’ doesn’t mean living in either good or

better houses. The houses may be ordinary with mud wall and mud roof

or tiled ones. They need not be RCC and have sufficient provision for all

activities of the inmates like study room for children.

Table 4.12: Housing details

Sl. No. House Type Number of respondents Percentage

1. Own 102 88.6

2. Rented 013 11.3

Total 115 99.928

Source of income

Coming to the understanding of findings about the economic conditions

of the respondent households, we deal with the source of income as the

predominant indictor of such a situation. What are the sources of the

respondents’ household income? While agriculture is understandably the

main occupation of a majority of them, it is not the only source for many

of them. In other words, 61.7 per cent depend upon the farm for their

livelihood and supplement it with wage work. This is true of the land-

owning households, which are increasingly finding it hard to sustain

themselves only from the income derived out of agriculture. Lands are

rainfed and not all of them are equipped with pump-set irrigation facility

28 Wherever percentage are not rounded off to 100 are the actual percentage of the

responses. Since we have considered only 2 decimal.

130

to cultivate all through the year and also to grow commercial crops that

sell well in the market fetching them competitive rates of income for

agricultural produce.

Alternative employment is also true of the totally landless and

those having only marginal extent of lands. All the three categories -

landed with small land size holdings, landed with marginal land size

holdings and the landless - all depend on wage employment as a source

of income to their households. Respondents from 17.3 households (20

households out of 115 households) work as daily wage earners. They are

exclusively dependent upon wage labour for livelihood. It does not rule

out possibility of wage employment among the 61.7 per cent of the

agriculture-dependent households.

Table 4.13: Source of income

Sl. No. Major source of income Number of

respondents

Percentage

1. Agriculture 71 61.7

2. Daily wage worker 20 17.3

3. Self-employed 19 16.5

4. Government employee 05 04.3

Total 115 99.8

The 19 households forming 16.5 per cent of the sample have

stated that they are self-employed. This ranges from running a petty

shop in the village (bicycle repair shop, small petty shop selling

131

cigarettes, biscuits, onion and vegetables) to barber shop, laundry shop,

tailoring shop, services like providing tools and implements (smithy)

and so on. Five households have members who are government

employees forming 4.3 per cent of the sample.

It is the nature of such occupations which leads us to understand

that the respondents are from the lower echelons of the society and earn

a very paltry sum as their annual income.

Possession of ration card

One of the effective anti-poverty programmes of the centre,

which makes arrangement for the supply of essential commodities like

food grains, edible oil, sugar and kerosene at subsidized prices to the

consumers. It is called as the Public Distribution System. There are

several types of arrangements to cater for the needs of varied sections of

society under the PDS. Yellow, Red and Green ration cards are given to

the households based on their extent of poverty counted on annual

income. There is also the Anthyodaya29 programme that aims to uplift

the communities at the most bottom of the social and economic ladder.

Annapurna is the programme that takes care of the utterly poor in the

29 It is a government sponsored scheme launched in December 2000 for targeted ten

million of the poorest families by providing them 35 kilograms of rice and wheat at Rs.3 and Rs.2

per kg. One crore of the poorest among the BPL families covered under public distribution system

were identified under this scheme.

132

rural and urban areas. Thus, the support from the ration card goes a long

way in addressing the poverty of the household.

Table 4.14: Possession of ration card

Sl. No. Type of

card

Number of respondents Percentage

1 BPL 102 88.7

2 APL 008 07.0

3 No card 005 04.3

Total 115 100.0

Our survey has indicated that a large number of households (88.7

per cent) are in possession of the BPL ration card in the study area. This

suggests that our respondents are from marginalized background in

terms of their economic condition. Only 7.0 per cent have the APL

ration card that is given to those who are above the income ceiling.

There are the rest of the households (4.3 per cent) who are deprived of a

ration card.

The table and the information it conveys is yet another proof that

the majority of households in the sample is from a poor background.

Annual income of the household

Rural households are certainly less economically affluent as

compared to the urban residents as the source of income for them is

dependent upon agricultural and other farm products. Although the

133

dependence on rainfall is addressed by a number of measures in the

post-independence era, and the land-owning community has benefited

from the Green Revolution and other such policies, agriculture is not all

that profitable today. The annual income of the household is also

contributed from wage labour. In many cases, not only the adult

members of the household, but even the children are induced to get in to

wage work. This often happens according to studies (Rajasekhar 2006,

Gayathridevi and Madheswaran 2007) due to two reasons: one is the

practice of traditional occupation in the household like weaving, silk

reeling, beedi rolling, incense stick making, and so on. They pull the

children out of school to work on these home based occupations and

cannot afford to send them to school mainly due to the poverty of the

household that forbids them from employing too many hired labour.

Children compensate for hired labourers, thereby saving on the wages

the parents would have paid to hire labourers. Family labour is thus

negatively affecting the schooling of children. The second reason is the

location of some economic enterprises near home like sand lifting and

loading from stream or river, stone cutting (quarry), silk reeling unit,

dyeing units, market and so on.

The question before us is the drop-out of children from the

school. We are arguing here that household income is a direct cause of

this wrong doing by the children in our sample and their parents. Rarely

134

do households which are economically better off pull their children out

of school, unless the children are girls and the household has a

conservative outlook about their studies30. Girls, thus, stand out from the

general group of students because of patriarchal values that impose early

marriages on them. This particular value (of marrying off girls early in

age) has no caste or class barrier, but is almost universally followed in a

community that insists on that custom of marrying off daughters early.

Education for girls is not much valued even today in the villages. It is

not that the parents do not want them to get literate or educated. But

they are worried about their marriage prospects. This is further

complicated by the fact that households have more number of girls when

the son is born late or not born at all. The craving for the birth of a son

has led to the birth of a large number of daughters in a family. However,

what is found worse in recent decades is the rising incidence of female

foeticides and abortions when the sex of the unborn baby is ascertained

to be a female. Daughters are considered by the rich and poor - all

households as a burden, because conducting marriages is a costly affair;

looking for a suitable groom is also difficult. Earlier values of

consanguineal marriages (like uncle-niece marriages, or cross-cousin

marriages) are on a downward trend even in rural areas. The girls and

30 The study carried out by Rajasekhar, D, K G Gayathridevi and V Anil Kumar on the

Institutional mechanisms to track child labour has also supported this view. See ‘Institutional

Design for tackling child labour problem’. by these authors, Concept Publishing House, 2011, pp

22-26.

135

boys are increasingly opting to choose their spouses on own choice,

rather than agreeing to their parents’ selection.

All these factors are important when we try to review the

economic condition of the households. Table 4.15 shows the annual

income of the households in our sample. Of the 115 households, those

with a low income slot of Rs. 5000 to Rs. 10000 per annum are more in

number (36.5 per cent). It is hard to believe but it is still true that what

an average urban dweller spends in a month on some essentials for

household maintenance like rent or food or schooling of children, a

villager in our study area (located around the capital city of the state and

a city known internationally for its Information Technology and Bio-

Technology firms) earns a paltry sum of Rs. 10,000 and less sometimes

for the whole year. Unbelievable but yet true.

This is a very significant finding as it almost mirrors or reflects

the causes of parents’ reluctance to send the child to the school. This

poverty factor as a barrier for children’s education is further discussed in

the later chapters and clear in the tables that appear later in the thesis.

These refer to the impact of Mid-Day Meal scheme and distribution of

free inputs like text books, uniforms to the deserving children. It helps in

understanding or testing the hypothesis that poverty of the household is

responsible for the poor performance of the school in enrolling and

sustaining the child in the school. When nearly 37 per cent of the

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households have less than Rs. 1000 per month, one cannot expect them

to spend on children’s education, because they barely afford to spend on

food expenses of the children.

Table 4.15: Annual income of the household

Sl. No. Annual income

(in Rs.)

Number of

households

Percentage

1 5000-10000 42 36.5

2 10000-15000 15 13.0

3 15000-20000 16 14.0

4 Above 20000 07 06.0

5 Don’t want to answer

/ No answer 35 30.4

Total 115 99.9

Not strangely, 30.4 per cent have declined to respond to the

question, which is a regular feature of all social science surveys on

economic conditions of the households. The respondents normally hide

the real income and underestimate the earnings, and when it comes to

responding on their credit details, they hike the indebtedness rate. On

many occasions, they also decline to respond. The next higher

percentage (after 31.3 per cent saying the income to be less than Rs.

10000) is the 15.6 per cent of those who have stated to be earning

around Rs. 2000 per annum.

The remaining households are earning between an annual income

of Rs. 10000 to Rs. 15000 (13 per cent) and Rs. 15000 to Rs. 20000

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(14.0 per cent). On the whole, we find that a majority of our respondent

households live in poverty that has an effect on the schooling of their

children. The next table reviews the situation on this aspect.

Children in the school

From the total 115 households, we find that of the 62 households

with a single child and that child being a boy, 53.9 per cent or nearly 54

per cent of them send that child to school. Likewise, households with a

single daughter are also not lagging behind in sending her to school.

This is evident from the fact that 52.2 (60 households) per cent are doing

so. This shows that there is no evident gender discrimination as far as

enrolling children to a school is concerned. The families or parents have

not discriminated between a girl child or a son in so far as its schooling

and being literate is concerned (refer to table below).

The number of households with two daughters is slightly more or

higher (22 households) than the ones with two sons (16 households). Yet

they are also progressive in sending their daughters to school

notwithstanding that they have two daughters and cannot afford to send

both to a school. 19.1 per cent (or 22 households) of our total 115

households fall under this category of those with two daughters, yet

sending both to a school. Against these households, we have in our

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sample 16 other households (forming 13.9 per cent), which have two

sons and they are in a school.

Table 4.16: Number of school going children in the household

Boys - Girls

No. of boy

children

% No. of school going

children

No. of girl

Children

%

62 53.9 1 60 52.2

16 13.9 2 22 19.1

03 02.6 3 03 02.6

- - 5 01 00.9

As per the analysis, 2.6 per cent or 3 households in our sample

are those having more number of sons and daughters. They have 3 each

of sons and daughters and all are in school. Surprisingly, today, when

small size of the family is more preferred and where the practice of

adopting family planning has become acceptable, in this study it has

come across, that a family that has 5 daughters. But the happy

information is that all of them are in school and seeking education.

Undoubtedly, the large number of daughters are the result of waiting for

a son to be born.

The conclusion we can derive from this type of size of family in

terms of the number of children to the respondent householder - is that

irrespective of the number and sex of the children, the head of the

household has taken it as a duty to put all children into a school. This is

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very gratifying to observe in a rural situation. However, the finding is

also indicative of the concerted efforts that the government has put in

since the last few decades to popularize education in the rural areas.

Particular mention must be made of the post 2000 reforms of the 21st

century, when under the banner of Swarna Jayanthi Programmes, the

central government introduced the Sarva Shiksha Abyan (SSA) and a

few other such policies to raise the standard of education as a critical

factor in Human Resource Development (HRD). The move was also a

result of the progressive definitions about poverty, which separated it

from its isolated perspective of only economic aspects or causes and

shed light on the non –economic causes of poverty, including illiteracy

as a major factor there. Poverty came to be defined as not only

deprivation of food, shelter and clothing, but also of good health and

access to education or literacy. This was a direct effect of the new

thinking in the West that looked at the issue of continued poverty of the

masses, despite several years of reform and welfare, even after a shift

from the growth model that depended upon the ‘Trickle Down

Approach’ to the adoption of the ‘Development Model or Approach’.

Sen’s work (1997) on the ‘Culture of Poverty’ brought to the forefront

the hidden agenda before the developing nations to address the issue of

growing poverty with a programme that has a ‘human face’. Poverty

came to be viewed not deprivation of food alone but of many other

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factors that are essential for a ‘decent living’ and a ‘sustainable

livelihood’. These included access to drinking water, sanitation,

housing, approach roads or connectivity, health and education. These

came to be called as the ‘six entitlements’. The eighth and ninth plans in

India came up with a number of programmes to boost human resource

all covered under a new ideological frame that looked at poverty from

this new perspective.

Yet another revolutionary concept was added to the above with

the enactment of the ‘Right to Information Act’ (RTI) and the ‘Right to

Education Act’ (RTE). As a result, it was expected that rural masses

would access information, on the one hand, with the RTI and get into

the schools under the RTE.

Needless to emphasise, the other reforms, mainly the Mid-Day

Meal Programme (MMP), enabled the poor households to consider

education as a necessary stage in their children’s lives. Studies have

highlighted how the programme has encouraged the children to remain

in school up to primary level and in some cases, study beyond that also.

Medium of instruction

A further issue in understanding the perspective on education as it

remains in the minds of rural parents, is to look at the results of the

question about the medium of instruction opted by them in the education

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of their children in the study area. The choice of all parents for English

medium or English language is well known. It is also a gift of colonial

administration. Some states have opted to go for the mother tongue to be

used in their official correspondence. This move is taken only with the

objective of bringing the administration closer to the common man who

is either illiterate or knows only the local (Kannada) language. There are

pro-Kannada organizations in the state from a long time (from 1950s)

and the re-organisation of the state (with others like erstwhile Andhra

Pradesh – now divided into two states, viz., Telangana and Seemandhra)

brought to the fore the language issue more intensely. There is unsettled

language or linguistic issue heralded by Karnataka Chaluvaligarara

Sangha led by Sri Vatal Nagaraj, the Kannada Rakshana Vedike and so

on. Border disputes are across districts of Belgaum in the northwest and

Kasargod in the southwest of the state, claimed to belong to Maharashtra

and Kerala states, respectively, by the representatives of language based

organisations in the two states.

Such being the emotional and political clout that Kannada, the

local language or mother tongue of the state’s population, has

accumulated over the years among the fanatics, the rural people have

developed a great attachment to the local language, Kannada. The table

below shows that nearly 96.5 per cent of the parents have opted for

Kannada medium of instruction as far as their daughters are concerned.

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It is 81.7 per cent for parents of boys, a little less because of the

remaining 14 per cent, 9.5 per cent have put the sons to English medium

schools. 5 students forming 4.3 per cent attend an Urdu school being

Muslims (refer to the table 4.17).

Table 4.17: Medium of Instruction

Boys -

Girls

Percentage

No. of

respondents

Medium of

instruction

No. of

respondents Percentage

14.0 16 English 000 00.0

81.7 94 Kannada 111 96.5

04.3 05 Urdu 004 03.4

100.0 115 Total 115 99.9

What is very startling is to note that the parents of girl children

have shown a direct discrimination by admitting none of the girls to

English medium of education. This is rather disturbing; it also mirrors

the continued patriarchal notion that education is for boys and not for

girls. They have preferred literacy to their daughters. They want them to

partake in the mid-day meal, to get all the benefits like uniforms, books

and scholarships. But they have not bothered or consented to admit them

to English medium schools. There could be several other reasons also

for this type of decision by the parents. The distance from home to

school could be one of them. It is considered unsafe to send girls to far

off schools to reach which there is no proper transportation or where the

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girls have to travel all alone or where the connectivity gets affected

during rainy season.

Distance of school from home

Table 4.18 does not show any indication of the problem of

distance as a probable factor in the location of the school and the girls

finding it difficult and risky to reach there. The maximum farthest

distance as reported by the parents is 500 meters to one kilometer found

by barely 6 to 7 per cent of households as a problem. For the remaining

households, school is quite close by. More than 14 per cent have

mentioned it as being located at 200 meters while for 45 of them,

forming a big chunk of 39.1 per cent, the school is ‘simply near’. It is

located at 100 meters for 20 per cent of the respondents and is at a still

closer range of 50 meters, for 6.1 per cent.

Table 4.18: Distance of school from home

Sl. No. Distance No. of respondents Percentage

1. Near-by 45 39.1

2. 10 meters 02 01.7

3. 20 meters 02 01.7

4. 50 meters 07 06.1

5. 100 meters 23 20.0

6. 200 meters 17 14.9

7. 300 meters 05 04.3

8. 500 meters 07 06.1

9. 1 kilometer 07 06.1

Total 115 100.0

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The above finding bears close testimony to the concerted efforts

of the state government under the SSA to bring school closer to the

community. In the last ten to fifteen years, the state has established

innumerable primary schools in all the revenue villages of all taluks and

districts. Most of the schools are well-connected with ‘all weather’

roads, also built under the SSA funds by the school authorities and the

education department. Furthermore, the schools have also been

furnished with a toilet facility to encourage the girl students not to get

dropped out only because of the absence of a toilet in the school

premises. Normally, there is no place to attend to their nature’s call in a

decent manner. They are forced to go behind bushes or trees as is the

conventional method.

Thus, almost every village in the state has a school and it is at a

close range from the residence of the potential students. This finding of

the study keeps us happy but when it comes to the choice of medium of

instruction, we are in for a disappointment as far as daughters are

concerned who, as the study has shown directly, continue to bear the

brunt of discrimination.

Mode of transport

The school does not demand any conveyance for a majority of

students in the study area who can walk to their school. After all, it is

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very close by and the farthest school is a kilometer away. More than

96.5 per cent of our respondents have stated that their sons and

daughters walk to their schools every day.

There is a mention about riding a bicycle to the school by 3

households forming 2.6 per cent of the sample. This is also a result of

the government’s initiative to provide bicycles free of cost to the girl

children to encourage them to go to school also appreciable is every

village having a school at least Lower Primary School (LPS). Only a

single household stated that the child takes a bus to the school (see table

4.19).

Table 4.19: Mode of transport to school

Sl. No. Mode of travel No. of respondents Percentage

1. By walk 111 96.5

2. By cycle 003 02.6

3. By bus 001 00.9

Total 115 100.0

Facilities obtained

The SSA and other reforms attempted to make the school close to

the community. The study has shown that there is a good response by

parents to send their wards to the school in villages. The school is not

only close by, but it also offers a number of facilities ‘free of cost’, and

to all, irrespective of caste or creed. Table 4.20 shows that incentives

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such as books, uniforms and partaking in the Mid-Day Meal is availed

of by all the families in the sample. We have to remember here that a

sizeable proportion of the respondents have hailed from the two

dominant castes, (Lingayat and Vokkaliga) and another sizeable section

belonged to the middle and lower OBC category - both of which

categories do not qualify for certain benefits; sometimes get no

benefits. Yet they are happy to receive free goods and that has acted as a

good incentive to prompt or encourage these households to send even

their daughters to the school.

Table 4.20: Facilities obtained

Facilities Yes % No %

Free textbooks 115 100 00 000

Uniform 115 100 00 000

Mid-day Meal 115 100 00 000

Scholarship 053 46.0 62 53.9

There is a direct relationship between accessing scholarship and

one’s caste status. The 62 households forming 53.9 per cent of the

sample households cannot access this benefit due to their upper or high

caste. The SC and ST households are constitutionally provisioned to

access scholarships for seeking education of their children free of cost.

Hence, we find 46 per cent of households stating that they are availing

of the benefit of scholarship for their children in schools.

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Mid-Day Meal facility

The Noon-Meal Programme or the Mid-Day Meals Programme is

a popular programme of the state launched about ten years ago to

promote school enrollment and retention. It is a direct result of the

suggestions based on findings from surveys as well as government’s

own realization that poverty is the main cause of school dropout; hence

the delay or lack of enrolment. Provision of hot and nutritious meals to

all the children in the school was introduced to address this issue. The

state sponsors and bears the cost of the lunch of the child in the school.

While earlier, it was restricted to only the children at the primary level,

it was gradually extended to cover the middle and high school students

also. The state government is incurring heavy expenditure on this

account, but is satisfied to see that attendance in schools as well as

enrolment of children have improved after the introduction of the MMP.

Table 4.21 shows that the households in the sample are no

exception to the above situation where MMP is availed of by all of them

(97.5 per cent) except 3 households. The refusal to partake in the

community meal in the school is caste-based, where the said households

hailing from the upper caste expressed some reservation about letting

their children to eat food cooked outside by the public staff and sharing

the food with other students.

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Table 4.21: Availing of the Mid-Day Meal facility

Sl. No. Responses No. of respondents Percentage

1. Yes 112 97.3

2. No 003 02.6

Total 115 99.9

The above discussion on the personal profile and household

particulars of the respondents shows that a large majority of them hail

from very poor to poor background. Education is a difficult proposition

for many children and they find it hard to continue studies. Although the

households have some marginal extent of land, the dependence on wage

work has made the households very vulnerable to manage two ends

meet. The major reason for retaining their children in the school is the

support by the government in the form of incentives like mid-day meal

and accessories like books, uniforms that they receive free of cost and

scholarships .

The following chapter attempts to discuss the role of community-

based organizations in school development and in promoting education

of the children from these households. It tries to bring out the problems

of the vulnerable sections in accessing school education and highlights

the positive and negative role of community-based organizations in this

regard.