CHAPTER – I INTRODUCTIONshodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/37478/8/08_chapter 1.pdf · These marginalized groups have yet to ... the present study titled “Poona Pact and

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CHAPTER – I INTRODUCTION

I. Introduction:

The contradictions of socio-economic order in India remain almost the same

even after 63 years of independence. More than half a century is a considerable period

of time for a society, state and nation to realize its mistakes and imbalances. But, even

at the beginning of the 21st century neither the society nor the state in India has been

able to resolve its contradictions. Despite the Constitutional commitment of the post-

colonial state towards the goal of equality, liberty and justice, the age old structure of

inequality has not been dismantled. Social and economic inequality still occupies the

centre-stage of Indian reality. The ideals of social democracy and distributive justice,

in their essence, remain elusive. On the contrary, the vast majority of the

Indian population is deprived socially, economically, politically and educationally.

The social opportunities, offered to the citizens by the state, are confined to the

privileged sections of society. The deprived and disadvantage groups are still exposed

to the experiences of cumulative inequality. These marginalized groups have yet to

experience fully the so-called fruits of modern development. There is a tremendous

gap between the population of the upper castes and the Dalits who constitutes more

than 16 per cent of the Indian population. The upwardly mobile other backward castes

have, of course, challenged the hegemonic structure of the upper castes (Brahminical)

order and they have crystallized themselves as a major economic and political power

in independent India. But as far as the social status of Dalits is concerned, no

substantial changes have taken place during the six decades of development planning.

They are still rated at the underside in the socio-economic structure.

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It is widely acknowledged that traditional Indian society was based on

varnaand jati. This system is very ancient in origin and through the passage of time it

has undergone profound changes, but caste still a very powerful institution in our

socio-economic, religious and political organization. The most disquietening and

disturbing feature connected with the caste system has been the concept of

untouchability. Those who were engaged in unclean occupation were considered as

polluted persons and had to go with this stigma in the prevailing reality and had to

accept for themselves the status of untouchables.1 Over the period of time, the various

social and religious movements strived to make a dent in the social system in favour

of the Dalits. Several saints, social reformers and political leaders from both the Dalits

and non-Dalits had tried their best for the eradication of untouchability from the social

fabric.2 But the impact of some reform movements was short-lived because the

reformers fought within the caste system. However, their attempt was to facilitate

certain caste groups simply to move up within the caste hierarchy through

sanskritization.3 In fact, these movements were reform oriented rather than providing

protection against the existing inequality in the social system.

In this regard, the efforts by Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhi, before and after

independence in India, are important. The difference between the two leaders, were

on the basis of their approaches in tackling the problem of untouchability and

upliftment of the untouchables. Gandhi who described himself as an untouchable by

choice attempted to solve the problem within the framework of caste system. But, he

could neither change the attitude of caste Hindus nor satisfy the untouchables as the

practice of untouchability and discrimination continued to operate against the Dalits.

On the other hand Dr. Ambedkar was totally opposed to Gandhi's philosophy and

programme for the removal of untouchability. He stated "to the untouchables

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Hinduism is a veritable chamber of horrors. The sanctity and infallibility of the

Vedas, Smiritis, Shastra, the Iron law of caste, the heartless law of Karma and the

senseless low status by birth are to the untouchable’s veritable instruments of torture

which Hinduism has forged against the untouchables. These very instruments which

have mutilated, blasted and blighted the life of the untouchables, are to be found intact

and untarnished in the blossom of Gandhism".4 Dr. Ambedkar felt that the problem of

the untouchables was economic, social and political as well as religious that widely

prevailed in India even then.5 Dr. Ambedkar while leading the movement to of the

Dalits was trying to liberate the insulted and oppressed humanity of India. This erring

humanity under the reins of caste were none other than the Tribals, Denotified and

Nomadic tribes, backwards, Dalits and Women. Not only Dr. Ambedkar was toiling

for their liberation from the yoke of caste but he was envisioning a ‘democratic India’

a ‘Constitutional India’. His movement was guided to build Indian nation as an

‘Enlightened Nation’. He was the vanguard for establishing real democracy and

human rights in India.

It is in this context that Poona Pact acquires importance not merely as an

agreement between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhi representing the caste Hindus but as

turning point in the history of nation in making. Not only it made impact on the

movement of the Dalits but it also consequentially led to the partition of India by

making the Muslims further apprehensive of the communal Hindu majority led by

Congress. The Poona Pact not only led to the partition of India but it also left us with

a ‘contrived’ Constitution without economical and cultural rights as fundamental

rights what Dr. Ambedkar argued for in his book titled States and Minorities.

Therefore, looking at Poona Pact which has completed around 81 years, one can

understand that the joint electorates have not enabled the democratic parties of

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bahujans to win elections. The caste still prevails and the constitutional safeguards of

reservation and ownership for tribes remain unimplemented. It is in this context that

the present study titled “Poona Pact and its Impact on Reservation Policy in India with

Special Reference to Hyderabad-Karnataka Region: A Critical Analysis” would like

to probe the impact of Poona Pact on Dalits and their political participation and

emancipation even in the remote and backward parts of the country like Hyderabad-

Karnataka region in Karnataka.

II. Dalit Leadership in India and the Role of Ambedkar:

It is difficult to conceptualize the Dalit Leadership without acknowledging the

most significant role played by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar for the upliftment of the Dalits in

India. With him emerged completely new type of socio – political consciousness

among the Dalits and equipped with this consciousness there also sprang an

autonomous Dalit Leadership. According to Zelliot, Ambedkar’s programmes were

intended to integrate the untouchables (Dalits) from a state of dehumanization and

slavery into one of equality through the use of modern methods based on education

and the exercise of legal and political rights.6

Though, there were several Dalit Leaders who had organised a number of

Dalit movements in different parts of the country before Dr. Ambedkar emerged on

the political scene. Most of these leaders had their allegiance to the Indian National

Congress and they tried to achieve upliftment of the Dalits within the Hindu – fold.

Only a few Dalit leaders had their independent organizations and asserted themselves

for achieving a separate social identity for Dalits. This in turn marred the militancy of

the Dalits and discouraged their strife for achieving their group autonomy.

Accordingly, the earlier Dalit leaders were blamed by growing numbers of the lower

castes as having compromised with the status quo. Before Dr. Ambedkar there were

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no lower caste leaders of national stature who could speak the language of the

educated elite without being too closely identified with them? In fact Dr. Ambedkar

was the first major leader of the Dalits who rose to the height of logical articulation

and materialization of their socio – political aspirations and interests.

It is not very difficult to find at what stage the idea of protest takes shape in

the mind of an individual. It is yet relatively easy to say when that idea of protest gets

crystallized in some form of social action.7 From this standpoint, the year 1919 seems

important in trading the historical beginning of the Dr. Ambedkar’s movement,

because he appeared on the political scene for the first time in the year 1919, when he

was called to testify to the Southborough Committee.8 Dr. Ambedkar’s first Public

political plea for Dalits in 1919 resulted in failure. The Southborough Committee

ignored him and a number of others who urged for the direct representation of the

depressed classes to the Bombay Legislative Assembly but the Committee made

provision for one member to be nominated to the same. But Dr. Ambedkar did not

stop at this point. In 1920 he established a Marathi fortnightly, “Mooknayak” (Hero of

the Dumb) which was dedicated to making the Dalits aware of their conditions.

Through its editorial he addressed himself to two important strands of thought: One of

these reflected his reactions to the dominant nationalist movement as led by the Indian

National Congress. He addressed the questions of whether and how the Dalits should

relate themselves to the Nationalist movement and how they could successfully

articulate their own specific goals without appearing to obstruct the larger National

goal. The second issue was the relationship of the Dalits own movements for securing

their rights to the reformist movements carried on caste – Hindu social reformers on

behalf of the Dalits.

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In clarifying his own stand on the national movement for transfer of political

power and the upper caste-led reformist movements, he argued, as Gore writes “in

such a stratified society self – government was not enough. There must be an equal

emphasis on good government – a good government dedicated to opening up the

channels of development to all sections of society”.9 Dr. Ambedkar raised this

question because the Indian National Congress, which initially had achievement of

good government as its main objective, under the influence of the extremists leaders

of Congress, had changed its goal to attainment of self – government. He opined in

the Mooknayak, “while one cannot object to the principle involved, we would not be

able to support this change in objective unless we know whose self – government this

is going to be and what will be its practical goals – for practice is more important than

principle”.10 He further writes in another issue of the Mooknayak, ‘freedom or self –

government’ must mean freedom and security for the individual, the recognition of

his right to property, equality before the law, freedom to act in consonance with one’s

conscience, the right to be represented in the legislature and the right of opportunity

for employment in public or government agencies.”11 He wanted to be assured that the

untouchables (Dalit) would also have a share in such self – government as without it

the self – government would mean a government to rule over the already depressed

people. Dr. Ambedkar argued that the untouchables (Dalits) should receive not just a

proportionate but also a weighted representation in the legislatures. The more

backward a group, the higher should be its representation. Without opposing the

struggle for political freedom, Dr. Ambedkar made it clear that the agitation for ‘self –

government’ could not appeal to the Dalits unless it gave them an adequate share of

political power in the legislatures and that too through their own representatives.

Moreover, Dr. Ambedkar criticized the upper caste leaders of keeping the government

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ignorant of the true conditions of Dalits. He also wrote that the upper castes were

opposed to the Dalits for demanding share in the political power through their

independently chosen representatives.

Later at an All India Conference of untouchables (Dalits) held in May 1920 at

Nagpur, Dr. Ambedkar criticized the representation submitted by V.R. Shinde to the

Southborough Committee and made an important policy speech. As a result, the

conference passed a resolution requesting the government to reject Shinde’s

suggestion of nominated member and to let the Dalits select heir own representatives.

M.S. Gore writes about this resolution, “This demand for a separate electorate was the

most important political demand of the Ambedkar movement. It followed logically

from the ideological position taken by Dr. Ambedkar in the first instance, viz., that the

interests of the untouchables were not the same as the interests of caste Hindus and

that they could not be subsumed in the latter”12. Thus, with these three events of

submitting a testimony to the Southborough Committee, publishing the

MOOKNAYAK and appearing at two major conference of Dalits during 1920,

Dr. Ambedkar made his claim to be an alternate but independent leader of the Dalits.

His main objective was to prepare the Dalits for having their own identity and not

being used any more by caste Hindus in the Indian Society.

In the second phase of his leadership, Dr. Ambedkar emphasized on acquiring

political power for his people. This may be because “religious movements have failed

to bring about any improvement in the social status of Dalits in a substantial measure,

it was thought that this (Hindu social order) should be attacked from more secular

grounds like economic betterment, education and political representation of the

downtrodden in the body politic”.13 Dr. Ambedkar further wrote, “when the

untouchables lost all hope for their salvation through social reform, they were forced

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to seek political means for protecting themselves”.14 Moreover, Dr. Ambedkar proved

that the problems of Dalits were essentially political. Contrary to the Congress

treatment of Dalits problems as social, Dr. Ambedkar opined, “It is wrong to say that

the problem of the untouchables is a social problem. For it is quite unlike the

problems of dowry, widow remarriage, age of consent, etc., which are illustrations of

what are properly called social problems. Essentially it is a problem of quite a

different nature in as much as it is a problem of securing, to a minority, liberty and

equality of opportunity at the hands of a hostile majority, which believes in the denial

of liberty and equal opportunity of the majority and conspires to enforce its policy on

the minority. Viewed in this light the problem of the untouchables is fundamentally a

political problem”. 15

Dr. Ambedkar’s plan to lift the status of Dalits through political means

became very clear from his submitting a memorandum to the Simon Commission,

testifying before Southborough Committee, his participation in the three Round Table

Conferences and forming political parties. As a result of the political plea made by

him to the Southborough Franchise Committee legislatures as stated earlier

D.D. Gopala and Dr. Ambedkar himself were nominated to the Bombay Legislative

Council (Dr. Ambedkar was nominated in 1926). This was basically a result of the

‘Muddian Committee Report. Further Ambedkar along with eighteen depressed

classes (Dalits) associations testified willingly to the Simon Commission in 1928 and

asked for separate electorates for Dalits. (The Congress boycotted the Commission).

Dr. Ambedkar told the Commission “The untouchables were relived of anxiety

because the Simon Commission did not include an Indian, since such a nominee could

not be truly representative of all groups.”16

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However, he did not renew, till 1931-32, his 1919 demand for separate

electorates for the Dalits, instead he asked for adult franchise and reserved seats, up to

22 in all in a Bombay Assembly of 140 (15 According to their numbers plus seven

weightage to insure their rights). Dr. Ambedkar also requested guarantees of the

Depressed Classes, as did an appeal from the Central Provinces Depressed Classes

Association. This group requested: (1) an increase in the government power of veto

for protection of the minority. (2) Separate representation not only in legislature, but

all public bodies including universities in proportion to their numerical strength,

(3) posts in government service for Depressed Class members, with minimum

qualification required, (4) representation in the Cabinet dependent only up on

Depressed Classes votes, (5) special grants for education, and (6) no application of a

bill affecting the Depressed Classes if three fourths of the community opposed it.17

Though, Dr. Ambedkar couldn’t achieve anything by his representation to the Simon

Commission, these demands proved to be a testimony to the confidence, which

Dr. Ambedkar had revived, in the modern political institutions by which he sought to

uplift the Dalits.

Later, Dr. Ambedkar was nominated to the 1930 Round Table Conference

held in London to discuss India’s future constitution. This was an acknowledgement

of the leadership he had gained among the Dalits. For Dr. Ambedkar, his own and of

Dewan Bahadur R. Srinivasn’s nominations to the Round Table Conference meant,

that “the untouchables were regarded not merely as a separate element from the

Hindus but also of such importance as to have the right to be consulted in the framing

of a constitution for India”.18 This was a great achievement so far as Dalits were

concerned. Though, their efforts through social reform movements could not give

them a separate identity this political movement accorded the same in no time.

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This can also be seen as a victory for Dr. Ambedkar’s political vision to shift from the

social reform to acquire a separate political identity for Dalits. He opined that, “it is

only in a Swaraj (self) constitution that one has any chance of getting the political

power in one’s own hand without which one cannot bring salvation to one’s

people”.19

At the First Session of the Round Table Conference held in November 1930,

Dr. Ambedkar put the list of the safeguards to be providing to the untouchables

(Dalits) for their protection against the tyranny and oppression of the Hindus. The list

included subjects like equal citizenship, fundamental rights, free enjoyments of equal

rights, punishment for boycotting of Dalits, their protection against discrimination,

adequate representation in the Legislatures and cabinet, adequate representation in the

services, special departmental care, etc. The list of demands proves his knowledge of

law and also his ability to use the Round Table Conference as a forum for asking for

political safeguards for Dalits so that social justice can be assured to them.

M.K. Gandhi opposed the demand of Dr. Ambedkar of separate electorate for

Dalits at the second session of the Round Table Conference convened in 1931.

Speaking on behalf of the Congress he said, “The Congress has reconciled itself to

special treatment of the Hindu – Muslim – Sikh tangle. There are sound historical

reasons for it but the Congress will not extend that doctrine in any shape or form to

the untouchables. Therefore, I would most strongly resist any further special

representation.”20 Gandhi further said that the separate electorate would create a

division in Hinduism which “I cannot possibly look forward to with any satisfaction

whatsoever. I do not mind untouchables, if they so desire being converted to Islam or

Christianity. I should tolerate that, but I cannot possibly tolerate what is in store for

Hinduism, if there are two divisions set froth in the villages.21 Replying to this version

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of the Congress and Gandhi, Dr. Ambedkar opined after some period. “The reasoning

of the Congress appears to be correct. But, it is only a superficial view of the matter.

These elections take place once in five years. It may be asked how social can

solidarity between the Hindus and the untouchables be advanced by one day devoted

to joint voting if for the rest of the five years they are leading severely separate lives.

Similarly, it may well be asked how can one greater separation than what already

exists or contrariwise how can one day in five year devoted to separate voting prevent

those who wish to work for union form carrying out their purposes. To make it

concrete how can separate electorate for the untouchables prevent intermarriage or

inter – dining being introduced between them and Hindus? It is therefore futile to say

that the political recognition of the untouchables as a separate element and granting

them constitutional safeguards will perpetuate separation between them and the

Hindus if the Hindus desire to put an end to it”. 22

Dr. Ambedkar succeeded in getting the separate electorate accepted for the

Dalits like for the rest of the minorities. It was an important achievement for him.

British Government announced its decision known as the Communal Award on

August 14, 1932. The Communal Award gave 78 seats to Dalits. Besides, Dalits had

two more advantages viz., (i) A fixed quota of seats for the Dalit representatives to be

elected by separate electorates and (ii) The provision of the Double Vote, one to be

used through separate electorates and the other through the general electorates.

According to Dr. Ambedkar, the separate electorate system gave a special status to the

Dalits. “The second Vote given by the Communal Award was a priceless privilege.

Its value as a political weapon was beyond reckoning. The voting strength of the

untouchables in each constituency is one to ten. With this voting strength free to be

used in the election of caste Hindu candidates, the untouchables would have been in a

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position to determine, if not to dictate, the issue of the General Election. No caste

Hindu candidate could have dared to neglect their interest if he was made dependent

upon the votes of the untouchables”. 23

But, before anything could be achieved in concrete terms; Gandhi proposed

the Communal Award and went on a fast unto death. Dr. Ambedkar issued to the

press statement on Gandhi’s fast exposing his tactics, “suffice it is to say that although

Mr. Gandhi declared a fast unto death, he did not want to die, he wanted very much to

live”24. The fast created a problem of how to save Gandhi’s Life. All eyes turned on

Dr. Ambedkar for the same. Because the Prime Minister had made it clear that the

British Cabinet would not withdraw or alter the Communal Award of its own.

In response to the urgent plea of the Congress party leaders and others, Dr. Ambedkar

agreed with lot of pain to forego the privileges of the Communal Award and signed a

Pact, which later became famous as the Poona Pact. In the words of Dr. Ambedkar,

“as to myself it is no exaggeration to say that no man was placed in a greater and

graver dilemma than I was then. It was a buffing situation. I had to make a choice

between two different alternatives. There was before me the duty, which I owed as a

part of common humanity, to save Gandhi from sure death. There was before me the

problem of saving for the untouchables the political rights, which the Prime Minister

had given them. I responded to the call of humanity and saved the life of Mr. Gandhi

by agreeing to alter the Communal Award in manner satisfactory to Mr. Gandhi”. 25

The Poona pact had produced different reactions. Dr. Ambedkar himself felt

that Dalits were at a loss. Because he thought that the joint electorate was not useful

to the Dalits as far as their effective and real representation was concerned, he opined

that in the Joint electorate only that Dalit would be elected who was a nominee of the

Hindus and, hence, a tool in their hands. He also argued on the basis of the

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composition of the constituencies in which the Dalit voters were outnumbered in the

ratio of 1 to 24 or in some cases 1 to 49. Further according to Parvathamma,

“Dr. Ambedkar was forced to sign the Poona Pact and retrace his steps. Gandhi shot

two birds with one bullet. He proclaimed that Dalits are Hindus. As Hindus they

cannot have communal representation. But as socially, economically, politically and

educationally degraded Hindus, he was willing to concede some special provisions for

their upliftment. Dr. Ambedkar thus lost the cause of the SCs as a separate entity.

Having retraced his steps once – rightly or wrongly – he was just not able to claim for

SC separatism, though he kept on fumbling along these lines for the rest of his life.26

III. Statement of the Problem:

The militant self- assertion of the Dalits today is a socio-political reality of

Indian society. Unlike earlier the deprived sections of the society, whose interests

Dr. Ambedkar primarily championed, have now attained the capability to influence

the political and social agenda lying before the country. It is a well-known fact that

Dalits are involved in the process of deconstruction and reconstruction of the earlier

and the existing social orders wherein the latter has heavily been derived from the

former. A large number of Dalit leaders sacrificed their lives and comforts in

achieving the contemporary socio-political gains by Dalits. They perennially

confronted with the ‘cumulative dominance’ of the upper strata in Indian society.

They also helped the Dalit masses to overcome the cumulative deprivation heaped on

them since ages by the same strata. If we look at the history of the Dalit Movements

organized in different parts of the country, it becomes clear that a number of socio-

political organisations, struggles and various types of activities of the Dalits had

emerged out of different socio-economic and political conditions in the past to

ameliorate their wretched condition.

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As a result of Poona Pact, constitutional provisions were framed to provide

reservations for the Members of the Parliament and Members of Legislative

Assemblies of various states. Another notable milestone was that reservations given to

different caste groups such as scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward

castes in 1993 in Panchayat Raj Institutions vide Constitutional 73rd Amendment.

The Poona pact is significant in that it initiated a pattern of political compromise

between “caste” Hindus and the Depressed Classes in the allocation of legislative

representation and government jobs. Although, much has changed in India, eighty one

years after the Poona Pact, 85 of the 543 members of the Lok Sabha, the lower house

of Parliament, are from what were formerly known as the Depressed Classes.

Therefore, after eighty one years of Poona Pact, it is essential to analyze

whether the reservations provided to the Dalits in politics helped them to develop in

the society. Further, social equality was the main objective behind these reservations

and hence, there is need to understand whether the much acclaimed goals of such

reservations were indeed fulfilled or not. For this purpose, the present study will be

made under the title “Poona Pact and Its Impact on Reservation Policy in India with

Special Reference to Hyderabad-Karnataka Region: A Critical Study”.

IV. Objectives of the Study:

The following objectives have been set for the present study. They are to

1. Probe and critically verify the historical context of the various provisions of

the Communal Award and Poona Pact between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhi.

2. Evaluate the impact of Poona Pact on the political participation and

empowerment of Dalits in India in general and Hyderabad Karnataka in

particular.

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3. Find out how social disability and disadvantages in case of Dalits is a

constraint (in the context of Poona Pact) to their efficient participation in the

political system of Hyderabad- Karnataka.

4. Examine the patterns of Dalits political participation in electoral and

legislative politics at different levels of political system (in the context of

Poona Pact) in Hyderabad Karnataka region of Karnataka state.

5. Offer suggestions and recommendations for the equal and effective

participation of Dalits in the political mainstream to promote and emancipate

the fellow Dalits through political participation.

V. Hypotheses of the Study:

Based on the above objectives, the following hypotheses have been set for the

present study. They are as under,

1. The Poona Pact has been a betrayal to the Dalit Community and it has

hampered the political emancipation of the Dalits in India.

2. The Poona Pact has immensely influenced the Dalits of this country. Dalit and

Backward Classes Movements have significantly contributed for the emerging

political leadership of Dalits in the Hyderabad Karnataka region.

3. The emerging political leadership of SC/ST and OBC’s has successfully

created awareness and strengthened the unity and solidarity of the Dalits in the

Hyderabad Karnataka region.

4. The political leadership of Dalits in Karnataka in general and Hyderabad-

Karnataka region in particular suffers from inherent weaknesses like lack of

organization, lack of directions, motivation, absence of good leadership and

lack of commitment etc.

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VI. Methodology:

The methodology chosen for the present study is partly, historical, descriptive

and analytical in nature, it also makes use of the empirical survey carried out

involving the Dalit politicians and leaders in the region of Hyderabad Karnataka.

This study has made use of both primary and secondary data. The secondary data was

collected from the historical manuscripts, books, research papers, research reports

related with the subject matter of the study. The detailed survey of Dalit politicians

and leaders were interviewed through a structured questionnaire to collect the primary

data. The interview schedule consisted of questions on various issues like benefits

gained from the reservations in political institutions, development of Dalits after the

Poona Pact, opinions of the politicians on Poona Pact, political preferences by the

political parties etc. The collected data through the survey was tabulated, analyzed

and interpreted to derive findings. Based on the findings of the empirical survey

carried out, suggestions were given for the overall development of the Dalits in the

political representation and emancipation in Hyderabad Karnataka.

VII. Significance of the Study:

It seems that even the British Government agreed to the Communal Award to

the Dalits as per the contentions of Dr. Ambedkar but Mahatma Gandhi opposed the

same stating the reason that the Hindu society will be divided due to such proposal.

Gandhi was also began to fast till Dr. Ambedkar would be approved his ideas to give

up the communal award to the Dalits. As such, Dr. Ambedkar was pressurized to sign

Poona Pact. Poona Pact gave reservations to Dalits in political institutions.

Consequently, the Dalit communities are participating in democratic institutions in the

decision making at the national and state level.

17

It is emphasized that even though the reservations are given in different

aspects, still in many parts of India, the Dalits are not developed in terms of social

equality, economic status, educational level, etc. Further, many of the political parties

are using Dalits as vote banks and done nothing for the Dalits. As a result, still there

are social evils such as untouchability, social inequality, social discrimination, social

alienation etc. Many of the Dalits, even though participating in democracy, they are

side-lined in politics. Hence, the present study is proved to be significant on the

critical analysis of Poona Pact and the development of Dalits, due to political

reservations by making a survey of Dalits in the backward Hyderabad-Karnataka

region.

VIII. Review of Related Literature:

There has been a huge amount of literature on the Dalits, Dalits political

mobilisation, Dalit political leadership and Dalit empowerment. But, sadly very few

quality research materials are available on the landmark Poona Pact in both India and

abroad. However, there are some research work related with the above mentioned

subject matter and some of them have been briefly reviewed as under,

Atul Chandra Pradhan (2012)27 published a paper on “Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s

Role in Indian Politics”. Here the author discussed the role of Dalit Politics in India

and covered the contribution of Dr. Ambedkar contribution on Dalit empowerment in

politics since British India. The author discussed that congress party was not included

Dalits as one of the significant group to participate in politics before 1947. Poona Pact

made between Dr. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi played an important role in

identifying Dalits in active politics in 1932.

Mahendrakumar M. Meshram (2012)28, published a research paper entitled

“Atrocities against Dalits and its Prevention in India”. In this paper, he recommends

18

that the Indian government should enlist the support of the United Nations multilateral

financial institutions, India’s trading partners and national and international

government organisations to the pervasive problems of caste based abuse. It should

also place a priority on strengthening institutional mechanism aimed at addressing

issues of violence and discrimination. The genuine initiatives are needed to target the

root causes of the problem involving the politicians, social activists, judiciary,

executive and media to abolish the untouchability and problems of Dalits.

Manoj Parashar (2012)29, in his news report on “Ambedkar was a true

nationalist and reformer”, published in ‘The Pioneer’ opined that Dr. Ambedkar was a

true nationalist and his contribution to the nation and society was not less than that of

Jawaharlal Nehru or even Mahatma Gandhi. In fact, Hindu society is greatly indebted

to Dr. Ambedkar who saved it from disintegration by entering into an agreement with

Gandhi at Pune in 1932.

Bhagwandas (2000)30 in his paper titled “Moments in the History of

Reservations” published in Economic and Political Weekly, stated that though the

subject of reservations has figured prominently in public debates ever since the

recommendations of the Mandal Commission Report were sought to be implemented

in 1991, there has been very little discussion by the beneficiaries of reservations.

This paper looks at some of the more significant historical, constitutional and legal

moments in the evolution of a reservations policy in India.

Krishnan (2011)31 published a paper “Synthesising the Gandhi-Ambedkar-

narayanguru- Marx visions for Dalit Liberation”. This article suggests how the

Gandhi-Ambedkar-Narayanguru-marx visions can be synthesised in support of the

movement for the liberation and empowerment of India’s Dalits. It brings out the

beginnings and evolution of Gandhiji’s sensitivity and opposition to ‘untouchability’.

19

His perception of ‘untouchability’ was initially limited to ‘touch-me-not-ism’ but

depend after his contact with Narayanguru and narayanguru-inspired movements and,

most crucially, his contact and encounters with Dr. Ambedkar. The article traces the

Gandhiji-Ambedkar divergences, the Yeravada convergence and their other

interesting convergences and the unfortunate post-Yeravada re-emergence of

divergence. These divergences have been effectively resolved in the Constitution

adopting the Ambedkarite approach of Dalit development and empowerment.

The stage has arrived when, instead of dwelling on past antagonisms, it will be

productive to synthesise and utilise the visions of these two titans as well as

Narayanguru and Marx in understanding and furthering the supremely important

project of liberating and empowering the oppressed masses of Scheduled Castes

(SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and other backward classes (OBCs) through specific

and comprehensive economic, educational, social and protective programmes; a Dalit

centred human rights project; and sensitisation and mobilisation of Dalit and non-

Dalit civil society.

Chanchreek (1991)32 edited a book titled “Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1991):

Fight for the Rights of the Depressed Classes”, discussed on Gandhiji’s

correspondence and Poona Pact. The part of this book listed detailed correspondence

of Gandhiji with Sir Samuel Hoare, Indian Secretary of State and Mr. J. Ramsay

MacDonald, Prime Minister of England regarding his opposition to the communal

Award to the depressed classes. Further, it also gave the terms and conditions of

Poona Pact entered between Mahatma Gandhiji and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.

Rebati Ballav Tripathy’s book entitled “Dalits: A Sub Human Society”,

published by Ashish Publication House, New Delhi (1996)33, is a valuable and

authoritative book on Dalits and their contemporary situation. The author in this book

20

narrates the conditions of Dalits in India. The author traces out the history of the

Dalits in Hindu, Muslim, British Period and Renaissance, Reformation, Independence

Movement and Post-Independence Movement. Moreover, this book critically

examines the legal and constitutional, socio-political and economic position of the

Dalits in India.

R.K. Kshirsagar’s book on “Dalit Movement in India and Its Leaders” (1994),

published by M.D. Publications, New Delhi34, is one of the interesting work in

contemporary Dalit literature. The book traces out the history of Dalit movement and

its leadership in India during the period from 1857 to 1956. This book elaborately

discusses the history of untouchability, which is a crude process of dehumanization.

In addition, it gives us the valuable information on the factors responsible for the

emergence of Dalit Movement in India. According to the author, the causes for the

rise of Dalit Movement were land settlement, new industries, means of

communication, new education, press and publications, new legal system and

democratic process. Apart from this the establishment of Dalit organizations,

chronology of events and achievements of these Dalit organizations were narrated in

this book. Finally, the author critically examines the Dalit movement in various states

of India and explains the dynamics of Dalit Movement in India.

Nandu Ram’s book entitled “Beyond Ambedkar- Essays on Dalits in India”

(1995)35, published by Har-Anand Publications, New Delhi, is one of the important

and interesting works dedicated to Dalits and their movement. In this book, the author

narrates and acknowledges the contribution of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar to the Dalit

Movement. In addition, author also critically examines and gives us the picture of

contemporary Dalit Movement and its leadership. He explains the position and

situation of Dalits as a social reality in the contemporary society. Later, he examines

21

the level of education and social mobility among the contemporary Dalits. The author

feels that the current deplorable position of Dalits is due to the limited education.

So, he feels that through providing education to the people of these castes or

communities, their socio-economic conditions would be improved and process of

change can be accelerated among them.

“Encyclopedia of Dalits in India” edited by Dr. Sanjay Paswan and

R. Pramanshi Jaideva, published by Kalpaz publications (2000)36, is a piece of work

which elaborately gives the details of Dalits and their history and way of life.

This valuable and interesting piece of work is divided and published in 11 volumes,

namely, general study, struggle for self-liberation, movement, leaders, reservation,

constitution, social justice, emancipation and empowerment, women, education and

finally literature. Among these 11 separate volumes, volume no. 3 is dedicated to the

Dalit Movement in India. “Encyclopedia of Dalits in India”, Vol. 3 not only gives us

the brief history and backgrounds of Dalits, but also narrates the Bhakti movement,

Mahar and non-Brahmin movements. Socio-religious reform movements and

Dravidian movement which have been launched for the sole purpose of emancipation

of Dalits in India. Later, it describes the role played by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and

mentions the relationship between Gandhi and Dalits. Finally, this volume concludes

with the post-Ambedkar development, Dalit Panther Movement and Kanshiram’s

Movement.

Gail Omvedt’s book entitled “Dalits and the Democratic Revolution:

Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India”, published by Sage

Publications (1994)37, is a valuable piece of work, which deals with the origin and

development of Dalit Movement. In this book, the author not only describes the Dalit

Movement in the place of Nagpur, Hyderabad, Andhra, Mysore and Bombay

22

Presidency but also presents historical materials. The author also made the analysis of

the origin and development of caste in India. She also mentions the relationship

between caste, religion and colonialism in the context of Dalit revolt and movement in

India. The important and decisive incidents of Dalit Movement in the years of

1933-36 were extensively described in this book. Moreover, she describes the

interesting and curious relationship shared by Dr. Ambedkar, Gandhi and the

Marxists.

Zelliot (1986)38 in her article titled “Learning the Use of Political Means:

The Mahars of Maharashtra” for instance, has emphasized the use of political means

by the Mahars of Maharashtra, most consistently and unitedly, in their attempt to

better their socio-economic condition. She has analyzed the process whereby they

have rejected the traditional belief systems and adopted new ideologies. She has also

examined the motivational and psychological dimensions of social change among the

Mahars, and has chronicled the emergence and development of the Buddhist

movement. Her study throws more light on the manner in which they have

participated in the political process and, in turn, acquired political skills and responses

favourable to their assimilation in the broader political culture of the nation.

Parvathamma (1989)39, in her book titled “Scheduled Castes at the Cross

Roads” has found that the Dalit leaders are not only self –centered but also behaving

with the Dalit masses almost in the same fashion in which the non – Scheduled Castes

have traditionally been behaving with the Scheduled castes. Hence, she has called

them neo-Brahmins who exploit the poor Dalits and treat them as Untouchables.

She has also called them classes vis-à-vis Dalit masses. But her argument suffers from

the limitation as she has not gone into the genesis of the class or classes of Dalit

politicians and also reasons for their behaviour.

23

In his study of Jatavs (Chamars) of Agra city, Lynch (1974)40 has found that

Sanskrtisation, a process of cultural mobility among the lower castes, is not applicable

to all the types of movements how the Jatavs of Agra have rejected Sanskritisation

and the caste system, and opted for political participation and parliamentary

democracy for their socio-economic mobility. He has also found the legal innovations

adopted specially after Independence and the country’s democratic Constitution,

which permit modern democratic political activities, have opened new means for

raising their social status. Lynch analyses the efforts of the Jatavs to rise in terms of

political, economic and religious aspects of their social life. Further, he shows that the

conflict is now within the political arena specially in terms of attempting to make

citizenship and achievement as the recruiting principles to the structures of the

existing opportunity and power, on the one hand, and to destroy the caste and ascribed

rank as the recruitment principles to these structures on the other.

In terms of the temporal history of the Jatava movement of Agra, Lynch’ study

covers the period of reform from 1900 to 1963. It traces the evolution of the

movement in both the pre and post-independent periods. According to him, the Jatav

movement started as a socio – religious reform movement and traveled through the

formation of political parties like the Scheduled Castes Federation and the Republican

Party of India (Agra branch) and, finally, leading to conversion by the Jatavs to

Buddhism along with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1956. The author has very

eloquently explained the factors helping the Jatavs to accept Dr. Babasaheb

Ambedkar as their leader even though he was not from their caste and the region. It is

interesting to note that during the struggle between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhi over

the issue of separate electorates for Dalits, the Jatavs along with the other Dalit

groups, wired to London to insist that Dr. Ambedkar and not Gandhi was their leader.

24

The politics of vote led the Jatavs to have alliance with minorities, some upper castes

and upper caste – dominated political parties like the Jan Sangh and the Congress

Party has also been highlighted by the author. A glaring feature of the Lynch’s study

about the Jatava movement is that it has highlighted its relationship with both national

and international level. It is not a mean achievement for oppressed and subordinated

Dalits of a local area to relate themselves at the National level cutting the regional

barrier.

Further, Joshi (1982)41 has examined a question of who are the Scheduled

Castes? Calling them as ex-untouchables instead of ‘Scheduled Caste’s she has

evaluated their existing socio-economic status and concluded that their current

position in education, occupation and land ownership is still far below to that of the

national population. Explaining the causes of their illiteracy she states that “the causes

are family poverty, lack of educational experience and their attendant hazards –

pressure to take children out of school and into the labour market, the absence of

important informal education from educated parents at home, the need for part – time

employment that cuts into study time”. Her data also show the continuing

discrimination in recruitment of Dalits in government services resulting into the

rampant unemployment among them. She argues that in both absolute and relative

terms the Dalits have very restricted access to crucially important rural economic

resource such as land. Several decades of land reforms legislation have done little to

correct basic inequalities of the Dalits. The general agricultural development

programmes have also been substantially less beneficial to the average rural Dalit

family than to others. Much of the prosperity of the ‘green revolution’ in terms of

scientific farming has gone to those who already have relatively abundant investment

capital and acreage.42

25

Regarding political empowerment of Dalits at the grass – root level, a study by

Kumar (1989)43 of Scheduled – Caste Panchayat Pradhans in western Uttar Pradesh

has analyzed the impact of political socialization on their political outlook, the pattern

of their recruitment and their performance. Based on the analysis of the village

panchayat elections of 1982 in Uttar Pradesh, the study suggests that the elections

have brought a major change in the ‘political socialization’, recruitment and

performance of the Dalit leaders at the grass – root level of democracy in the rural

setting. Quite a few pradhans (heads of the village councils) from the higher castes

had held earlier the office of the panchayats. However, in one Block of the Ghaziabad

district seven of the pradhans were elected from amongst the Dalits (Chamars), even

without reservation, which was not a mean achievement.

Yet, another study Singh and Sudharam (1987)44, has found the emerging

elites among the Dalits in Uttar Pradesh, though they are not of very high ranks, i.e.,

highly placed political leaders or bureaucrats or businessmen. This was so as the study

– sample had consisted of the school teachers and the lower level government

officials the clerks. Thus, the study has remarked that the title do not break ties with

community after gaining jobs in the government offices and in schools. On the

contrary, they encourage their caste-men, and a few of them were found organizing

social and cultural activities for their community. However, the study has noted that

the provisions of concessions provided by the Indian Constitution to the Dalits have

helped them gain mobility in different realms. Their advancement on the educational

and occupational scales has somehow made them distinct from their unfortunate

brethren. This feeling of distinctness appears to have manifested in regard to the

adoption of life style and the emulation of behaviour patterns of the dominant caste

group. But the simple adoption of life style of the dominant caste group and emulation

26

of their behaviour patterns do not automatically insure the integration of the educated

Dalits into the dominant group. Hence, the study has concluded by saying that”…

Dalit elite also face alienation as far as their acceptance from upper castes are

concerned”.45

In the same sequence, another study done by Gokhale (1993)46 titled “From

Concessions to Confrontation: The Politics of an Indian Untouchable Community”

presents a social history of political movement of the Mahars in Maharashtra.

Gokhale argues that the emergence of the Dalits on the political scene in the state is

one of the significant events in the history of the twentieth century India. In fact, she

has discussed the history of the Mahar movement from the early days of self – reform

through the successive stages of Dr. Ambedkar’s Satyagrah (insistence on truth), his

formation of political parties such as the Independent Labour Party (1936) and the

Scheduled Castes Federation (1942), and after his death the Republican Party of India

and the Dalit Panthers along with their gains and failures. She has also identified the

causes of the Mahars’ rejection of Hinduism and their conversion to Buddhism.

Further, she has described the Dalit literature movement for the revival of the Dalit

culture and the Dalits’ assertion for a separate social identity as a unique instance in

the Indian cultural history. Gokhale, also gives a passing reference of relationship of

Mahar movement in different parts of the country, special that in Uttar Pradesh. But at

the same time, she has also pointed out limitations of the Mahar movement which

could not develop a rural base and, hence, has failed in meliorating the Dalit masses.

She has presented the picture of fragmentation in the Dalit movement specially the

tussle of ego among the RPI leaders in Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh.

Murugkar (1991)47 in her study titled “Dalit and the Democratic Revolution:

Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India", has attempted to analyze

27

exclusively the Dalit Panthers’ movement which had emerged and become quite

effective in Maharashtra during the period 1972-1979. Using the framework of the

sociology of social movements, she has argued that the Dalit Panthers’ movement

initiated by a few angry and audacious Dalit youths is closely inter linked with the

Dalit literature movement and it is impossible to think of one without the other.

Analyzing the factors responsible for the emergence of the movement, its

organizational set-up, leadership pattern, its ideology and programmes, and assessing

its contributions to the betterment of the Dalit community in Maharashtra, the author

has reflected that the Dalit Panthers’ movement was born as a spontaneous reaction to

the deteriorating socio-political conditions of Dalits during this period. Hence, it

lacked a structural ideology. This factor, in her opinion, led later to confusion,

resentment, wrong moves and splits in the movement. Ironically, by the time some

sort of ideology was formulated in the form of a manifesto, the movement was on the

brink of collapse and in the lack of an ideology, adhocism was the characteristic

feature of the action programmes adopted by the Panthers. The author has further

depicted that the Dalit Panthers’ movement had many parallels with the Black

Panthers’ movement of USA which had emerged in California with the formation of

the ‘Black Panthers’ Party for ‘self-defence’ in 1966. But, it is ironical that the author

has failed to take note of Dalit Panthers movement at All India level.

For instance, Omvedt (1994)48 has focused on the Dalit movements which

have emerged in most of the regions of the country and the Dalit movement was its

important component. During this period, the anti-caste movements comprised strong

non-Brahmin movements in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. But as the Dalit

movements were exclusively organized in Maharashtra, Punjab (the Ad – Dharm

movement), Western U.P. (the Adi-Hindu movement), the undivided Bengal (the

28

Namshudra movement), Kerala (Kumaran Assan movement along with Narayan

Guru’s movement), Tamil Nadu (Adi – Dravid movement), Coastal Andhra (Adi-

Andhra movement) and Hyderabad (Adi-Hindu movement). In addition, there were a

few unorganized Dalit assertions in such areas as in Mysore and Bihar. Omvedt has

classified the Dalit and non-Dalit movements into two broad streams. She has called

the first type of movements as anti –systemic movements or ‘value-oriented

movements’ opposed to the norm – oriented movements. According to her, this type

of movements challenged and sought to transform the basic structure of the Indian

social system – replacing caste system and the accompanying social oppression,

economic exploitation and political domination by an equalitarian society.

Omvedt has further stated that, the Marxist and pro-Congress nationalist leaders as

well as scholars have undermined the importance of the Dalit movements and have

treated these as sectarian or caste movements. In her opinion, Dalit movements have

been seen as diversionary either from the economic class struggle because of their

argument for the necessity of struggling against social oppression or from the needs of

a national struggle because of their insistence on putting the needs of the most

oppressed or exploited groups first and also treating the Indian elite and not the

foreign power or colonial rule as their main enemy. Yet, the most significant aspect of

her study is the description of the confrontation between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhi

on the issue of caste or caste system raised by the Dalit movements. Further, like any

other study of the Dalit movements, this study also includes an in-depth analysis of

the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar. By 1930s and 1940s, he came to dominate the all –

India Dalit movements as well, though his organisations never attained a strong

hegemony outside Maharashtra. Finally, she argues in this study how in spite of the

organizational weakness of the Scheduled Castes Federation and its successor the

29

Republican Party of India, it is still ‘Ambedkarism’ a theoretical framework which

dominates the movements in different parts of the country today.

A few studies have also inquired into the roles of the Dalit political leadership.

For instance, Sachchidanand (1977)49 in Bihar has found that the Harijan elites or the

elected legislators play positive roles in bringing about social change among the Dalit

masses.

Aggarwal (1983)50 in his study titled “Halfway to Equality” opines that

political ascendance of Dalits have helped them in some context relatively if not

absolutely. In support of his claim he cited the example of Babu Jagjivan Ram who

famously said “Yes, my holding high positions in the government have very definitely

helped the cause of the Harijans. I have been instrumental in getting the money for

several institutions. I have helped many individuals in their careers. I have pushed

many legislations relating to Scheduled Castes through Parliament. I have used my

power to help the Harijans as much as possible… they now resist exploitation. It is

partly due to political participation”. Aggarwal has further stated that practice of

untouchability is still rampant in the society and is practiced in one form or the other

even against these leaders. Even after attaining highest status in political circles,

prejudices and stereotypes of the high castes against these leaders have not been

removed. He has opined that because of this fact even Jagjivan Ram was forced to say

that, “untouchability is deep rotted in the minds of our people and I notice it

frequently”.51

But contrary to this, Parvathamma52 (1989) has found that the Dalit leaders are

not only self-centred but also behaving with the Dalit masses almost in the same

fashion in which the non-Scheduled Castes have traditionally been behaving with the

Scheduled castes. Hence, she has called them neo-Brahmins who exploit the poor

30

Dalits and treat them as Untouchables. She has also called them classes vis-à-vis Dalit

masses. But, her argument suffers from the limitation as she has not gone into the

genesis of the class or classes of Dalit politicians and also reasons for their behaviour.

From the critical analysis of all the above mentioned studies, it can be inferred

that there not many good quality research studies conducted on the subject matter of

political emancipation of Dalits during the Post Poona Pact period. Hence, in order to

bridge the gap in the available literature and throw some more light on the subject

matter, the present study has been undertaken covering one of the most backward

regions of the country, i.e., Hyderabad-Karnataka region in Karnataka state.

IX. Research Design or Chapterisation:

The present work is divided into six chapters.

Chapter I : Introduction

Chapter II : The Political Mobilization of Dalits and Role of Dr. Ambedkar

Chapter III : The Poona Pact: An Overview

Chapter IV : Socio-Economic and Educational Profile of Dalits in Karnataka in

General and Hyderabad-Karnataka Region in Particular

Chapter V : A Critical Analysis of Political Representation and Participation of

Dalits after the Poona Pact.

Chapter VI : Empirical Analysis of Political Reservation and Participation of

Dalits in Hyderabad Karnataka Region.

Chapter VII : Summary, Conclusion and Suggestions

31

X. Limitations of the Study: The following are the limitations of the Study. They are as under,

1. The present study is only limited to analyze the impact of Poona Pact on the

political status of Dalits in India in general and Hyderabad Karnataka in

particular.

2. The scope of the study is only limited to the reservation for Dalits in their

political representation in all political institutions of the country.

3. The area covered for the primary data is only limited to the Hyderabad

Karnataka region.

4. The sample chosen for the survey is limited to only 300 Dalit political

representatives and leaders from the entire Hyderabad Karnataka region.

32

References:

1. K.S. Shukla and B.M. Verma, 1993, Development of Scheduled Castes and

Administration, Upper Publishing House, New Delhi, p. 3.

2. R.K. Kshirsagar, 1994, Dalit Movements in India and its Leaders, M.D.

Publishers, New Delhi, p. 1.

3. M.N. Srinivas, 1977, Caste in Modern India and Other Essays, Asia

Publication House, New Delhi, p. 42.

4. Eleanor Zelliot, 1972, 'Gandhi and Ambedkar, in J. Michael Mahar (ed.), The

Untouchables in Contemporary India, University of Arizona Press, Arizona,

p. 95.

5. B.R. Ambedkar, 1946, What Congress and Gandhi have done to the

Untouchables, Thacker and Co. Limited, Bombay, p. 1.

6. Zelloit, Eleanor, Ibid, Op.Cit. No. 4. p. 40.

7. Gore M.S., Ibid. Op.Cit. No. 7, p. 75.

8. Zelloit, Eleanor, 1986, Learning the use of Political Means: The Mahars of

Maharashtra, in Rajni Kothari (ed.,) Caste in Indian Politics, Orient Longman,

New Delhi, p. 40.

9. Gore M.S., 1993, The Social Context of an ideology, Ambedkar’s Political and

Social Thought, Sage Publications, New Delhi, p. 75.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid, p. 76.

12. Ibid, p. 79.

13. Parvathamma, 1989, Scheduled Castes at the Cross Roads, Ashish Publishing

House, New Delhi, p. 132.

33

14. Ambedkar, B.R., 1990 “What Congress and Gandhi have done to the

Untouchables”, in Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches Vol. 9,

Education Department Government of Maharashtra, p. 190.

15. Ibid, pp. 190-91.

16. Zelloit, Eleanor, Ibid, Op.cit. No. 8. p. 101.

17. Ibid, 102.

18. Ambedkar, B.R., 1990, Ibid, Op. Ct. No. 14, pp. 40-41.

19. Zelloit, Eleanor, 1986, Learning the use of Political Means: The Mahars of

Maharashtra, in Rajni Kothari (ed.,) Caste in Indian Politics, Orient Longman,

New Delhi, p. 162.

20. Ambedkar, B.R., 1990, “What Congress and Gandhi have done to the

Untouchables”, in Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches Vol. 9,

Education Department Government of Maharashtra, p. 57.

21. Ibid, p. 69.

22. Ibid, p. 191.

23. Ibid, p. 90.

24. Ibid, p. 88.

25. Ibid, p.89.

26. Parvathamma, 1989, Ibid, Op.cit. No. 13, p. 218.

27. Atul Chandra Pradhan, 2012, B.R. Ambedkar’s Role in Indian Politics, Odisha

Review, January 2012, p. 16-17.

28. Mahendrakumar M. Meshram, 2012, “Atrocities against Dalits and Its prevention

in India”, Golden Research Thoughts, Vol. I, No. 10, April 2012, p. 4.

29. Manoj Parashar, 2012, “Ambedkar was a True Nationalist and Reformer”, The

Pioneer, 13th April 2012.

34

30. Bhagwandas, 2000, “Moments in Indian History of Reservations”, Economic

and Political Weekly, October 28, 2000, pp. 3381-3384.

31. Krishnan, P.S., 2011, “Synthesising the Gandhi-Ambedkar-Narayanguru-Marx

vision for Dalit Liberation, Social Change, Vol. 41, No.1, April 2011, pp. 1-39.

32. Chanchreek, K.L., 1991, “Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1991): Fight for Rights

of the Depressed Classes, Vol. 1, New Delhi, H.K. Publishers, 1991.

33. Rebati Ballav Tripathy, 1996, “Dalits: A Sub Human Society” published by

Ashish Publication House, New Delhi.

34. R.K. Kshirsagar, 1994, “Dalit Movement in India and Its Leaders”, M.D.

Publications, New Delhi.

35. Nandu Ram, 1995, “Beyond Ambedkar- Essays on Dalits in India” Har-Anand

Publications, New Delhi.

36. Dr. Sanjay Paswan and R. PramanshiJaideva (Ed), 2000, “Encyclopedia of

Dalits in India” Kalpaz Publications, New Delhi.

37. Gail Omvedt, 1994, “Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar

and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India”, Sage Publications. New Delhi.

38. Zelloit, Eleanor, 1986, Learning the use of Political Means: The Mahars of

Maharashtra, in Rajni Kothari (ed.,), Caste in Indian Politics, Orient

Longman, New Delhi, p. 158.

39. Parvathamma, 1989, Scheduled Castes at the Cross Roads, Ashish Publishing

House, New Delhi, p. 218.

40. Lynch, O.M., 1974, The Politics of Untouchability: Social Mobility and Social

Change in a City of India, National Publishing House, New Delhi, p. 34.

35

41. Joshi, Barbara, R., 1982, Democracy in Search of Equality: Untouchable

Politics and Indian Social Change, Hindustan Publishing Corporation, New

Delhi, p. 65.

42. Ibid.

43. Kumar, Vijay, 1989, Scheduled Caste Panchayat Pradhans: A Study of

Western Uttar Pradesh, Ajanta Publications, New Delhi, p. 45.

44. S.S. Singh and S. Sundaram, 1978, Emerging Harijan Elite: A Study of their

identity, Uppal Publishing House, New Delhi, p. 128.

45. Ibid

46. Gokhale, J., 1993, From Concessions to Confrontation: The Politics of an

Indian Untouchable Community, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, p. 137.

47. Murugkar, Lata, 1991, Dalit and the Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and

the Dalit Movement in Colonial India, Sage Publications, New Delhi, p. 204.

48. Gail Omvedt, 1994, “Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and

the Dalit Movement in Colonial India”, Sage Publications, New Delhi, p. 142.

49. Sachchidananda, 1977, “The Harijan Elites”, Konark Publications, New Delhi,

p. 164.

50. Aggarwal, P.C., 1983, Halfway to Equality, Manohar Publications, New Delhi

p. 117.

51. Ibid

52. Parvathamma, C., 1989, Scheduled Castes at the Cross Roads, Ashish

Publishing House, New Delhi, p. 77.