Chapter: 6 Goddesses of the present and the past: a probe ...shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/17661/11/11_chapter 6.pdf · Chapter: 6 Goddesses of the present and the past:

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Chapter: 6

Goddesses of the present and the past: a probe into the general

question of continuities and changes in. religious practice

Historians and archaeologists have pointed out that the traces of goddess

tradition appeared for the first time in India in primitive society in upper

palaeolithic age. 1 Since then, this tradition has continued in India with

certain "rise and fall." At the time of Indus valley civilization, goddess

tradition had assumed a marked growth and had become strong, elaborate

and established tradition. Numerous terracotta figurines of women of Indus

Valley are found and in one of the figurines a plant is shown growing out of

embryo of a woman. Probably this image represents the goddess of earth,

and was intimately connected with the origin and growth of the plants. The

Harappans, therefore, looked upon the earth as a fertility goddess.2 But

Harappan civilization had, at one time, come to an end and its established

norms of goddess tradition were destroyed. After the decline of Harappan

Civilization, a new phase of historical growth in India, that is Vedic period,

with the advent of Aryans, came into being and Goddess tradition began

afresh and continued hereafter with a chronological and successive growth.

Goddesses of the past and their relevance in the present

In Rig Veda, Aditi and Usas were supposed to be important goddesses.

Besides them, other goddesses referred to in the Rig Veda are as follows:

Usas, Ratri, Sinivali, Raka, Ganga, Aditi, Prini, Diti, Swasti, Revati,

Purandhi, Anumati, Apadevis, Sarasvati, Sindhu, Aranyani, Indrani,

1 D.P. Sharma, S.K. Singh, Madhuri Sharma, in Palaeolithic Age, Pre-historic Art and Archaeology of south Asia Series -1, Vol. 1, Bhartiya Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 2005, has dated upper palaeolithic period from 6000 years old to 10000 years old. In this period mother goddess is noticed in rock paintings in the caves ofBhim Betka. Green paintings ofBhim Betaka can be dated to upper palaeolithic period. Mother ~oddess figurines of bone are also found at Belan valley grave III (Allahabad) in this period. pp. 190-92

John Sir Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and theIndus Civilization, Vol. 1, 1931, London, p. 52,PI. XII & R.S. Sharma, India's Ancient Past, Oxford Univ. Press, 2005, p. 82

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Varunani, Rudrani, Agneyi,. Sarnyu, Suryi, Saci, Rodasi, Sila, Daksina,

Sradda, Dhisna, Ila, Mahi, Bharti, Gouri, Svaha, Vrvasi, Alaksmi, Krtva,

Mirrti and so on.3 Vedic texts have shown reverence to the earth goddess,

Prithivi, also, although, she is not given ·any prominence.4 The given

important female deities like Aditi and Usha of Rig Veda have become

unknown now in modern time and are neither invoked nor remembered at all

in any sort of religious ceremony. But some of the female deities of Rig

Vedic time who were given less importance than that of Adit and Vsas

became more prominent in later centuries. In recent time such goddesses like

Sarasvati, Ganga, Gouri are widely known, venerated and respected. The

goddess Sarasvati, the deity of truthful speech and knowledge,5 is popular all

through India. Vasantpanchmi festival organized in north and Dashmi of

Dussehra in South are dedicated to goddess Sarasvati. Ganga, a river

goddess, is now a symbol of holiness and a rescuer of her devotees from sin.

Gouri is depicted as manifestation of Parvati, the wife of Siva. The festival

of Gangour in Rajasthan is celebrated in the name of god Siva and goddess

Gouri.

The goddesses such as Ambika, Vma, Durga and Kali do not have any

trace in the Rig Vedic time; they, rather, became singly or collectively the

names of the central figure of Sakta-cult in the sixth century A.D. and came

to be regarded as goddesses of Puranas and of Tantra literature. In post-

Gupta period, they were expressed in the icons and texts6 and were

acknowledged as primeval forces. Eminence of Durga, Kali and Vma, in

3 Indian Culture, Vol. VIII, July, September, p. 66 4 R.S. Sharma, Ancient India, NCERT, 2005, p. 62 5 Pushpendra Kumar, Shakti-Cult in Ancient India, Bhartiya Publishing House, Varanasi, 1974, p. 13 6 Madhu Bazaz Wangu, Images of Indian Goddesses: Myths, Meanings and Models, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 2003, p. 97

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particular, continued and reached down to contemporary India. In modem

India also these goddesses are understood as prominent goddesses.

Goddess Icons: Change and Continuity

In Rig Vedic time, there was no concept of visual art, rather imaginary,

for the goddesses such as Usha, Aditi, Vac and Prithvi.7 The Vedic Aryans

as such were not able to express their idea of images "with the chisel or the

brush."g But the presentation of visual art, largely based on the pattern of

imagination of of Rig Vedic people, began rightly as early as later Vedic

time. The female deities such as Shri Lakshmi, Mithuna, Yakshini of late

Vedic period replacing the prominent female deities of Rig Veda were

carved in stones based upon the style of imagination of Rig Veda. 9 Even an

imaginary association between a god and a definite animal, a revealing

feature of Rig Veda, had become a proven tradition of visual art in later

periods. Both gods and goddesses were presented with an animal as their

mount. 10 In all succeeding centuries, down to the modern time, the

introduction of the vehicles of the deities in various forms kept continuing,

consistently and meticulously.

A new trend has begun in modern India in the ways of production of icons

and print images of the goddesses. Now images are produced in abundance

and distributed. The tradition of "Court Art" followed in early time has

disappeared. The mass-produced goddess images in clay and in prints has

developed due to the shifting of the patronage from courts to a much broader

social base. As the courts disappeared, a new urban patronage of mercantile

community flourished. It has patronized processional images for the annual

7 Ibid. p. 44 8 J. Gonda, Change and Continuity in Indian Religion, Munshiram Manoharial Publisher Pvt. Ltd. 1997, p. 85 9 Madhu Bazaz Wangu, 2003, op. cit. p. 44

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local festivals and has advertised its ware on calendars. Thus, the economic

surplus of wealthy merchants has given impetus to artists. The mass

production of urban art is notable in the cities and towns in particular due to

the increasing middle-class population. II Even the folk art now in India is

bifurcated into two branches - as Village craft and as Urban art. The Urban

art includes making the temporary professional goddess images in unbaked

clay and printed calendar pictures. 12 James Preston has observed that the

new trend is flourishing in modern urban India. Orissa's largest cities have

exploded with street festivals involving large number of temporary clay

images. Preston goes on to say that these popular extravaganzas are also

found extensively and that business or image-makers is particularly intense

during festivals of goddesses such as Durga, Sarasvati, Kali and others. 13

Mass production of icons of female deities and its distribution

unquestionably reveals the increasing popularity and prominence of goddess

tradition in modem time.

Alterations and additions in the features of iconic presentation of female

deities in modem days need to be examined. The iconic outfit of female

deities in modern time has become somewhat different to early time. In early

time, as discussed in chapter three, the statues of goddess Durga consisted of

two important attributes: one, she is presented as a single independent deity

and second, she is aggressive, trying to kill demon Mahisha in presence of

lion, her vehicle. The changes, in present time, in the style of statue making

of goddess Durga are as follows: the image of goddess Durga, in the festival

10 1. Gonda, 1997, op. cit. p. 85 11 Madhu Bazaz Wangu, 2003, op. cit. p. 18 12 Ibid. pp. 17-18 13 James 1. Preston, "Creation ofth Sacred Image: Apotheosis and Destruction in Hinduism" in Joanne P Waghorne and Norman Cutler with Vasudha Narayanan (eds.), the Gods of Flesh/Gods of Stone: The Embodiment of Divinity in india, Columbia University Press, (1 51 published, 1985), 1996.

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of Durga Puja, is presented along with the images of other male and female

deities such as Ganesh, Karttikeya, Lakshmi and Sarasvati. Another obvious

change is in the presentation of expression of the goddess. In the north India

such as Punjab, Haryana, Jammu, goddess Durga is presented in a motherly

posture, not in a martial pose. 14 Her expression is lenient and affectionate.

She is addressed in these areas with Mata Di or Seranvali Mata and her

image is shown sitting on the back of the tiger, not lion. For example, the

Vaisnava devi of Jammu, originated as local goddess, manifested in a from

of Durga, is holding an independent image, free from association with any

male deity and is worshipped in the form of an unhewn stone. But, other

than this, at Vaisnavadevi, a huge brass image of goddess Durga, placed

outside the central shrine, posing in motherly affection, sitting on a tiger,

reflects a lenient motherly depiction of the goddess.

Rituals of goddess worship: Changes and Continuity

The goddess worship early days was performed within a definite frame

of rituals. Virat Parvan15 of Mahabharata states that the Mother Goddess

takes delight in spirituous liquor, flesh and sacrificial victims. Naramehda,

the human sacrifice is also pointed out not less than four times in the epic as

part of ritual to invoke and honour the deity.16 Yet, the addition in

continuing practice of rituals of epic time for goddess worship was made

when the Puranas came into being. Skanda Purana consists of a list of two

panels of Yoginis, the folk-goddesses: one consists of forty-eight names the

while other is having sixty-four names. Purana states that these fearful

14 Kathleen M. Erudl, Seranvali The Mother Who Possesses in Hawley and Wulff(ed.), Devi Goddesses of India, 1998, pp. 173-194; Madhu Bazaz Wangu, Images of Indian Goddesses: Myths, Meanings and Models, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 2003, p. 97 15 Mahabharata, Satvalekar, (ed.), IV. 6-17; VI. 23 & Tranlated version by lA.B. Van Buitenen. 3 Vols. Chicago, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1940 16 Ibid. lll, 81.33 ; IX. 28.89;

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forms of the goddesses are worshipped with bali. In Autumn Navaratra, a

Yatra is arranged in the name of these goddesses. Once it is performed,

Purana depicts, one becomes free from the Bhutas, Pisachas and Rakshas. 17

Besides Yatra, other comprehensive rituals are also pointed out and these

constitute - Homa, Bali (sacrifices), Navaratra worship, recitation of stotras

(verses) and mantras (incantations), kanya-pujana, Vratas and visiting

pilgrimages to the Shakti Pithas with full devotion to the goddesses. IS

"Birds, tortoises, alligators, fish, nine species of wild animals, buffaloes,

iguanas, bulls, he-goats, ruru (a species of antelope), wild boars, rhinoceros,

black antelopes ...... sarabha (an eight-footed mythical animal), lion[s] and

men, [as well as] blood drawn from the adept's own body are considered as

proper sacrifice (bali) to the goddess Candika, Bhairava, and others. It is

through offering sacrifices that [the] devotee obtains liberation (from the

bondage of the world) [and] heaven, and [that] a prince [gains] victory by

conquering his enemies.,,19 "Sacrifice contains various meanings. This

practice is perpetrated to appease goddess to withdraw her anger. Sacrifice

may be considered defeating the invading demon or may be considered

sacrificing the consort of the female goddesses or it is performed to boost

her to fight out the demon. ,,20

The ritual of bloody sacrifice for female deities is a long-standing21

tradition followed from the olden time in Rajasthan and in other parts of

India. Rajasthan, in particular, followed, the Yupa22 or sacrificial pillar

17 Pushpendra Kumar, (1974), op. cit. p. 236 18 Devi Bhagvata Purana, ed. Raj Tei Pandey, Pandit Pustakalya, Kashi, 1956, and Guru mandaI Series, 2 Vols, Calcutta, 1960, III. 25. 35-46; Translated version by Vasudeva S. Agrawala, Varanasi, All India Kashiraj Trust, 1963 19 Kalika Purana, 67: 3-6. This is not the exact copy from the Shastri's translated passage (KalikaPurana, 3:1001-2) 20 David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses, (1987) p. 205 21 A.S. Altekar, E. 1., Vol. 23, No.7, Three Maukhari Inscriptions on Yupas: Krita year 295, p. 46 22 Ibid. p. 46

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tradition, presented in stone or wood. It was undertaken by the Brahmanas

and was performed as early as 1 st _2nd century A.D in Rajasthan. It was one

of the earliest and the most important traditions of sacrifice and was carried

out in the name of goddess Hotri.23 The purpose of the Yupa was to

commemorate different sacrifice which was fairly common in early time and

was organized at a large scale. Under this tradition the sacrifice of the

animals like cows and goats was made to propitiate the deities. The rich

individuals or their group participated in the sacrifices.

Different ancient texts inform about varied features of Yupa tradition. The

Katyayana-Srautasutra describes technique about creation of wooden Yupa:

the tree will be felled and its superfluous branches are to be chopped for this

purpose. It is made of wood. Aitareya-Brhamana informs that Yupa itself

was to be offered as an oblation at the end of the sacrifice. The Taittiriya­

Samhita gives detailed description of the origin and nature of this sacrifice.

It informs that Prajapati invented it for Vasus, Rudras and Adityas and won

thereby the three worlds. The Sankahayan-Srautasutra declares that by the

merit of this sacrifice, the sacrificer can win for himself whatever is three

fold in affairs both mundane and spiritual. But Grihyasutra and

Dharmasutra have made a counter comment and have expressed their

resentment to this practice. Vasishtha, Baudhayana, Vishnu and Asvlayana

declare that the touch of a Yupa is as polluting as that of a funeral pyre or a

woman in her courses.24

As early as in 1 st - 2nd century A.D. evidences of Yupa are found in Badva

in Rajasthan. Badva is a large village that is about five miles south-west of

Antah, a railway station on the Kotah-Bina line, where three Maukhari Yupa

23 Ibid. p. 46 24 Ibid. p. 43

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inscriptions dated 2nd century A.D. are discovered?S Yupa found at

Bijaygadh is very much similar to badva Yupa. Both the Yupas are engraved

in long vertical lines to be read from top to bottom?6 Two more Yupa

inscriptions are discovered at Bamala in the Jaipur state. These two

sacrificial pillars belong to the 3rd century A.D. Each of the Yupas is

inscribed 228 A.D. and 279 A.D. respectively. The inscriptions are found in

the form of stone pillars.

Yupa tradition informs about commemoration and performance of a

Triratra sacrifice. Maukhari sacrificers gave precisely the same amount of

dakshina as prescribed by the sacred texts. Sahasradakshina-Triratra

suggests that 1,000 cows, 333 goats were to be given every day in groups of

ten; the three that remained every day, along with the thousandth one, which

was required to be variegated in colour, were to be given to the Hotri, the

goddess, on the last day of the sacrifice. 27

In early Rajasthan human sacrifice was a valid practice committed in the

name of deities. People believed that the human sacrifice can lead to the

highest, the certain and the confident spiritual gain that is undiminishing.

Siladevi temple in Amber is one of the examples where human sacrifice was

an essential practice to appease the goddess.28 In Nadlai in Rajasthan on the

top of the hill is a temple of Baijnath Mahadev; near the temple is a trident

stalled for the goddess Hingulajmata. Here special ritual of Kamal-puja i.e.

of cutting and offering your own head to the gods was performed.29 King

Langa of Mewar sacrificed his nine sons before the goddess Camunda but

25 Badva may be a contraction of Balavadi and that the modem humble village may have been once a flourishing capital-founded by the Mahasenapati Bala, who may have been the founder of the Maukhari branch in Kotah state. The portion above the ground of the three Yupas at Badva is octagonal; the underground shaft of two of them is, however, square. 26 A.S. Altekar, op. cit. E.J., Vol. 23, No.7, p. 46 27 Ibid.

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the unappeased hunger of the goddess at last needed the head of the old king

himself, is a very popular legend.30 In the Malatimadhava of Bhavabhuti,

human sacrifice before the goddess31 was perpetrated. Kuvalyamala depicts

that Arya or Ajja was propitiated with offerings of slices of human flesh. 32

The community of Mers in Rajasthan used to perform sacrifices quite

strongly and religiously. Tradition says that the Mers used to sacrifice their

first son to the goddess. It was a customary for them. With passage of time,

buffalo sacrifice replaced the human sacrifice. Buffalo, after the touch of

consecration by the priest before the shrine used to be let loose, and the

people, each armed with a knife or a sword, cut them alive into pieces. "The

barbarity continued till 1865, when on the representation of Mr. Robb, the

co-missionary at Todgarh, it was put to stop, and orders were issued that the

animals should be first killed with a sword. Before the famine there were

some forty or fifty animals yearly sacrificed, and in 1874 there were

eighteen buffaloes thus offered to the goddess. The officiating priest first

strikes the animal on the neck with a long sword; it is then dragged away and

cut into little pieces in a few minutes. Under the influence of the headman of

Todgarh, the Rawats in 1874 entered into an agreement to abstain from the

flesh of kine and buffaloes and to excommunicate all transgressors. In that

year for the first time, Mers took no part in the dismemberment of the

buffaloes sacrificed to mata, leaving the work to be done by Bhils and

Bulahis.,,33

28 c.A. Baylay, The Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, Jaipur, 1879, p. 161. 29 D.R.Bhandarkar, PRASWC, 31 st March, 1909, p.42 30 H.H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Calcutta II, 1981, p. 267[[ 31 N.N.Bhattacharyaya, The Indian Mother Goddesses, Manohar, 1999, p. 64 32 R.G. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism & Minor Religious Systems, Poona, 1928, p. 223 33 J. Digges La Touche, The Rajputan Gazetteer, Vol. II, Ajrner-Merwara, p.47.

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Brubaker analyzes the pattern of bloody sacrifice that puts up the right

expression for the tribe action in sacrificing animals. Sacrificial victim was

acknowledged as the enemy of the goddess who was not only killed but,

rather, humiliated and then presented to the goddess. Buffalo was beheaded

its leg was pushed to his mouth and the fat taken out of his stomach was

smeared on his eyes. Also, the candle was lighted on its head and then

presented to the goddess. This clearly reflects that the victim is not only

killed, he is humiliated also.34 V.K. Srivastava postulates that for royal

castes and warriors the ideal of the martyrs was central, which was coupled

with blood sacrifice as well as meat eating. Their supreme deity granted

them valour and strength was the goddess (their Kula Devi) and they

sacrificed blood, sometimes of a male buffalo but usually a he-goat. 35

Jiwanmata and Burmanidevi of the Meenas, Khajoorimata and Bangamata

of Kanjars wanted bloody sacrifice in return for well being of concerned

individual and for the community as a whole.

In the later part of twentieth century, practice of goat sacrifice in

Rajasthan became a popular practice and was widely practiced on the

occasion of Dussehra. Village Survey Monographs of Rajasthan, edited by

C.S. Gupta (1961 )36 serves detailed information regarding sacrifices made in

the name of the goddess on Dussehra festival. It was the most common

practice and was performed with great jubilation by various clans and

communities. In the village of Bhandwasi (p. 28), situated in the district of

Nagaur of Jodhpur, the goat was sacrificed on the final day of Navarata to

34 Richard Brubaker, "The Ambivalent Mistress: A Study of South Indian Village Goddeses and Their Religious Meaning" Ph. D. diss. University of Chicago, 1978, p.338 35 V.K. Srivastava, Religious Renunciation of a Pastoral People, OUP, 1997, p. 124 36 This paragraph deals with the practice of sacrifice performed in various villages of Rajasthan on the eve ofDussehra. Facts are collected from separate booklets prepared for each of the villages. In is compiled under the supervision of e.S. Gupta, (ed.), 1961, Village Survey Monographs o/Rajasthan

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propitiate goddess Chamunda. In the village Khajoora in the district of

Banswara (pp. 34-35), goat was sacrificed on the day of the Dussehara in the

name of the goddess Hovan Mata. The meat of it was cooked and distributed

among the devotees. The skin of the goat was taken away by a Khatik or a

Dholi and was utilized for the drums. In Ramnagar in the district of Bundi

(pp.32-33) he-goat in particular was sacrificed on the 8th day ofNavarata. In

Goriya in the district of Pali (p. 39), goat was sacrificed on the day of

Deshera. At Kailashpuri in the district of Udaipur (p.29), he goat was

sacrificed on the 9th day Navarata and the killing was performed out-side the

temple and a cup-full of sacrificing blood was offered to the deity inside the

temple. At Kyasara in the district of Jhalawar (p. 35), Rajputs sacrificed

goats in honour of their Kula Devi on the day of Dussehra. At Kalijal in the

district of Jodhpur (p.31), Rajputs sacrificed goat and poured some liquor on

it before it was cooked. Devotees then took its cooked meat as prasad and

liquor with it. Also, at Panarwas in the district of Udaipur (p.36), Rajputs

made sacrifices of goats before the shrine of Kali Mata on the day of

Dussehra. Earlier the Rajputs, also called Rana, who governed at Panarwas,

used to make sacrifice of he-buffalo on the eve of Dussehra in the name of

their family deity Khemaj Mata. At Bhangarh in the district of Alwar (p.36),

on Navaratra a r{tual of sacrificing goat for Sirsa Devi was strictly followed.

Here a custom was followed to cut the head from the body of the animal in a

singly stroke in the name of the goddess and the animal was then given to

Bhopa to offer to the goddess. The officiating priest i.e. Bhopa, however,

used to prefer to return it to the worshiper for an anna. The goat's skin was

later sold to the Khatik i.e. a butcher, and the amount so obtained was spent

in purchasing spices, salt etc. At Janvi in the district of Jalor (p.62), Rajputs

did worship their family deity Jog Maya on the first day of Navaratra and

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he-goat was sacrificed in her shrine. The head of the sacrificed goat was

hung on the Khejara tree in front of the shrine of Jog Maya and they deserted

its head to dry and wither-out. The meat of goat was distributed in a way of

prasad to the people. In the areas of Ramnagar (pp. 32-33), on the day of

Dussehra, devotees offered worship to their arms and preferred to go for

hunting as to celebrate the festival of Navarat. In the evening when they

returned home after hunting, the hunted animals were cooked by them and

were then eaten with liquor. In the village of Sanswara (p.33), the

community of Sahariyas followed the ritual that was different to the rituals

followed by other living communities to celebrate Navarata festival. As the

people of other community offered flowers and incense to the goddess,

Sahariyas sprinkled few drops of liquor before the goddess. After offering

liquour to the goddess the left over of it was consumed by Sahariyas

themselves.

Over the years, some visible changes have occured in the form of

sacrifice in Rajasthan. New pattern of sacrifice is introduced according to

the convenience of individuals and the communities. Amongst tribes, royal

castes and the warriors of Rajasthan the long-standing tradition of human

sacrifice have come to an end, though, the importance of martyrs, animal

sacrifice and meat eating keeps continuing.37 Amongst Mers, the tradition of

human sacrifice continued till nineteenth century, but after the nineteenth

century, instead of son, Mers started sacrificing buffalo. Even sacrificing

buffalo in course of time came to an end and goat replaced buffalo. Mers

thus adopted some standardized rituals to perpetrate sacrifice. Pure water is

sprinkled on the head of the goat to purify and the neck of the goat is

supposed to be cut off in one stroke with a sword. If failed, it is considered

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inauspicious. The head of the goat is then offered to the deity and is later

taken away by the Bhopa.,,38 Gradually animal sacrifice is accepted as the

best substitute of human sacrifice for female deities.39 Later Bhils and

Bulahis also followed this tradition.4o Meenas for Jiwanmata and

Burmanidevi, Kanjars for Khajoorimata and Bangamata also adopted animal

sacrifice.

In the Siladevi temple in Rajasthan, there is a visible change in the olden

practice of sacrifice. Human sacrifice in the name of the goddess was a

patent practice in early time. Kachvahas used to perform it in the open field

of the temple. The chopped off head was carried running to offer to the

goddess. In course of time, buffalo sacrifice replaced human sacrifice, and

thereafter, sacrificing goat became a practice. Change in the pattern of

sacrifice, from buffalo to goat, people say, was not acceptable to the deity.

Therefore, the deity, it is believed, tilted her head to express regret. 41 At

present, within the campus, performing bloody sacrifice in the name of the

goddess is prohibited, but the practice of symbolic sacrifice held on "lamon"

is followed.

In recent Rajasthan, the attitude of people is changing towards bloody

sacrifice. Temples that are supervised and patronized by the members of

high caste do not allow sacrfice in its campus. If anybody of the same high

caste wants to make sacrifice in the name of the goddess, is free to do but

anywhere away from the temple. For example, temple of Silladevi, as

discussed earlier, being supervised and patronized by Kacchawahas, does

37 V.K. Srivastava, Religious Renunciation o/a Pastoral People, OUP, 1997, p. 124 38 C.S. Gupta (ed.), 1961, Goriya, p.37 39 J.Digges La Touche, The Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, Ajmer-Merwara, p. 47. 40 Ibid. p.47. 41 C.A. Baylay, The Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, 1879, Jaipur, p. 161; Detailed information is given Kalyan 'Tirthank' year 1957, pp. 214, 216

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not allow bloody sacrifice in the temple campus in recent time. If at all,any

one wants to make bloody sacrifice in the name of the goddess, he is allowed

to perform it away from the campus of the temple. Such kind of prohibition

is becoming visibly applicable in most of temples supervised by the

members of high caste. Eating of meat on the eve of Dussehra by high caste

people has also declined to a greater extent.

Non-sacrificial practice has influenced to some extent to the members of

low communities and tribes also and they too avoid sacrificial offer to their

female deities. Female deities like Jamvaimata of Meenas, Kamidevi of

Bikaner, Arbadadevi42 <?f Bhils are vegetarian female deities. These female

deities feel offended if they are offered with bloody sacrifice. But in Bhairav

temples that generally are taken care of by the members of low castes, the

sacrificial practice is strongly followed. For example, in the temple of

Kodam Desar in Bikaner, dedicated to Bhairava, affiliated with low castes,

sacrifices are performed at great length.

In South India high caste members do not follow the tradition of meat

eating on the eve of Dussehra. The goddess temples, patronized by the

people of high caste, do not allow sacrificial practice. On the eve of certain

yaznya, named Somayaznya and Atiratrymyaznya, organized by the people

of high caste, bali is performed and sacrificed animals are given away to the

people of low caste. Usually bloody sacrifice in South India is organized by

the people of low communities at their temples in the name of female

deities. Members of Paraya community belonging to low caste sacrifice

chicken in the name of female deities. The goddesses affiliated to the low

42 c.s. Gupta, (cd.) 1961, Kailashpuri, p. 26

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caste people are as follows: Maruta, Vatayakshini, Karinkali. Kali IS

worshipped both by high and low caste.43

In above pargraphs it is pointed out that the sacrificial practice was a

strong worshipping ritual for the goddesses in India in early time. But over

the centuries, some changes have occured in the pattern of sacrifice,

indicating that it is on the verge of decline, rather eliminating. But overall

investigation suggests that the sacrifical practice is yet an important ritual for

goddess worship, followed directly-indirectly all through India in varied

forms. In parts of Jharkanda, in famous temple of Siva at Baidyanathdham

Deoghar, on the day of Navmi in Dussehra, in front of the image of Durga,

priests help to sacrifice goats. Close to Baidyanathdham are two places: one

is Rohini where buffaloes are sacrificed on the eve of Dashmi and other is

Yoginisthan (Sthal) where goats are sacrificed throughout the year against

the fulfillment of vows of devotees. All these places follow certains rituals

before holding· sacrifice: the priest sprinkles water and put flowers upon

aninals and chant incantaions. In the temple of Kamakhyadevi of Assam

sacrifice is an important part of ritual. Animal sacrifice is a patent practice.

Durga temple at Nartiang at Meghalaya also is steeped in mythological gore.

Here a secret tunnel exists between the sacrificial altar and the river

Myntang, which flows beneath. In early time, the heads of the sacrificed

men were rolled down the tunnel into the river below. Human sacrifice was

common in the temple before the British banned it sometime in the 19th

century.44 But bloody sacrifice of animals is still continuing. In the state of

Uttranchal, sacrifical tradition is very dominant, followed extensively on

festive occasion and on the fulfillment of vows.

43 Dr. Narayanan, born and brought up in Kerala, is at present lecturer in Sanskrit Department, Dyal Singh Evening College, University of Delhi, has supplied this information.

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On the occasion of Durga Puja various parts of the states of Bengal, Bihar

and Iharkhanda, follow a uniqe tradition of symbolic sacrifice in front of the

image of Mahishasuramardini. This is rather an event of public celebration.

It is performed at the mid-night ofNavmi in which a Bhatuakumhra (white-

pumpkin) is chopped off from the middle and its slit-faces are coloured with

rori (bloody form of vermilion) to envisage as if it is a bloody sacrifice.

Such a tradition is never found earlier; it is rather incorporated in recent

time. It is related to tamshi tradition.

In Rajasthan, the pattern of sacrificial practice is wrongly assessed and

that creates an impression that this tradition is on the verge of decline. As

evidenced that only the members of community of low caste seem keen to

observe this tradition and high caste people do not allow it to perform in .

their temples. But in true sense of the term, this tradition is still very much

alive and prevalent in Rajashan. It still holds the Hindu psyche. The

religious significance of it still stands out. For example, Silladevi temple of

Rajaputs does not permit for bloody sacrifice, but symbolic sacrifice held on

the piece of lemon is a regular practice. Even outside the campus of the

temple, bloody sacrifice is permitted to do in the name of the goddess.

Jharula (called Mundan - tonsuring ceremony - in North of India) is a

popular ceremony in Rajasthan in which the ritual of tonsure is performed

and a goat is sacrificed in the name of the Kula Devi.45 High caste people

observe Jahrula, together with symbolic and bloody sacrifices, religiously

and significantly.

44 Discover india, December 2004, A Media Transasia Publication, p. 50 45 Informed by Karnidan Singh Bhati who is a resident of Bikaner and is secretary of Bhati community.

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Concept of Unitary goddess: Changes and continuity

The concept of unitary goddess is, in fact, an age-old tradition of India

coming down from the Vedic time. As in the Vedic time, none of the

goddesses was affiliated with male deity. Goddesses were independent and

free. 46 For example, the goddesses such as Aditi, Vsha, Ratri, Sinivali, Raka,

Ganga, Sarasvati etc. were single and independent. Even in the Epic time

this tradition was prominently followed and the goddesses like Ambika,

Vma, Durga, Kali etc. were manifested singly. In the Puranic time,

goddesses were presentedfree and independent, but a few of them were

presented with male companions. Though, the unitary presentation of the

goddesses in the Puranic time was more prominent and dominant. The

goddesses were given eternal and independent powers, sometimes more

powerful than the masculine deities. Mahishasuramardini, in particular, the

killer of demon Mahisha, was attributed as a cosmic force, rescuer of the

male deities and of the universe. In fact, trinity - Brahma, Vishnu and

Mahesha, in particular, succumbed and invoked the primeval force, the

Shakti. Kali, the manifestation of Mahishasuramardini, terrifying and

volcanic, another independent female force, had come into being to destroy

the demonic forces.

In modern time the concept of unitary goddess is very much applicable

and preserved in the case of a few of the goddesses. Durga and Kali, two of

these goddesses, are still worshipped independently and as eternal Shakti.

The destructiveness of goddess Kali, a power to eliminate evil force all

alone, is very much acknowledged. People fondly remember the myths of

Durga and Kali made in the texts. But some discernable changes, directly or

46 Madhu Bazaz Wangu, Images of Indian Goddesses: Myths, Meanings and Models, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 2003, p. 18

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indirectly, have come across in observation of people towards these

goddesses. In most of the photographs, aggressive Kali, sword in erect right

hand with lolling tongue is depicted laying one of her foot upon the chest of

lying Siva on the ground. Depiction of this incident in photograph contains

stories which deal with the relation between Siva and Kali i.e. husband and

wife. The independent image of Durga is also questioned. On the tenth day

i.e. Dashmi, the concluding day, the worshipers in some parts of India do

chanting "Go, Mother go! Go where Brahma and other Gods reside, or

wherever you wish to go, and then stay there, please." It is done with the

intention to send off to married daughter to reside in their husband's home as

she (goddess) visits their father's home once in a while. Sending off goddess

is performed with great fanfare as devotee blows conch shells, beat gongs

and blow horns in a noisy farewell and then image is immersed.

In recent time, the nitty-gritty of some of the mythic narration of

Markandeya Purana has changed and people have spun tales and woven

myths around it, which has, rather, seriously dented the unitary concept of

goddesses such as Sarasvati, Laksmi and Kali. Mythical narration is as

follows: in the text, it is stated that goddess Durga and demon Mahishasura

fought with each other and Mahisha got defeated. After defeating Mahisha,

Durga split herself into three female deities - Sarasvati, Lakshmi and Kali

and each of these deities joined their respective companions Brahma, Vishnu

and Shiva. Changes in the narration are as follows: mythical narration does

not speak that Sarasvati, Lakshmi and Kali got married and became wife to

their respective male deities and brought forth progeny. In fact, male deities

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were just their companions whom they collaborated.47 But woven story

made them their wives.

In recent time, Lakshmi and Parvati are known purely as spouse

goddesses. Lakshmi is projected sitting near the feet of sleeping Vishnu

under the hood of cobra and Parvati, sitting always beside Siva along with

Nandi. The spouse goddesses Shri Lakshmi and Parvati are manifested as

mediators between devotees and their husbands/gods, brought the high gods

closer to the devotees and, thus, domesticated and brought them into the

circle of Hindu religion. Although, at the outset, Shri Lakshmi was an

independent goddess before she gained the position of a spouse deity.

Moreover, Parvati was not a benign spouse goddess who suffered quietly but

was resolute and defiant. 48

Matrkas, including all female deities, in recent time, are perceived as

biological mothers. Parvati, in particular, gained a very distinct image of

nourishing mother and is presented with two of her sons - Kartikeya and

Ganesha. In fact, manifestation of biological mothers of female deities is a

later development, concocted and spun with the intention to humanize them.

Along with female deities, male deities are also humanized. "Ganga, as

Lakshmi, Kali, Parvati or Sarasvati, the goddesses, have, time and again,

spumed mother-hood and often preferred to bring up deviants and strays

instead: a baby with the head of an elephant, a swan, even bulls.,,49

The goddess Sarasvati, as referred to in Rig Veda, originated with an

independent identity. With the processs of historical development, her

identity came across with various alteration and changes. For the first time in

Puranic age her independent identity was transformed and she was then

47 Ibid. p. 97 48 Ibid. p. 97

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identified as companion of Brahama. 50 Later she is identified as daughter of

Brahma. But coming down to modern time, Sarasvati is worshipped

independently. She is presented neither in pictures nor in icons at all with

Brhama. She is never invoked with Brahma in puja rituals. In the festival of

Vasantapanchmi or on the eve of Dussehra, she is never invoked with

Brahma. In practice, she is an independent deity.

Local Goddesses of Rajasthan: Change and continuity

Some of the early local goddesses of Rajasthan hold exceedingly an

important religious position. They are, in present day Rajasthan, venerated,

revered and adopted in the pantheon of important Brahmanic female deities.

Over the centuries, certain additions and alteration have come up in

worshiping centres, pattern of rituals and in the impression of the following

local goddesses such as Dadhimatimata, Padamata and Sachiyamata.

The emergence of local goddess Dadhimatimata near Mangold contains

some interesting story. Once a herdsmen saw an oozing knee of the goddess

out of the surface of the earth. Startled herdsman, seeing such incident, cried

full-hearted. Due to which the emerging body of the goddess as much as

came out of the surface of the earth suddenly stopped. The knee of the

goddess remained out of the surface of the earth and is marked as the divine

body part of the goddess. This is the natural form of stone being worshipped

at present with great reverence by the common people and the goddess is

commonly called Dadhmatmataji. The sunk floor-level of this temple's

sanctum possibly represents the garbha of the seventh-century shrine. 51

49 Ibid. 50 Pushpendra Kumar, op. cit. p. 3 51 Michael W. Meister, M.A. Dhaky (edit.), Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture North-India Period of Early Maturity, Text, C. AD 700-900, OUP - 1991, p. 252

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With the passage of time, by the initiative of Dahima brahmanas who are

the real patrons and caretakers of this temple in present time and for whom

the goddess is their Kula Devi,52 have made so many changes in and around

the natural worshiping stone of the deity. Around the stone, a platform is

constructed that is called sthana in local term, and is considered a sacred

platform. The whole stone is embellished with silver, dressed with colour

and flowers and is decorated with ornamentation. Mask and silver canopy

are recent introduction. 53

By the ninth century varied changes were introduced around the sthana

of Dadhimatimata. A well-structured stone temple was constructed near the

sthana. 54 With a lapse of time further additions were made in the temple. A

fifth court of a larger space for dharmsthan was created in late twentieth

century in which an icon of Dadhimatimata, near the natural stone of the

goddess, clothed in the fashion of Brahmanic goddesses was installed in the

temple. Along with the image of Dadhimatimata, images for other goddesses

have been given a due place. On the frontal part of the temple is an image

resembling goddess Durga depicted in the fashion as slaying a buffalo

demon. At the entrance door of the temple is installed a sitting image of a

goddess together with an image of Siva. Image of Siva is placed above the

image of the goddess. On the lintel of the sanctum is an image of a female

deity depicted as slaying of the buffalo demon. Image for male-god Ganesha

is created on the south, Durga in the form of Kshemankari is on the west and

Parvati, sitting in yogic posture, is on the north. Below the sikahara is

52 Sukhvirsingh Gehlot (ed.), Rajasthan Ke Pramukh Abilekh, Jodhpur, Hindi Sahitya Mandi, 1988, p.235 53 Michael W. Meister, M.A. Dhaky (edit.), Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture North-India Period of Early Maturity, Text, C. AD 700-900, ouP - 1991, p. 252 54 Art historians mark it as the construction of the ninth century.

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created an important and interesting scene from the Ramanayan.55 The main

sanctum of the temple contains a decorated palanquin in which the image of

Dadhimatimata is placed encircled with images of the other female deities.

Religious rituals of the temple of Dadhimatimata that came into force in

19th - 20th century are very much based upon the brahmanic tradition.

Devotees tie colourful threads in the pillars of the temple with the hope that

pillars will provide them ample benefits. They believe that pillars have

magical power. Colourful threads decorate the temple. On important

occasion like spring N avaratri, a palanquin held in the main sanctum is

boarded upon the horse-drawn chariot to move out along with a big

procession mounted on a jeep. A temporary form of the goddess is placed in

the palanquin and is brought down to the bank of the tank. Here an artificial

fountain is created to show that the goddess has sprung out of the earth.

After completion of celebration, the palanquin is re-installed in the temple.

The origin of Dadhimatiniata as perceived out of mythical narration is

found linked to a herdsman, but with passage of time, the goddess, directly-

indirectly, got linked to Dahimabrahmans. Then, Dadhimatimata got linked

to sage Dadhichi who is an important character of Brahmanical tradition.

Dadhichi is believed to have donated his bone to Indra to make vajra to

vanquish the threatening demons. Association of Dadhimatimata with

Dadhichi came into shape possibly because of Dahima brahmans, the patron

of Dadhimatimata. In fact, Dahimas, themselves, were linked to Atharvan,

the lineage of sage Dadhichi.

At present, in Mangol, apart from Dadhimatimata temple, temples for

other male-female deities have come up. These temples belong to Siva,

55 Michael W. Meister, M.A. Dhaky (edit.), Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture North-India Period of Early Maturity, Text, C. AD 700-900, OUP -1991, p. 252

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Hanumana and Bhairva. Dadhimati holds a revered position, equated with

brahmanic deities and is manifested as devi of brahmanic tradition. Temples

for Dadhimatimata' are constructed at various places such as Bombay,

Kolkata, Banglore and Madras.

Origin of Padamata at Didwana in Rajasthan is supposed to be linked to

the ninth century. A temple is constructed here in the name of the goddess

which contains beautiful sculptures of varied male-female deities. On the

north wall of the temple is a goddess presented as a slayer of the buffalo

demon. Almost all images belong to brahmanic deities, but the temple is

known by the name of Padamata, a local goddess. Also, about the origin of

the temple, the common men hardly speak any story and episode. But

presentation of some of the images inside the temple reflects that the

Padamata had emerged out of the surface of the earth in presence of cattle

and herdsmen that is very much similar to the origin of Dadhimatimata. The

rituals of the temple are not very comprehensive. They are simple and

straight and are similar to brahmanical rituals.

The origin and evolution of the temple of Sachiyamata has an interesting

history linked to the growth and changes. According to the local legend the

place where the temple of Sachiya mata is erected was known in early time

by the name of Melur Pattan.56 Few miles away from the actual place is

found a footprint and is believed that the footprint belonged to an ascetic

named Dhundli Mall. One day his disciple went to the nearest village Melur

Pattan to manage some alms. Villagers refused to pay them. Thereupon, the

ascetic became furious and cast curse on the village. The old Melur Pattan

became attan i.e. buried underground. After sometime this area was again

56 D.R. Bhandarkar, AS] Annual Report, 1908-09 pp. 100-03 & PAS]RWC, 1907, pp. 36-37; K.S. Singh, (Gen. Edit.), 1998, p. 720

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re-peopled by Uppal De, a Paramara prince. Since he was being hard-

pressed by his enemies he sought refuge with the king of the Padiar

(Pratihar) dynasty. That time whole Marwar area was under Pratihara rulers.

The Pratihara sovereign assigned ruins of Melur Pattan to Uppal De and

asked him to take shelter there. Gradually he re-peopled that area and the

name he gave to this area was Navaneri-Nagari. This village was later called

Osia as Uppal De, a Paramara ruler, took Osla there, means 'refuge'(Osal is

a Marwari word). And it was Uppal De, it is believed, who built the temple

of Sachiya mata and the goddess was, therefore, considered a tutelary

goddess of Samkha Paramaras.57

Few years· after the establishment of Melur Pattan, an ascetic Ratan

Prabhu of Jain Jati, disciple of Hemacharya Ratan came to settle down here.

He maneuvered and manipulated converting the people of this area into Jain.

Initially, he prevailed on the people of Osian to embrace Jainism. When

Ratan Prabhu found himself failing to do he then took help to his magical

power. He converted a rope into snake and directed it to bite the son of the

king. The king tried a lot to save the life of his son, but failed. The saint

agreed to save the life of the prince on the condition that the king and his

subjects have to embrace Jainism and the people were later called Oswals.

Ratan Prabhu laid the foundation of the community of Oswals consisting

mostly of traders and moneylenders. But the incident of conversion, the local

people say, enraged Sachiya mata. She unleashed her curse and people were

dying of disease. Bhandarkar has well collected the facts and records that

when Ratan Prabha Suri converted the king and all his subjects to Jainism,

Sachiyamata got enraged as she was deprived of non-vegetarian food and

oblations. The non-vegetarian food as supposed to be the main item of

57 D.R. Bhandarkar, AS] Annual Report, 1908-09 pp. 100-03

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prasad for deity was stopped. Upon this Sachiya mata got offended and

cursed Oswals, the original residents of Osia. People started running away

with the premonition of looming danger of calamity. As to please the

goddess it was accepted as a ritual that on the eve of marriage, the concerned

parties are liable to visit the shrine of Sachiya mata and make some offering

to the deity. It is also added as a new tradition that no Oswal can pass across

the temple of Sachiya whether it is the night or the day until he pays homage

to the goddess. Out of fear of being over taken by some calamity or another,

everybody visit the shrine without fail. In due course the goddess had been

worshipped with saffron, eatables, flowers etc. She had been denied to offer

meat, wine and any sort of red flowers. The issue of conversion of goddess

to a non-vegetarian and non-ferocious deity has been pointed out in

Kharataragacccha Brhadgurvavali.

The origin of Sachiyamata is presumed to have come up under the

patronage of the Tantriks. In the Gupta period there was a strong hold of the

Tantriks on most of the parts of Rajasthan. The Gangadhara Stone

Inscription of Kumaragupta-I refers to the impact of Trantriks in the Osian

areas. Many of the Jain female deities being worshipped in the temple are

supposed to be adopted from the Tantrik tradition. Conversion of vegetarian

food as prasad from non-vegetarian, denial to offer wine and any sort of red

flowers indicate a cultic conversion of the goddess and impact of Jain

tradition.

After twelfth century A.D. saints and pilgrims often stated coming to visit

this place and many more changes came nto shape. Once one of the

merchants of Abhanagari (modem Abanri) said to have established a Sanga

to Osia in honour of the Sachiyadevi. Celebration of tonsuring ceremony is

an important ceremony began as started on her temple. Her worship during

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the Navaratras is one of the special occasion. Circumambulating around the

temple premise is one of the important parts of the ritual of worship. On the

walls of the temple there are images of dancing and singing females and the

practice of dancing and singing is organized in the sabhamandaps or

rangamandaps whenever congregation is held on special occasions offering

worship to the deity. Temple is known by the name of Sachiyamata, the

local goddess, though the images female deities created and honoured in the

temple predominantly belong to Brahmanical and Jain religions. '

General review of continuity of goddess tradition and change: Vedic to

the present day India

Rig Veda informs about following goddesses: Usas, Ratri, Sinivali,

Raka, Ganga, Aditi, Prini, Diti, Swasti, Revati, Purandhi, Anumati,

Apadevis, Saraswati, Sindhu, Aranyani, Indrani, Varunani, Rudrani, Agneyi,

Saranyu, Suryi, Saci, Rodasi, Sila, Daksina, Sradda, Dhisna, Ila, Mahi,

Bharati, Gouri, Svaha, Urvasi, Alaksmi, Krtva, Nirrti and so on.58 Out of

these goddesses, two of the goddesses Aditi and Us as were important

goddesses. Aditi, the great divine mother59 was concerned prominently with

the removal of sins sometimes alone, sometimes with Mitra and Varuna. She

was giver of wealth free from sin and hatred.60 Usas was a war-like goddess

and had martial spirits. She was invoked to expel enemies and to divide

them.61 Sarasvati was a holy river62 and a goddess, purifying sin. She was

invoked with seven Sindhus called mother.63 Sacrifices were performed on

her banks and Aryans preferred to construct residence on it. As a goddess

58 Indian Culture, Vol. VIII, July September, p. 66 59 Pushpendra Kumar, Shakti-cult in Ancient India, Bhartiya Publishing House, Varanasi, 1974, p. 10 60 Ibid. p. 11 61 Ibid. p. 12 62 Ibid. p. 13 63 Ibid. p. 13

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she presides over truthful speech64 and knowledge. In Vedic phase

goddesses were given less importance vis-a.-vis male goddesses. In fact, the

cult of goddess was originally the non-Aryan cult which with passage of

time mingled with Aryan belief.65

The goddess tradition after Vedic period had gained further momentum.

Socio-religious importance of the goddesses had achieved a new stride and

varied goddesses were enlisted in the texts. Ramayana, though, does not

refer to an independent goddess cult but female deities are depicted in a very

high position. She is called Devi and honoured. Mahabharata provides a

new impetus to goddess tradition, and has allotted a separate passage in

honour of the goddesses. Bhagalinga, Maheswari Praja, the Matrkas and

Bhaga Deva are varied expressions used for the goddesses. Also the terms

like Diksha, Yoga, Bhutamata, Shakti as well as Matra-gana do occur in the

Mahabharata. Devi assumes various forms for fulfilling various purposes.

She assumes both malignant and benevolent forms66 and also assumes a

fusion of Vaisnava and Saiva elements. Durga in particular became rescuer

of people from all difficulties.67 Even the gods invoked Durga for the

protection of three worlds.68

Puranas elevated religious eminence of the goddesses to its optimum.

Goddesses were accepted as primeval force, the creator of the universe and

Shakti of the male deities. They were identified as unitary, independent and

spouse goddesses. Markandeya Purana states that Durga is eternal as well as

the supporter of the universe. She is the founder of the world. She is

64 Ibid. p. 13 65 Ibid. p. 29 66 Devi-Mahatmya, Guru Mandai Series, 1962, Calcutta, 1. 64-66; Translated version by Vasudeva S. Agrawala, Varanasi, All India Kashiraj Trust, 1963 67 Mahabharata, Satvalekar, (ed.), IV. 6.20 & tranlated version by l.A.B. Van Buitenen. 3 Vols. Chicago, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1940 68 Ibid. IV. 6. 19

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projected unitary, independent and free from affiliation with the male

deities, neither as power of Siva nor consort of Visnu. She is both fearful

and benign. But Sa iva Purana viz. Skanda Purana, Siva Purana, Kurma

Purana and Linga Purana present Shakti as power of Siva or consort of Siva

and thus do not separate Her from Siva. In Vaisnava Purana like Bhagavata

Purana, Visnu Purana and Vamana Purana. Shakti is called the power of

Visnu. She is considered a pure consciousness, power of Siva and Maya of

Visnu. She produces Sattva, Rajas and Tamas. She is Prakriti, the primeval

root. 69 Matsya Purana, Kurma Purana, Siva Purana, Skanda Purana reveal

the philosophical concept of Shakti70 which became prominent and is

remembered with devotion.71

69 Pushpendra Kumar, op. cit. p. 47 70 Ibid. p. 69 71 Devi Bhagvata Purana, ed. Raj Tei Pandey, Pandit Pustakalya, Kashi, 1956, and Guru mandai Series, 2 Vols, Calcutta, 1960, III. 25.41-44 & trans. version by Swami Vijnanananda, Vol. 26 of the Sacred Books a/the Hindu, Allahabad: Suhindra Nath Vasu, 1921-1923

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Goddess tradition is strongly followed in contemporary India. People pay

deep reverence to female deities. Varied festivals and fairs are held in the

name of the goddesses that do emphasize burgeoning importance of the

goddesses. Festivals like Dusshera, dedicated to Durga, is celebrated all over

India in varied forms. Kali Puja for goddess Kali, Dipawali for Lakshmi,

Vasanta Panchmi for goddess Saravati, Gangaur for Gauri in Rajasthan,

Akha Teej or Akshay Tritiya for Gauri,72 Parvati and Durga,73 Sitala

Ashtami or Sitala Saptami for goddess Sitala - all these are dedicated to

female deities.

Dusshera festival, also known as Vijayadashmi, is celebrated in varied

forms in different parts of India. In Northern India, during Navaratri of

Dussehra, the holy river Ganga is venerated as goddess. Hundreds and

thousands of oil lamps are set afloat when puja is performed on the Ganga at

twilight all along the shores in holy towns like Rishikesh, Haridwar, Garh-

Mukteshar, Allahabad and Varanasi. Devotees take a dip on the ghats of the

Ganga. But in Varanasi in particular Dusshera is celebrated with great

jubilation. One of the greatest attractions of this festival here is to organize

Ramlila. It is a month-long celebration in which the mythical story of

goddess Druga and Ram is organized in the form of drama. Such a

celebration has continued annually down from the 18th century. It is

organized under the patronage of Maharaja of Benaras, popularly known as

Kashi Naresh. Kashi Naresh is also an important attraction of Dusshera

celebration who is considered an incarnation of Siva. In Delhi also Dussehra

is celebrated with great enthusiasm and gaiety. Ramlila is organized all over

72 Subhashini Aryan, op. cit., says that the festival is dedicated to Gauri also. Her images on the days festival is gaily decorated with red and gold garments and is borne on the patki for procession composed of fully caparisoned elephants, camels and horses. P. 11

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Delhi for ten days. On the tenth day of Dussehra, as evening approaches, an

elaborate procession leads to the Ramlila grounds where crowds congregate

to watch actors dressed as Rama shooting flaming arrows at giant effigies of

the 10-headed demon Ravan, along with his brothers - Meghnath and

Kumbhakama - symbolizing the triumph of good over evil. This is followed

almost in every locality of Delhi and has continued for over decades. In

recent time, continuity of goddess tradition in Delhi has rather gained a new

dimension. Additions are made in the on-going practices of Dussehara

tradition of Delhi. Installation of images in decorated Pandals, coming of

people to visit images and to enjoy entertaining programmes in the pandals

itself, following extensive puja rituals to invoke the female deity and

immersion of the images on the tenth day of the festival are some new

practices, added and incorporated in Dusshera celebration in Delhi.

Up in the parts of deep north of India in Kashmir, Kashmiri Pandits visit

the temple of Kheer Bhawani during Dusshera. Punjabis observe Navratras

and follow fasting and feeding the poor. They worship Sheranwali Ma (the

female deity who rides the tiger). In Kulu, in Himachal Pradesh, the

celebration has a different flavour. Villagers wear colourful dress, bring their

local deities from little temples in procession to a tree where everyone

assembles to pay homage to Kulu's reigning deity, Raghunathji, a

manifestation of Lord Rama. In the course of procession dancing and

singing in praise of deity is performed. The villages hold the palanquin of

the deity aloft during the endless week-long festivities.

In West Bengal, Dussehra, popularly known as Durga Puja, is celebrated

with intense fervour and zest in West Bengal. Images of Durga (they

73 c.s. Gupta, (ed.), 1961, Malar, informs that Parvati and Durga, along with Gauri, are worshipped in the festival. p.39

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generally call "Ma Durga"), embellished with crown an:d ornaments, are

installed in festooned pandals. Ornaments for the goddesses are made from

tinsel. Elaborate rituals, like offering flowers, fruits, sweets and making

symbolic sacrifice under the stewardship of a well-versed priest, are

followed to worship female deity. In the evening, at the time of Aarti, both

male and female devoted to the female deity perform dance to the tune of

drums. They wear new clothes, entertain with music, dance and drama and

roam around to get the glimpse of the images of Durga. It is followed

extensively both in towns and villages. Every locality wishes to project the

best of its attraction and excellence and also to compete to outdo other.

In Meghalaya, like West Bengal, Dussehra is known as Durga Puja. At

Nartiang, Puja is an important event and is celebrated with much vigour and

seriousness. It is celebrated in a temple dedicated to goddess Durga. The

temple was constructed by J aintia king after converting himself to Hinduism

in the 16th century. The temple resembles a typical Khasi house with· a

central wooden pillar and roof, steeple in shape, and is made up of

corrugated tin sheets. Here on the eve of festival some temporary special

arrangement is made. A plantain trunk covered in white shroud and marigold

flowers, symbolic of the goddess is installed. Not after nine days, but just

after four days, the trunk is immersed in the river Myntang. Nartiang's

Durga Puja is a blend of Khasi and Hindu beliefs, and a fitting tribute to

Meghalaya's cultural diversity.74

Gujarat celebrates Dussehra at enthralling note. People enjoy endless

nights of dancing. Dance garba in particular is performed in public squares,

open grounds and in every street. Dancers attire themselves with dazzling

clothes, swing dandia sticks in disco tunes, clap to garba beats and sing

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devotinal songs throughtout the nine nights of Navratri. The temple of

goddess Amba Mataji is fully decorated and devotees visit the temple in

large numbers on this occasion. In Maharasthra, too, Dussehra is celebrated

with great jubilation for nine days. In all nine days, the images are poured

upon with extensive flower garlands that devotees preserve after the end of

the celebration. Details of celebration in Rajasthan have already been

discussed in the second chapter of this study.

South of India also celebrates Dusshera festival as Navarathri.

Celebration at Mysore Palace in Kamataka is a special occasion. The palace

is illuminated for the whole month and on the tenth day a colourful

procession led by caparisoned elephants through the gaily-decorated streets

is taken out. Torchlight parades, dance and musical events are organized that

enliven the tranquil city. Young girls arrange dolls and trinkets artistically.

Friends and relatives visit each other's homes to exchange greetings. Tamil

Nadu and Andhra Pradesh families create elaborate five to seven tiered

tableaux to display their dolls, Bommai Kolu. Floor decorations, called

Kolams, are done everyday. On Vijayadashmi, in particular, there is a

tradition that students place their books, musical instruments, ankle bells at

the altar of goddess Sarasvati. Students pay homage to their teachers also.

This sacred ritual is known as Vidyarambham. 75 People visit their friends

and relatives.

Puranic legends of goddess Durga are still popular and are vividly

remembered by devotees. Most popular legend of Markandeya Purana is

that goddess Durga came in rescue of the male gods from the threat posed by

a dark demon, Andhakasur. When the combined powers of the three big

74 Discover India, December 2004, A Media Transasia Publication, p. 50 75 This tradition is non-existent in north India.

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gods - Brahama, Vishnu and Mahesh - failed to defeat the demon, the male

gods sat and meditated upon to discover an impregnable and un-

surmountable Pure Power. From the collective thought of the gods, the great

Shakti was born. Gods then lent all kinds of weapons and attributes to Shakti

and they surrendered themselves to the effulgence of female power. The

goddess then moved to fight with the demon. She assessed the situation of

battle and then produced female army from within. The army of Shakti was

well armed and trained for battle. Shakti, along with female army,

successfully killed the demon and then female army re-entered the Goddess.

The story of goddess Durga narrated in Ramayana is also remembered.

Devotees of Lord Rama performed Chandi puja for nine days to invoke the

help of goddess Durga to defeat Ravan, the demon king, who had abducted

his wife, Sita. Pleased Durga divulged to him the secret of slaying the

demon.

Goddess temples in present-day India are suggestive of the growth and

popularity of goddess tradition in India. India has many famous temples for

female deities. In Northern India, Vaisnavdevi temple is an exceedingly

important goddess temple, located on the hills of Katra in Jammu. In two

decades, it has achieved the status of a great pilgrimage centre and the

goddess has become a household name. Vindyavasini temple in Uttar

Pradesh, Aranyadevi temple in Bihar, Dakshineswar Kali temple and Kali

Ghata in Bengal are important goddess temples of north India. In South

India in Kamataka Kollur-Mookambika and Chamunda hill temples

dedicated to goddess Sarasvati and Durga, respectively are located. In

Kerala, there are following goddess temples: Panachikkad Dakshina

Mukambika temple at Kottayam is dedicated to goddess Sarasvati and

Chottanikkara temple at Eruakulam is dedicated to goddess Durga.

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Chottanikkara temple helps to drive away the evil spirits. Malabar region of

Kerala is famous for Kalari - a single, simple rectangular room. It is

attached as part of goddess temple dedicated to Bhadrakali or Bhagavati.

Such goddess temples are called Kalari temples. These temples are the

places for training. One famous temple of this category is in the north of

Kothakulangara known as Mukkannur Kuttala Bhagavati temple. The

goddess was tutelar deity of the Cherampilly Karthas who were great

gymnasts and once the chiefs of the locality. Karthas constructed this temple

for teaching the art of fencing to the local inhabitants and also for

worshipping Devi.76 Tamil Nadu consists of two important temples: one,

Kamakshi temple at Kanchipuram and the other, Meenakshi temple at

Madurai. Meenakshi temple is known all over India for its beauty and

artistic design.

76 Phillips B. Zarrilli, When the Body becomes all Eyes, OUP, 1990, p. 62