CHALLENGES AND IMPLICATIONS OF HIGH COST OF GOVERNANCE TO NATION BUILDING IN NIGERIA

CHALLENGES AND IMPLICATIONS OF HIGH COST OF GOVERNANCE TO NATIONBUILDING IN NIGERIA

Julius Idialu IKHAREHON (Ph.D),Department of Business Administration,Faculty of Management Sciences,Ambrose Alli University,Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria.E-mail: [email protected]. no: +234-8034716677

Gregory Imafidon OGBEIDE (B.sc, MBA),Department of Accounting,Faculty of Management SciencesAmbrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria.E-mail:[email protected]. no: +234-8030879579

Abstract

The cost of running Nigeria’s vast and bloated bureaucracy has becometoo high and unsustainable. It presents the present administrationwith one of the most pressing and gravest challenges. The success ofthis government will be determined by the success of theadministration in bringing public expenditure down and under control.It is in preview of this that this paper is written to explore thechallenges and implications of high cost of governance to nationbuilding in Nigeria. In achieving this, the paper adopted ahistorical and theoretical approach in evaluating the concept of costof governance, cost of governance in Nigeria, the challenges andimplications of cost of governance to nation building in Nigeria. Thepaper therefore recommended that Government should reduce the moneyspent in unnecessary things such as keeping many guests houses,keeping many aides that are not necessary, keeping long convoys,staying in costliest hotels, chartering planes when not absolutelynecessary, servicing politicians that do not add value to thesociety, engaging in epicurean life, among other indulgences. Thesalaries and other emoluments of public office holders, particularlymembers of the National Assembly, should no longer be secret, as part

1

of calculated efforts to promote transparency in governance.Appointments of ministers should be on part-time basis, just likewhat obtained in the United States. There is the need for governmentto revisit the Oransanye Report that advocated right-sizing andmerging of ministries, departments and agencies to reduce duplicationof roles. The institutions of the anti-corruption agencies such asEconomic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and IndependentCorrupt Practices and other Related Offences (ICPC) must be wellfunded and give adequate autonomy to arrest and prosecute offenderswithout fear or favour. The paper concludes by positing that cuttingdown excessive cost of governance and the role of the anti-graftcommissions in Nigeria in the evolving paradigm has been recognizedas very crucial.

Keywords: Cost of Governance, Corruption Nation Building, Nigeria

1. Introduction

Today, the issue of governance is attracting more and more

attention within among countries. As the number of democratic

regimes continues to rise, good governance has become an important

criterion to judge a country’s credibility and respect on the

international scale. Good governance has been seen as the single

most important factor in eradicating poverty, inequality and

promoting development (Khan, 2007 cited in Iyoha, et al, 2015).

Nigeria is a nation in dire need of development like most other

nations of the world. The dream of development for the improvement

in the living standard of the people seems to be fading away. This

2

could be ascribed to the inability of the various governments in

the past to effectively utilize the available scarce resources to

accomplish the desired goals of development in the society. One of

the major reasons for this state of affair is the high cost of

governance in Nigeria. The high cost is particularly worrisome

considering the fact that government expenditure in the past has

not translated into any meaningful development in terms of the

improvement in the lives of the people, as Nigeria still ranks

among the poorest nations of the world (Agu, 2013). The high cost

of governance in Nigeria could be attributed to corruption,

impunity, and duplicity of the functions of Ministries,

Departments and Agencies (MDAs) as well as the jumbo pay of

political office holders. The paper aims at assessing cost of

governance and how it affects nation building and economic

development in Nigeria. The study adopted a historical and

theoretical approach at specifically evaluating the challenges of

cost of governance, and its implications to nation building.

2. Literature Review

2.1 Concept of Cost of Governance

The cost of governance is the money spent on administrative

processes. It is also known as administrative expenditure. Adewole

3

and Osabuohien (2007) divided cost of governance into two: recurrent

administrative expenses and capital administrative expenses. They

defined cost of governance as costs associated with the running of

government. In other words, these are costs incurred by the

government in running governmental affairs. The government helps to

sustain the social contract that binds every member of the state.

Similarly, Fluvian (2006) defined cost of governance as any

expenditure in maintaining government administrative structures. He

also equates cost of governance to total administrative expenditure,

which is a part of total federal government expenditure in Nigeria.

He posited that the justification for using total administrative

expenditure as cost of governance stems from the fact that

administrative expenditures are incurred in governing processes.

2.2 Cost of Governance in Nigeria

Nigeria’s presidential system of government has been identified as

one of the most expensive in the world. Nigeria runs 37 separate

governments, consisting of the federal and state governments, one of

the largest in the world. At the federal level, the president is

constitutionally obliged to appoint a minister from each of the 36

states, plus Abuja. In effect, has to appoint 37 ministers. This

constitutional provision should be reviewed. At the state level, the

4

situation is pretty much the same. The governors are constitutionally

obliged to appoint not fewer than 12 commissioners. But in actual

fact, at both levels, the president and governors find a way of

circumventing even these large constitutional limits by adding a

coterie of special advisers and other numerous idle aides. In

addition, the country has to run over 700 local governments with the

same overstaffing as the federal and state governments. When you

factor in the vast expenditure on the National Assembly, it is a

prescription for economic and financial disaster at all levels of

government. Meanwhile, the United States, the most powerful and

richest country in the world, has a comparatively slimmer and more

cost effective bureaucracy than Nigeria. It has less than 20 federal

ministries and secretaries of state (equivalent to our ministers).

Similarly, the British cabinet is smaller than that of Nigeria and

spending on the public service is undergoing savage cuts currently to

reduce the cost of running the country. Now, as is well known, the

situation today is that the Federal Government has had to borrow over

N400 billion recently to meet its wage obligations, as a result of

the loss of some 50 percent of the total national oil revenue. Of the

37 states, over 20 owe their workers several months of salaries

because of the fall in the financial allocations to the states. For

5

instance, Osun State owes its workers over four months of unpaid

salaries. It is said that a country is poor because it is poor,

meaning that it lacks the capacity to grow because of its poor

strategy for growth. One of the major sources of the economic drains

on a poor country is the diversion of vital economic and financial

resources to a bloated bureaucracy that is largely unproductive and

contributes little or nothing to economic growth in the country.

Economic growth is made more difficult when a country, such as

Nigeria, spends 70 percent of its entire budget on public

administration, including the building of vast secretariats all over

the country.

The table below shows evidences that the recurrent expenditure has

been rising in Nigeria especially since 2008 while capital

expenditure has been sacrificed. This could be attributed to the

major reason why the economy, political institutions, education,

health, security and governance structure have all broken down.

Table 1: The Expenditure Profile of Nigerian Government Between 1999 and

2012Year Total Expenditure

(N’m)

Recurrent Expenditure

(Percent)

Capital Expenditure

(Percent)1999 947,690 47.45 52.552000 656,059 63.50 36.502001 1,018,025 56.91 43.092002 1,018,155 68.44 34.56

6

2003 1,225,965 80.29 19.712004 1,384,001 74.62 25.382005 1,743,240 70.20 29.802006 2,694,880 49.02 50.982007 2,814,492 49.39 50.612008 3,576,611 44.43 55.572009 3,576,611 57.20 42.802010 3,469,627 63.76 36.242011 1,848,849, 71.23 28.772012 1,384,821 86.86 13.14

Source: CBN (2013) Fiscal review of the Nigerian Government. Central

Bank of Nigeria: Quarterly Statistical Bulletin. Vol. 2 (2).

Statistical Department: Garki, Abuja.

Amongst these costs of governance include the following:

2.2.1 The Presidential Cost of Governance:

The immediate past administration has been largely touted as running

an extravagant government judging by the amount devoted to feeding,

refreshments, entertainments and other incidental expenses like trips

among others. The near – N1 billion allocated for the same purpose in

the 2012 budget generated a swirl of controversy big enough to force

the presidency to order a reduction. In the 2013 budget, the

president has tried to come down a bit with allocation, particularly

in the area of expenses on food, refreshments and welfare for the

State House, the Vice-president and other ministries. The total

7

allocation to the presidency in the 2013 budget proposal is

N35,545,673,132, with total personnel cost put at N11,476,593,929.

Total over-head is N11,569,079,204, with total recurrent put at

N23,045,673,132 while total capital stands at N12,500,000,000. out of

this, the presidency budgeted N327,154,931 for refreshment and meals

and another N406,738,969 to purchase foodstuff, just as the Vice-

President would spend N112,500,000 to purchase food for the 2013

fiscal year another N123,406,499 on refreshment and N7,020,750 to

purchase cooking gas. When added, the total for the presidency meals

is not too far from the N1 billion budgets of 2012. The presidency

has, however, always argued that the allocation include budget for

meals and drinks served during the different ceremonies and events at

the State House and feeding of cabinet ministers during the weekly

cabinet meetings. Even in spite of the boast about improved

electricity supply across the country, the presidency, it appears, is

not ready to take chances on the possibility of outage. Hence in

2013, it proposed to spend N72, 510,832 to fuel its generators while

it will also spend N553, 056,411 for honorarium and sitting

allowances.

2.2.2 Soaring cost of Foreign trips

8

The past administration especially the president spent billions of

naira on foreign trips in 2012 despite the earlier promises made to

cut down these expenses. The nation can authoritatively report that the

president together with his entourage have spent nothing less than

N3.354 billion since 2010 onforeign trips. The president within the

first 11 months of this year flew out at least 20 times. In September

alone, the president traveled out of the country four times,

including his trips to Addis Ababa. Within the first nine months when

he first became president, he spent N970,891 million on foreign

travels (Yusuf, 2012). The budget did not however, state explicitly

the figures for his travels. But investigations have shown that the

President spent N1.7 billion on foreign trips this year alone (The

Nation Editorial, 2012). In 2012, N684.74 million was budgeted for

foreign travels alone. During his presidency, the president was

reported to have flown to different destinations in Africa, Europe,

Asia, North America, and South America. In 2011, he visited numerous

countries including, United States, France, Uganda, Australia, Ghana,

Chad, Equatorial Guinea, and Ethiopia among others. The President

travels with his entourage, top aides, and officials of the

presidential villa are usual faces on such trips; ministries

applicable to the purpose of his overseas trips also send

9

delegations. In recent times the President travels with two members

of the National Assembly (one from each chamber), depending on the

purpose of his visit. Sahara reporters had in June claimed that

Jonathan traveled to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil for the United Nations’

Earth Summit with 116 government officials (Yusuf, 2012). Although

the President rebuffed the figures but he never gave out the exact

figure. He had said in a national broadcast in January, “I have

directed that overseas travels by all political office holders,

including the President, should be reduced to the barest minimum. The

size of delegations on foreign trips will also be drastically

reduced; only trips that are absolutely necessary will be approved”

(Yusuf, 2012).

2.2.3 Cost of Salaries to Lawmakers

The whopping N150 billion allocated to the National Assembly in the

2015 Appropriation Act, can fund capital votes for 20 Ministries,

Departments and Parastatals (MDAs), a PREMIUM TIMES analysis of the

budget has shown. The budget of the 469-member National Assembly

consisting of 109 senators, 360 members of the House of

Representatives, legislative aides, the National Assembly Commission

and the Legislative Institute is about 3.4 percent of the total

budget of the federation.

10

The capital vote for 20 major ministries, departments and parastatals

is just about N49 million less than is budgeted for the National

Assembly this year. Under the 2015 capital votes, the Ministry of

Youth Development got only N1.12 billion Ministry of Police Affairs

got N150 billion, while Police Formations and Commands got only N17

billion. The Ministry of Women Affairs is allocated N1. 25billion for

its capital projects, Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development

got N7 billion and Ministry of Water Resources N6billion. The defence

sector, including the Ministry of Defence, the Nigerian Army, the

Nigerian Navy and the Nigerian Air Force is allocated only

N35billion.

The education sector, including the Federal Ministry of Education and

the Universal Basic Education Commission, is allocated N20 billion,

while the Federal Ministry of Health got N20 billion.

The Federal Ministry of Communication Technology got N500 million

only while the Federal Ministry of Justice and the National Human

Rights Commission (N500, 000, 003) received the same allocation for

capital projects. The Ministry of Labour and Productivity is

allocated a paltry N200, 000, 000 for its capital projects during the

year while the Ministry of Power got N4.24billion. The Ministry of

Science and Technology is given N500 million while the Ministry of

11

Transport got about N4 billion and the Petroleum Resources N500

million. With the worsening condition of roads in the country, the

Federal Ministry of Works got only about N11billion while with even

close to the 15 million housing deficit facing the country, the

Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development got only N500

million.

The Federal Ministry of Environment is also allocated about

N500million while the office of the National Security Adviser got N20

billion. While getting one of the largest sectoral allocations in the

country, the Nigerian lawmakers managed to approve only 106 new laws

out of 1,063 brought before them in the last four years. Background

despite their dismal performances, the lawmakers has spent more than

half a trillion naira within the period, earning the notorious title

as the world’s highest paid legislators. The figures mean for the

National Assembly, with a combined annual budget of N150 billion

since 2011, returned 10 per cent in efficiency and averaged about two

bills each month.

Each year, the Senate, House of Representatives and allied

institutions, compete for government funding with projects designed

to provide jobs, healthcare, education and roads to the citizens.

While the Goodluck Jonathan administration has shown its preparedness

12

to cut financing to those vital services to Nigerians in the face of

dwindling revenues, the government has helped the lawmakers retain

their super N150 billion budget per year in the last four years. Not

even the present oil crisis has been enough to force the government

to minimize the lawmakers’ comfort, by redirecting funds to critical

areas badly starved of resources. A typical example is the 2015

budget, affected massively by sliding oil price. The dwindling

revenue forced the government to slash spending for roads – Ministry

of Works – from about N160 billion to N11 billion for the entire

nation. But the federal lawmakers refused to allow even a dime to be

sliced off their N150 billion annual budget. But while the lawmakers

take so much, their work rate has been dismally poor, PREMIUM TIMES

analysis show.

The miserable worth of Nigerian legislators’ output is amplified when

compared with their American counterparts, for instance. While the

legislature, under the leadership of David Mark and Aminu Tambuwal at

the Senate and House of Representatives respectively managed to clear

106 bills in four years, the U.S. Congress passed 297 just between

2013 and 2014. That figure was indeed one of the lowest for any U.S.

Congress session as the two chambers passed 604 in just 1999, and 460

between 2007 and 2008. Yet, the Nigerian lawmakers are the highest

13

paid, according to a 2012 analysis by the UK-based Economist. The

report compared lawmakers’ earnings with their countries’ GDP – what

each citizen is worth if their nation’s total wealth was shared by

the population.

The analysis found Nigeria ahead of all other countries of the world,

with its lawmakers taking 116 times what an average citizen takes of

the GDP. Kenya and Ghana followed with ratios of 75 and 29.8

respectively. Norway’s ratio was 1.8, while U.S. lawmakers took 3.8

of what their citizens received.

The United States pays its lawmakers an average annual salary of

$174,000 while Britain pays parliamentarians $105,000. Nigerian

lawmakers officially receive a modest pay of about $50,000(about

N12m) yearly. But they also pocket several illegal allowances,

including the huge quarterly allowance which is nearly a $1m (N220m)

a year.

2.2.4 Cost of Maintaining Presidential Air Fleet

Anofi and Oluwasegun (2012) reports that the Goodluck Jonathan led

administration spent an estimated N9.08 billion annually on the

Presidential Air Fleet (PAF). PAF has the third largest fleet of

aircraft in the country. According to findings, the PAF contains a

14

total of 10 aircraft, coming closely behind aero contractors airline,

which has total of 14 aircraft. Arik Air, the largest commercial

airline in the country, has a fleet of 23 aircraft. Figures obtained

from the Nigerian Airspace Management Agency (NAMA), Federal Airports

Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), and the Nigerian Civil Aviation

Authority (NCAA) revealed that N9.08 billion is spent to maintain the

10 presidential jets every year. The PAF include two Falcon 7x jets,

two Falcon 900 jets, Gulfstream550, one Boeing 737 BBJ (Nigerian Air

Force 001 or Eagle One), and Gulfstream IVSP. Others are one

Gulfstream V, Cessna Citation 2 aircraft and Hawker Siddley 125-800

jet. According to a former Minister of Information, Professor, Dora

Akunyili, each of the two falcon 7x jets purchased in 2010 costs

$51.1 million, while the Gulfstream 550 cost $53.3 million

(Durojaiye, 2012). The factory price of other aircraft in the fleet

could not be easily obtained online. However, airline CEOs put the

average price of Falcon 900 at $35 million, Gulfstream IVSP as $40

million, Gulfstream V at $45 million; Boeing 737 BBJ at $58 million,

Cessna Citation is $7 million and Hawker Siddley 125-800 at $15

million. This brings a combined estimated value of Nigeria’s PAF to

$390.5 million (N60.53 billion) (Durojaiye,2012). According to

airline chief executives and industry experts, airlines spend between

15

15 and 20 per cent of the cost of an aircraft on its operation

yearly. They say that averagely, a little less than one-fifth of the

cost of the plane is spent every year on insurance, flight and cabin

crew, maintenance, fuelling, catering and training. Going by the fact

that at least 15 per cent of this amount is spent annually on

operating the PAF, it means about $58.57 million (N9.08billion) is

spent annually on running the planes (Durojaiye,2012). Nigeria

happens to be one of few countries of the world with a large PAF.

Most major countries in Europe and Asia maintain mostly two aircraft

in their presidential air fleet, according to Wikipedia(2012). According

to the website,Japan maintains only two Boeing 747-400 planes in its

presidential air fleet. The two aircraft, mostly for the prime

minister, the emperor, empress and other members of the imperial

family, is operated by the Japan air Self-Defence Force. The aircraft

were constructed at the Boeing factory at the same time as the United

States’ Air Force One. Both Japanese aircraft were delivered in 1990.

Wikipedia also confirms that The Netherlands Government operates only

two aircraft, one Fokker 70 and one Gulfstream IV, as a means of

transport for the Dutch Royal family and government officials, such

as the Prime Minister and other Ministers. They are used, also, to

attend international conferences, and also for private trips by the

16

Queen and the Prince of Orange (Durojaiye, 2012). For long haul

trips, the Royal Dutch Airline is used. Often the upper deck of a

Boeing 747 is used. The Queen of England, Queen Elizabeth 11 and

Prime Minister, David Cameron, often go on British Airways chartered

flights for long trips. UK’s Cameron was recently criticized by the

UK media for chartering a foreign plane instead of a British’s.

Countries like Ghana, Algeria and a host of others in Europe maintain

only one aircraft in their PAF.

3. Challenges and Implications of Cost of Governance to Nation

Building in Nigeria

The challenges and implications of high cost of governance in Nigeria

is evident in ethno-religious conflicts, external domination,

poverty, environmental problems of desertification/erosion,

inadequate infrastructure, corruption/poor leadership, insecurity,

gender inequality as well as political violence.

3.1 Ethno-Religious Conflicts: This phenomenon has plagued and threatened the

very existence of the nation since independence. Multiple causes have

been attributed to their eruption in Nigeria viz; the attempt to have

control over land, lack of faith in the nation’s leadership, the

question of legitimacy in the political structure, struggle for

chieftaincy titles or kingship positions, the indigene-settlers

17

phenomenon as witnessed in Nasarawa, Taraba and Plateau States,

poverty, unguided utterances by religious leader, religious

fanaticism, intolerance, fundamentalism, external influence to the

rising tides of ethno-religious conflicts in the country (Sylvester,

2007). All these have serious negative effects on the country; not

only do they breed mistrust amongst Nigerians, more often than not,

they were accompanied by the colossal destruction of lives and

properties thereby causing retrogression in our attempt at national

development. This is because the intra-state conflicts have been

increasingly militarized through the utilization of arms and

ammunition.

3.2 External Domination: It is undoubtedly true that the incorporation of

Nigeria into the world capitalist system during the colonial era

impacted negatively on the nation. This is so because the country,

according to Falola (2010), was incorporated into an exploitative

global economic system as a supplier of labour and raw materials to

the metropolitan nations and the importers of foreign industrial

products. He further contended with dismay, that even in the 21st

century, the power of the Nigerian state to manage or reduce the

impact of external forces is greatly limited. Thus, advocated for a

rise above the current trend through political and economic

18

strategies and produce positive international relations to the

advantage of the country.

3.3 Poverty: Nigeria is the 6th major producer and exporter of the crude

oil in the world, yet poverty is ravaging its populace culminating in

high crime rates, teenage marriages, child labour, human trafficking,

terrorism and so on. Indeed, rural and urban poverty is a common

sight in the country as it manifested itself in insufficient

consumption of basic necessities of life; indebtedness, inadequate

shelter, poor quality of life, over-crowded and insecure housing,

lack of savings and a host of others. The near absence of

industrialization and the wind up of industries like the textile

industry threw many into the state of unemployment (Onikosi and

Ojibo, 2008). In addition, in the banking sector, it was estimated

that 15,000 employees were relief of their means of livelihood

following the Consolidation Policy of the government of Central Bank

of Nigeria. Also, many Nigerians have been reduced to the level of

poverty with the privatization of public enterprises causing loss of

jobs (Oyeshola, 2009). Development in most parts of Africa, Nigeria

in particular has often been threatened by the menace of poverty. The

implication of this was the rating of Nigeria as the 26th poorest

nations of the world regardless of it huge human and natural

19

resources. The consequences of poverty are the reduction of peoples’

potentials and productivity since it threatens their very survival.

Secondly, it increases the wave of identity conflicts along communal,

ethnic, religious and regional lines in the country. The mounting

strained relationship between the indigenes and non-indigenes

producing the citizenship and settler questions could be linked with

the issue of poverty (Adetula, 2006).

3.4 Environmental Problems of Desertification/Erosion: Another challenge is the

menace of desertification threatening the very existence of most

Northern States in Kebbi, Zamfara, Katsina, Yobe, Sokoto and Bauchi.

Also, erosion has been impacting negatively on the country from the

Abia, Imo, Anambra, Enugu, Ondo, Edo, Ebonyi, Jigawa, Zamfara, Kebbi,

Sokoto and Gombe States axis. It is on record that gully erosion in

Kebbi threatens communities in Zuru, Jeda, Shanga, Yahuri, Argungu,

Arewa, Aleiro, Bagudo and BirninKebbi. In Awka, more than 1,000

persons and over 4,000 families lost their homelands to the gullies

that ravaged Nnewi, Nanka, and Ekwulobia. In addition to this, Lagos,

Maiduguri, Aba, Warri, Benin and Ibadan are not free from flooding.

The implications of these are that houses, farmlands, economic trees

like rubber, oil palm, cocoa, infrastructures such as roads, bridges

20

and a host of others situated in such communities are destroyed.

Indeed, some were even associated with loss of lives (Adetula, 2006).

3.5 Inadequate Infrastructure: The provision of basic welfare services like

potable water supply, health care facilities, education, power, high

quality road network, housing and a host of many others are some

important aspects of national development. The Nigeria citizens are

still faced with inadequate provision of these basic infrastructures.

For instance, water scarcity has really constituted a major challenge

to nation building. Research has indicated that, the world is running

out of fresh water because humanity is polluting, diverting and

depleting these resources at a startling rate. Consequently, the

demand for fresh water surpasses its availability and a number of

people are put at risk (Barlow and Clarke, 2002). It is further

averred that, the legacies of factory farming, flood irrigation, the

construction of massive dams, toxic dumping, wetlands and forest

destruction, urban and industrial pollution have damaged the earth’s

surface water in such a way that there is at presently, the mining of

underground water reserves so fast than it could be replenished by

nature (Barlow and Clarke, 2002). Be that as it may, Nigeria’s

surface water is equally fast depleting as a result of the associated

factors above.

21

3.6 Corruption/Poor Leadership: Corruption has been defined as the

manifestation of anti-social behaviour by an individual or social

group which confers unjust or fraudulent benefit on its perpetrators

and is inconsistent with the established legal norms and prescribed

moral ethos of the land and is likely to subvert or diminish the

capacity of the legitimate authorities to provide fully for the

material and spiritual well being of all members of the society in a

just and equitable manner (Ifamose, 2007). Despite government

campaigns and fight through the institutionalization of anti-

corruption bodies like the EFCC and ICPC, available evidence

indicates the prevalence of corruption amongst top government

officials involving the fraudulent looting of the treasury in

addition to money laundering. Ifamose (2007) indicates that a former

Senate President was alleged to have accepted the graft of 39,000

million naira as Christmas bonus in 1999. Similarly, the Minister of

Housing was sacked as a result of scandals related to the sales of

government houses “as a means of implementing the new housing

policy”. The Minister of Education also lost his job as a result of

the 55 million naira bribe he offered to the Senate members to

approve his ministry’s inflated budget figures. Also, 14 governors

were highlighted as having possessed foreign accounts. Indeed, the

22

governors of Bayelsa and Plateau States were shown to be at the

forefront of this malaise. In addition, an ex-Inspector General of

Police was alleged to have enriched himself to the tune of 17 billion

naira. Recently, is the corruption over fuel subsidy in which case,

few individuals had enriched themselves immensely at the expense of

the Nigerian masses. Poor leadership over the past 4 decades has

impacted adversely on the Nigerian polity. It has been argued in some

quarters that bad followership produces bad leadership. This is an

exaggeration and an attempt to criticise the citizenry for the

obvious limitations of the leaders. While it is true that leaders

needed the co-operation of the populace to function effectively in

the area of good governance, it is equally true that they are

expected to lead by example which will produce such dialectical

relationship. For, the bench mark for assessing greatness is the

extent to which a leader increased the freedom of man, enhance his

dignity, better the lot of man, contribute in the promotion of world

peace (Odey, 1997) engenders equity in wealth distribution thus

bridging the gap between the rich and the poor. Indeed, Odey’s (1997)

argument is apt here, any regime either it civil or military that

delights in sending those who clamour for justice and equity in the

country to prison, exile or the grave while associating with a

23

handful of political sycophants and opportunists who jointly imposed

distress on the nation is a bizarre one (Odey, 1997). Nigerians are

in dare need of a democracy that is anchored on the twin pillars of

representation of citizens and accountability to citizens; the

absence of which democracy does not exist (Usman and Abba, 2005). It

is indeed, disheartening to note how contemporary politicians

manipulate the ethnic identities in the country to perpetuate their

economic dominance and divert attention away from their economic and

political mismanagement (Falola, 2010). It is undoubtedly true that,

accountability and equity in the distribution of the nation’s

resources are major pre-requisite for security, self worth and mutual

co-existence amongst Nigerians otherwise, insecurity, mistrust, and

hatred will manifest itself culminating into violence with its

attendant consequences for the nation.

3.7 Insecurity: One of the challenges of nation building confronting

Nigeria is the frequent incidence of kidnapping which brings into

focus the question of security. Security is indicative of freedom

from danger of threats, safety or the ability of the nation to

protect and develop itself, promote its cherished values and

legitimate interest and enhance the wellbeing of its people without

intimidation from internal or external sources (Odofin, 2007).

24

Undoubtedly therefore, any development contrary to the foregoing,

connotes insecurity. The kidnapping phenomenon started in the form of

hostage taking of Oil Companies’ expatriate staff in the Niger Delta

demanding huge sums of money as ransom. It later metamorphosed into

the kidnapping of prominent personalities in society especially those

related to politicians. It was regarded as a business; a lucrative

business indeed! The recent occurrence involved the kidnapping of 15

students in Aba on their way to school in September 2010. The

kidnappers asked for $130,000 dollars equivalent for their release.

They were however, eventually rescued by the security agencies, but

the malaise led to the closure of schools, banks and emigration of

many Aba residents (BBC, 2010). The preceding portrays the level of

insecurity in Nigeria as a critical national question. Indeed, it

degenerated to the point of bomb dropping at Abuja- the capital and

seat of power on the day Nigeria was marking its 50th Anniversary in

2010; it claimed lives and maimed several persons. The security

implication of such obnoxious activities in the country is enormous.

Again, the proliferation of bombings by a militant group referred to

as the Boko Haram in most parts of Northern Nigeria has posed serious

security threat to the nation since 2010, also the inability to

rescue the 276 chibok girls abducted since April 14, 2014, including

25

th spate of bombing and total loss of lives and properties. Thus, the

nation is still battling with the challenges of providing adequate

security for its citizenry after 50 years of self rule.

3.8 Gender Inequality: Gender relations in Nigeria have gradually

developed into the National Question. Although, the Nigerian

constitution made provisions for fundamental human rights for all its

citizens implying equal rights to both men and women; this is only

obtainable in theory while in practice women have been relegated to

the background through marginalization, oppression and exploitation

by the menfolks who re-enforced religion and socio-cultural dictum to

perpetuate their dominance. Odey (1997) argues that women still

remain the most disadvantaged gender in society and this is based on

the premise that they constitute a disproportionate number of poor

Nigerians with low access to economic activities mostly in the

reproductive areas which are either unpaid or taken for granted, and

women have a lower share of the national income than men.Within the

house-hold, there are massive income/consumption disparitiesto their

disadvantage and in credit/loan facilities they receive smaller than

men. Women are therefore faced with the challenges of living in the

society irrespective of how they define their roles, aspirations,

identity and femininity, while negotiating gender relations with men

26

(Falola, 2010). Undoubtedly, it was the manifestation ofthe impact of

the injustices suffered by women in society that prompted most young

girls to unknowingly become victims of exploitation by human

traffickers who promised to take them to Europe for greener pastures

which often turned out to bean illusion. For example, it was reported

that a brothel in Mali managed by some “Madams” in a slave-like

condition became the destination of a number of Nigerian girls who

were supposedly on their way to Europe (BBC News, 2010). The United

Nations summit advocated for the Elimination of all forms of

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The United Nations also made a

declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (Sani,

2001). At the Beijing Conference, 30% political representation of

women was endorsed. Although, women have held some key positions in

the political arena in Nigeria since theinception of democratic

governance, it needs to be stressed that Nigeria is yet tomeet the

bench mark. Men are therefore called upon to co-operate in the

movementto “eradicate the oppression and exploitation of women, the

personal prejudicesthat lead to hostility, and the

institutionalization of male privileges” (Falola, 2010).

3.9 Political Violence: Political violence has constituted a bane in the

electoral process in Nigeria. For a nation such as Nigeria, political

27

violence should be minimized and if possible, eradicated from our

electoral process. It is disturbing to note that right into the 21st

century, elections in the country are characterized by snatching of

ballot boxes from the polling units, the circulation of hidden thumb

printed ballot papers and boxes prior to or on the day of election

thus, rigging in favour of a particular political party leading to

political violence. Indeed, how else can one explain the snatching of

ballot boxes at the point of a dagger, machete, knife or a gun

(Analysis Magazine, 2003) or the inflation of election result figures

in favour of a given political party? Crisis over election related

issues have maimed many andeven claimed lives. Election in Nigeria is

being viewed by some as “a do or dieaffair.” It tended to portray the

scenario that “the winners take all and losers lossall.” Little

wonder the inflow of election petitions filed before election

tribunals bythe losing parties. Democracy anchored on such notion is

not true democracy andit threatens political stability in the

country.

4. Recommendations

Now that the world oil price is on the decrease and with the obvious

changing realities in our country’s economy, it has become a matter

28

of necessity to reduce the cost of governance in all the tiers of

government.

a. Government should reduce the money spent in unnecessary things

such as keeping many guests houses, keeping many aides that are

not necessary, keeping long convoys, staying in costliest

hotels, chartering planes when not absolutely necessary,

servicing politicians that do not add value to the society,

engaging in epicurean life, among other indulgences.

b. The salaries and other emoluments of public office holders,

particularly members of the National Assembly, should no longer

be secret, as part of calculated efforts to promote transparency

in governance.

c. Appointments of ministers should be on part-time basis, just

like what obtained in the United States.

d. There is the need for government to revisit the Oransanye Report

that advocated right-sizing and merging of ministries,

departments and agencies to reduce duplication of roles.

e. The institutions of the anti-corruption agencies such as

Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent

Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences (ICPC) must be well

29

funded and give adequate independence to arrest and prosecute

offenders without fear or favour.

5. Conclusion

This study has made an attempt in exploring the challenges and

implications of high cost of governance as it affects nation

building in Nigeria, with a conclusion that cutting down excessive

cost of governance and the role of the anti-graft commissions in

Nigeria in the evolving paradigm has been recognized as very

crucial.

References

Adetula, V. A. O. (2006). Development, Conflict and Peace Building inAfrica. In Shedrack Gaya Best (ed.) Introduction to Peace and ConflictStudies in West Africa. Ibadan: Spectrum

Adewole, A.N. and Osabuohien, E..C. (2007) “Analysis of the Cost ofGovernance and Options forits Reduction in Nigeria”, NigerianJournal of Economic and Social Studies, 49(1):137 – 159.

Agu, O. C. (2013) “Democracy and the Cost of Governance in Nigeria”.Journal of Culture, Society and Development, Vol. 2. 41 -51.

Anofi, D. and OluwaSegun, V. (2012), “Reps Quiz Minister over $500million Aviation Loan,” The Nation, Wednesday, December 12, P.57.

Barlow, M. and Clarke, T. (2002), The Privatisation of Water. TheNation, New York presented in the Analysis Magazine: The News In-depth, 1, 3, September.

British Broadcasting Corporation(2010). BBC World Service

30

Falola, T. (2010). Trans-nationalization, Denationalization andDeterritorialization: Contemporary Cultures in the Context ofGlobalization” being a one day public Lecture delivered atKaduna State University

Fluvian, G. (2006). “The Rising Cost of Governance in Africa “Journal ofPublic Administration, 22(9)L 41 – 463.

Ifamose, F.(2007).Poverty Conflicts and Governance in Nigeria since1999. In O.Akinwumi et al (eds) Historical Perspectives on Nigeria’s Post-Colonial Conflicts. JHSN, Lagos: Unimark Ltd

Khan, M. H. (2007) “Governance, Economic Growth and Development sincethe 1960s”, in F. O. Iyoha, D. E. Gberevbie, C. T. Iruonagbe,and M. E. Egharevba Cost of Governance in Nigeria: In WhoseInterest?. International Journal of Social, Education, Economics andManagement Engineering, Vol. 9, No. 1.

Odey, J. O. (1997).Nigeria: Search for Peace and Social Justice, Ebonyi: Snaappress

Odofin, A. P. (2007). Internal Security Crisis and NationalDevelopment: The Contending Issues”, in LAPAI Journal of Humanities,1, 1, December.

Oyeshola, D. (2009). International Environmental Instruments as anApproach to Combating Environmental Degradation and PromotingSustainable Development: A Case Study of Nigeria. In OlayemiAkinwumi et al (eds.) Technology, Knowledge and Environment in Africa: APerspective from Nigeria. Kaduna: A.B.U Press.

Sani, H.(2001). Women and National Development: The Way Forward. Lagos:Spectrum

Sylvester, U. I. (2007). Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Nigeria. In O.Akinwumi,etal (eds) Historical Perspectives on Nigeria’s Post-Colonial Conflicts.Lagos:Unimark Ltd

The Nation Editorial (2012), “Expensive Campaign: N6.2 billion is toomuch to Publicise PIB”The Nation, Tuesday, December, 11, P. 19

31

Usman, Y. B. and Abba, A. (2005).The Misrepresentation of Nigeria. Hanwa:CEDDERT

32