July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 1 Center on Urban & Metropolitan Policy and The Pew Hispanic Center “Clearly, the growth of the Latino popula- tion is no longer limited to just a few regions.” ■ The Hispanic population is growing in most metropolitan areas, but the rate and location of increase varies widely. Four distinct patterns of growth can be discerned. Estab- lished Latino metros such as New York, Los Angeles, Miami, and Chicago posted the largest absolute increases in Latinos between 1980 and 2000. However, new Latino desti- nations like Atlanta and Orlando charted the fastest growth rates, despite their historically smaller Hispanic bases. Metros with relatively larger Latino bases, such as Houston, Phoenix and San Diego, meanwhile, became fast-growing Latino hubs during the past 20 years, with popula- tion growth averaging 235 percent. Small Latino places, such as Baton Rouge, posted much lower absolute and relative growth than the other locales. ■ Fifty-four percent of all U.S. Latinos now reside in the suburbs; the Latino suburban population grew 71 percent in the 1990s. In 1990 the central-city and suburban Hispanic populations in the 100 largest metros were nearly identical, but during the next decade suburban growth so outpaced central-city growth that by 2000 the suburban Hispanic population exceeded the central-city population by 18 percent. New Latino destinations saw the fastest growth of Latino suburbanites. ■ Hispanic men outnumber Hispanic women by 17 percent in new Latino destination metros where the Latino population grew fastest. By contrast, in slower-growing metros with large and well-established Latino communities, more Hispanics live in family households and gender ratios are more balanced. Findings An analysis of the U.S. Hispanic population across the 100 largest metropolitan areas finds that: Latino Growth in Metropolitan America: Changing Patterns, New Locations Roberto Suro, Pew Hispanic Center and Audrey Singer, Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy I. Introduction N o shortage of analysis has described the fast and widespread growth of the Latino population in America. Numerous early commentators on Census 2000 remarked on the speed of the Latinos’ dispersal across the country, noting that the Hispanics had become the fastest growing U.S. minority group as they increased their numbers 58 percent during the 1990s—from 22.4 million
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July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 1
Center on Urban & Metropolitan Policy
and The Pew Hispanic Center
“Clearly, the
growth of the
Latino popula-
tion is no
longer limited
to just a few
regions.”
■ The Hispanic population is growingin most metropolitan areas, but therate and location of increase varieswidely. Four distinct patterns ofgrowth can be discerned. Estab-lished Latino metros such as NewYork, Los Angeles, Miami, andChicago posted the largest absoluteincreases in Latinos between 1980and 2000. However, new Latino desti-nations like Atlanta and Orlandocharted the fastest growth rates,despite their historically smallerHispanic bases. Metros with relativelylarger Latino bases, such as Houston,Phoenix and San Diego, meanwhile,became fast-growing Latino hubsduring the past 20 years, with popula-tion growth averaging 235 percent.Small Latino places, such as BatonRouge, posted much lower absoluteand relative growth than the otherlocales.
■ Fifty-four percent of all U.S.Latinos now reside in the suburbs;the Latino suburban populationgrew 71 percent in the 1990s. In1990 the central-city and suburbanHispanic populations in the 100largest metros were nearly identical,but during the next decade suburbangrowth so outpaced central-citygrowth that by 2000 the suburbanHispanic population exceeded thecentral-city population by 18 percent.New Latino destinations saw thefastest growth of Latino suburbanites.
■ Hispanic men outnumber Hispanicwomen by 17 percent in new Latinodestination metros where theLatino population grew fastest. Bycontrast, in slower-growing metroswith large and well-established Latinocommunities, more Hispanics live infamily households and gender ratiosare more balanced.
Findings
An analysis of the U.S. Hispanic population across the 100 largest metropolitan areasfinds that:
Latino Growth in Metropolitan America: Changing Patterns, New LocationsRoberto Suro, Pew Hispanic Center and Audrey Singer, Brookings Institution Center on Urbanand Metropolitan Policy
I. Introduction
No shortage of analysis hasdescribed the fast and widespreadgrowth of the Latino population inAmerica. Numerous early
commentators on Census 2000 remarked onthe speed of the Latinos’ dispersal across thecountry, noting that the Hispanics hadbecome the fastest growing U.S. minoritygroup as they increased their numbers 58percent during the 1990s—from 22.4 million
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 2
to 35.3 million during the decade.1 Atthe same time, analysts observed thatHispanic Americans had quicklybecome, at 12.5 percent of the popula-tion in 2000, the largest ethnic/racegroup in the country, barely edging outAfrican Americans at 12.3 percent.
Recent research on metropolitanareas has sharpened the picture some-what, adding detail to the story of theHispanics’ rise. An earlier BrookingsInstitution study showed that growthin the Hispanic population in the 100largest U.S. cities was swift andsubstantial in the 1990s, and that one-fifth of those cities’ populations wouldhave declined in the decade were itnot for an influx of Latinos (Berube2001). And another study of thenation’s suburbs identified growingracial and ethnic diversity in suburbanareas (Frey 2001). In particular, thesuburbs of very diverse metropolitanareas saw substantial growth in theirLatino population in the 1990s.
Still, important questions remainabout how Latinos redistributed acrossand within metropolitan areas in the1980s and 1990s. To be sure, theHispanic population grew quickly inmost of the nation’s metropolitanareas between the 1980 Census andthe 2000 count. In 2000, 69 percentof the U.S. population lived in the 100largest metropolitan areas, whereasthe share of the Latino population inthe same metros was 78 percent. Buteven so, the magnitude and distribu-tion of Hispanic population growth inthe 100 largest U.S. metropolitanareas varied widely both in absolutenumbers and in key characteristics.
For example, the growth of theHispanic population averaged 145percent in the largest 100 metrosbetween 1980 and 2000, but thataverage obscures a huge range ofgrowth rates. The rate was 8 percentfor Honolulu, HI; 105 percent for LosAngeles; and 1,180 percent forRaleigh, NC. In addition, more than aquarter of the Latinos in the top 100metro areas—some 9 millionHispanics—continued to reside in the
great magnets of Los Angeles, NewYork, Chicago, and Miami in 2000.However, the booming economy of the1990s coupled with recent industrialrestructuring in both urban and ruralareas redrew the map of LatinoAmerica during the decade (seeKandel and Parrado, 2002 for ananalysis of nonmetropolitan Latinogrowth patterns). In many instances,such developments attracted Latinoworkers to places where there hadbeen little previous in-migration.
This paper explores severalgeographic and temporal variations ofHispanic growth. First, we propose atypology that distinguishes amongseveral different metropolitan growthpatterns based on Census datacovering 1980 to 2000. Then, wesupplement this categorization byisolating and identifying two keyLatino-growth sub-trends in metropol-itan areas during the 1990s—a periodwhen the national Hispanic popula-tion more than doubled.
The findings that result show clearlythat the Latino population is rapidlyevolving and that its demographicimpact on the nation is changingquickly. Significant concentrations ofHispanics are no longer confined to afew regions such as Southern Cali-fornia or the Southwest, or only to afew cities like New York and Miami.Instead, in the coming years Hispanicpopulation growth will most impactcommunities that had relatively fewLatinos a decade ago.
In fact, looking back at Hispanicdemographic trends over the pasttwenty years reveals that Latinos havespread out faster than any previousimmigrant or internal migration wave,such as that of the African-Americanswho migrated out of the deep South inthe middle of the century.
The Latino population has, forexample, grown in heartland citiesbeyond the immigrant gateways inmuch less time than it took for theEuropean immigrants who arrived atthe beginning of the 20th century.Similarly, trends evident now could
have a significant impact on cities likeAtlanta or Washington, D.C. that had asparse Hispanic presence only a coupleof decades ago. What is more, changewill occur even in the traditional settle-ment areas like Los Angeles and NewYork where growth will likely continue,albeit at a slower rate. There, theLatinos have already begun to becomea pervasive presence on the suburbanfringes of the big cities.
In short, the report that followsidentifies the distinguishing character-istics of several distinct variations onthe theme of Latino growth. Clearly,the growth of the Latino population isno longer limited to just a few regions.
II. Methodology
This study revolves around acategorization of Hispanicpopulation growth rates—derived from U.S. Census
data2—as they were observed across aseries of standard geographical localesconsisting of the nation’s 100 largestmetropolitan areas as of 2000.
Definition of Hispanic or LatinoThe terms “Hispanic” and “Latino” areused interchangeably in this paper andreflect both popular use of the termsand the new Office of Managementand Budget (OMB) terminology stan-dards in effect for Census 2000. Whilemost Latinos in the United Statesshare a common linguistic heritage—Spanish—the Hispanic populationincludes a diversity of birthplace,national origin, legal status, socioeco-nomic class, and settlement histories.Census 2000 asked separate questionson race and Hispanic or Latinoethnicity. Persons were asked to iden-tify whether they were of “Spanish/Hispanic/Latino” origin. This questionwas independent of the race questionwhich asked people to identify whetherthey were white, black, Asian, Amer-ican Indian, Native Hawaiian or “someother race,” and persons could mark asmany categories as they identified.Therefore, persons of Hispanic or
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 3
Table 1. Latino Population and Share of Overall Population Growth for Four Metropolitan Area Types, 1980–2000
100 Largest Metropolitan Areas
% Change in Latino Latinos as 1980 1990 2000 Population a percent
Metropolitan % % % 1980- 1990- 1980– of overall Area Type Total Latino Latino Total Latino Latino Total Latino Latino 90 00 00 growth
Established Latino Metros 35,161,592 7,180,206 20% 39,098,721 10,286,158 26% 43,957,950 14,119,006 32% 43% 37% 97% 79%
Latino origins may be of any race. Thisanalysis includes Latinos who wereborn abroad as well as those born inthe United States.3
Metropolitan Area DefinitionsThis study analyzes change in theHispanic population during the 1980sand 1990s among the largest 100metropolitan areas. The metropolitanareas analyzed are those defined byOMB as Metropolitan Statistical Areas(MSAs) and Primary MetropolitanStatistical Areas (PMSAs). The 2000metropolitan area definition wasapplied consistently to data from each decade.
Definitions of Central City and SuburbsCentral cities are defined in this study,largely in accordance with OMB stan-dards, as the largest city in themetropolitan area in combination withany other city of over 100,000 (in2000) that is part of the official MSAname.4 The suburbs are the portion ofthe metropolitan area that is locatedoutside the central city or cities.
Four Categories of Metropolitan Areas Finally, for the purpose of this analysiswe have classified the metropolitan
areas into four categories according towhether their Hispanic base popula-tion exceeded or lagged the 8-percentnational average in 1980 and whethertheir Latino population growthexceeded or lagged the 145-percentaverage growth between 1980 and2000 for the 100 metros. Table 1employs this typology to categorize thenation’s metropolitan areas as distincttypes of Latino-growth settings.
At several points the paper alsodistinguishes areas that saw extraordi-narily rapid growth, or “hypergrowth,”defined here as growth more thantwice the national average rate formetropolitan areas, or more than 300percent in the 20-year period.
A final note: We use 1980 to 200data to construct our typology;however, we use 1980–2000 data toconstruct our typology, however, therest of the analysis examines primarily1990 and 2000 data only.
III. Findings
A. The Hispanic population isgrowing in most metropolitan areas,but the rate and location of thatgrowth varies widely. Four distinctpatterns of Latino growth can be discerned. The Latino population grew quickly in
the nation’s metropolitan areasbetween 1980 and 2000, yet not allplaces grew in the same way. To thecontrary: Wide variations in the rateand location of Latino growth aregenerating highly distinct local experi-ences in different types ofmetropolitan areas.
Four types of metropolitan settingsfor Latino growth can be discerned(see Appendix A for a full list of the100 metros, grouped by type and rateof population increase).
ESTABLISHED LATINO METROS (Large Base/SlowGrowth): 16 metrosSixteen major metros constitute a kindof Hispanic heartland in America. Thiscategory of metro contains all themajor contemporary immigrant gate-ways such as New York, Los Angeles,Miami, and Chicago as well as avariety of western, southwestern andborder metros with large, long-standing Latino communities (seeTable 2 for the 10 metros with thelargest Hispanic populations in 2000).
Half of the U.S. Latino populationacross the 100 largest metros lived inthese 16 established Latino metropo-lises in 2000 (see Figure 1 for adistribution of the population acrossmetros). In absolute numbers, these
major Latino centers started out withby far the largest stock of Hispanics in1980 (7.2 million Latinos lived inthem then), and experienced by far thegreatest numerical growth in numbers,as they added 6.9 million Latinos totheir populations by 2000. Moreover,just three cities—Los Angeles, NewYork and Chicago—dominated thisgrowth. Those three metros accountedfor more than half of the growthamong established Latino metros asthey added 3.9 million additionalLatinos. Notably, New York’s rate ofgrowth was virtually the same in the1980s and 1990s, Chicago had greatergrowth in the 1990s than the 1980s,while Los Angeles’ share grew faster inthe 1980s than in the 1990s.
The 97 percent rate of Hispanicgrowth in these metros over 20 years,meanwhile, lagged that in many othermetros. But meanwhile, the rate ofLatino population growth there wasfour times greater than the below-average 25-percent growth in theiroverall populations. As a result, the6.9 million Latinos added in this cate-gory between 1980 and 2000represented 79 percent of the overallpopulation growth in these areas(Table 1). Consequently, the popula-tion growth that did occur in thesemetros owed largely to the Latinos.
These established centers have thehighest concentrations of Latinosamong all metro types. Hispanics
made up 20 percent of the populationin these 16 metros in 1980 but by2000 the figure had hit 32 percent.Size and Latino concentration, mean-while, seem to have had an inverseeffect on the rate of Hispanic growth.Three of the eight cities whereLatinos were 40 percent or more ofthe population in 2000 experiencedmarkedly slower Hispanic growth inthe 1990s than in the 1980s. In LosAngeles, for example, the Hispanicgrowth rate fell from 60 percent to 28percent, and in Miami it decreasedfrom 64 percent in the 1980s to 36percent in the 1990s. These data
suggest that Los Angeles and Miamiin particular could be approaching asaturation point where shortages ofhousing and jobs may put a brake onHispanic population growth.
NEW LATINO DESTINATIONS(Small Base/Fast Growth): 51 metrosJust over one-half of the largest 100metropolitan areas in America postedexplosive growth of their initially smallLatino communities between 1980and 2000. This growth of these newLatino destinations reflects an aston-ishing and very rapid entrance of the
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 4
New Latino Destinations19%
Fast-growingLatino Hubs
25%
Small Latino Places4%
EstablishedLatino Metros
52%
Table 2. Ten Metro Areas with The Largest Latino Populations, 2000
Number of Latinos Percent of Total Population Latino Growth, 1980–2000Los Angeles 4,242,213 45% 105%New York 2,339,836 25% 60%Chicago 1,416,584 17% 143%Miami 1,291,737 57% 123%Houston 1,248,586 30% 211%Riverside—San Bernadino 1,228,962 38% 324%Orange County 875,579 31% 206%Phoenix 817,012 25% 261%San Antonio 816,037 51% 67%Dallas 810,499 23% 324%Total 15,087,045 31% 130%
Figure 1. Latino Population for Four Metropolitan Area Types, 2000
Hispanic population into new settle-ment areas.
From Wilmington to West PalmBeach, from Little Rock to Las Vegas,the new Latino destinations encom-pass a diverse collection ofmetropolitan areas scattered across 35states in every region of the country.Within these 51 metros the Hispanicpopulation grew at rates ranging from147 percent (Knoxville) to 1,180percent (Raleigh-Durham) over the 20years. In 2000, 19 percent of allHispanics among those in the largest100 metros lived in these 51 metros.
The Hispanic growth rates for thesemetros must be understood in thecontext of rather modest absolutenumbers. Their fast growth beganfrom very small initial populationsgenerally, and so even extraordinaryhigh growth rates usually did notinvolve large numbers of individuals.Across this category the initial 1980Latino populations remained quitesmall. Sarasota, FL, for example, regis-tered an astounding 538 percentincrease in its Hispanic populationbetween 1980 and 2000, but it beganthis period with a mere six thousandLatino residents. Even after 20 yearsof extraordinary growth Sarasota onlyhad 38,682 Latinos, and that was in a state with a Hispanic population of2.7 million.
Nevertheless, so much rapid growthspread out across so many metrosemerges as a demographic phenom-enon of consequence when it isviewed cumulatively. In 1980, 19 ofthese metros counted fewer than10,000 Latinos, and only six had morethan 50,000. But by 2000 only tworemained below the 10,000 markwhile 16 had more than 100,000. Addit up and the Latino population of all51 of these metros in 2000 reaches5.3 million—or 19 percent of thenation’s total Latino population (seeFigure 1). And the Latinization of thenew destinations is becoming moreconsequential, even though the totalfor the entire category pales beside thehuge absolute populations of the big
metros with longstanding Latino popu-lations. In fact, the total for thesemetros is just a bit smaller than thecombined Latino populations of LosAngeles and Miami. Fully three-quar-ters of the Hispanics in these 51metros (4 million people) were addedto the population between 1980 and2000. That accounts for about aquarter of the total Hispanic popula-tion growth measured in all the 100top metros during that period.
The sheer pace of this mostly veryrecent growth is also noteworthy. In1980 Latinos made up 2 percent ofthe population of these 51 metros butby 2000 they were 7 percent of thepopulation in this category. In all buteleven of these metros the rate ofgrowth for the Hispanic population in the 1990s outstripped that in the1980s, and in many cases it wassubstantially greater, at least doublingin 28 metros from one decade to thenext. None of the new Latino destina-tions experienced a Hispanic growthrate of less than 42 percent in the 1990’s.
Another significant factor: Thisrapid Latino growth in new destina-tions usually accompanied rapidincreases in the overall population. Inthese metropolitan areas, Latinoscomprised only one factor in broadergrowth trends across metros that saw a42-percent total growth over the 20-year period as all but seven registeredgrowth rates in the double digits. Inthis fashion, the new Hispanic resi-dents in these places accounted forjust 22 percent of the increased popu-lation. By comparison, in metros withestablished Latino communities,Hispanics comprised by far the largest,and in some cases the only, factor inpopulation growth, accounting for 79percent of the overall populationincrease (see Table 1).
Eighteen of the new Latino destina-tions, finally, warrant discussion assites of “hypergrowth.” In each ofthese 18 metros, the Hispanic popula-tion grew by more than 300 percent—or twice the national average—after
1980. Altogether, the combinedHispanic population of all thesemetros jumped 505 percent between1980 and 2000 (see Table 3 for the 18hypergrowth locations and theirgrowth trends).
This collection of metros includesemerging immigrant gateways such asWashington and Atlanta and several ofthe nation’s fastest-growing metrossuch as Las Vegas and Orlando.Eleven of these metros lie in theSoutheast, with three North Carolinacities—Charlotte, Greensboro andRaleigh—epitomizing the “neweconomy” of the 1990s with rapiddevelopment in the finance, businessservices, and high-tech sectors. As agroup, these Latino “hypergrowth”metros grew robustly from 1980 to2000, posting overall populationgrowth at a combined 54-percent rateover the two decades. All but 5 of the18 had faster overall growth in the1990s than the 1980s, moreover. As aresult, even the explosive new Latinogrowth in these cities remained a rela-tively modest portion of the overallpopulation increase despite its incred-ible pace. In absolute terms, after all,the “hypergrowth” metros added arelatively modest 2.3 million Latinosbetween 1980 and 2000 at a timewhen their overall populationincreased by 11.2 million. Hispanics,in short, represented just 20 percentof the overall population increase.
But even so, the “hypergrowth”metros epitomized the sudden arrivalof Latinos in new destinations. In 13of these “hypergrowth” metros in 1980Hispanics represented 3 percent orless of their metro populations or one-quarter of a million Latinos, but by2000 they numbered nearly 1.5million and represented 6 percent oftheir collective overall populations.This underscores how, from a barelymeasurable minority, Latinos grew intoa significant segment of the popula-tion in many places. Atlanta provides acase in point. There, the 24,550Latinos counted in 1980 representedjust 1 percent of the metro population.
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 5
But after 20 years marked by a 995percent growth rate, Atlanta’s Latinopopulation reached 268,851—or 7percent of the total (see Table 3).
FAST-GROWING LATINO HUBS(Large Base/Fast Growth): 11 metrosEleven metros—the fast-growingLatino hubs—grew at extraordinaryrates from very large base populations,and now supplement the establishedLatino metros as major populationcenters on the map of HispanicAmerica.
Latinos made up a sizable 14percent of the population in thesemetros in 1980, and over the next 20years the Hispanic population grew by235 percent to reach fully 25 percentof the 100 metros’ overall population.
With the exception of Phoenix, themetros in this category lie in Cali-fornia or Texas. Two—Orange Countyand Riverside-San Bernardino—aresuburban outliers of Los Angeles, anda third—Vallejo—is an exurb in theSan Francisco Bay area. Threeothers—Bakersfield, Stockton and
Sacramento—lie in central Californiaand reflect that state’s growth awayfrom the traditional coastal areas. Allof the California metros grew at afaster rate in the 1980s than in the1990s, while the opposite is true ofthe Texas and Arizona metros. Dallasand Houston, the two biggest metrosin Texas, fit that pattern. So doesAustin, one of several metros in thiscategory that experienced exceptionaleconomic growth in the high-techsector. Dallas and Riverside-SanBernardino—even with their largeinitial Hispanic populations—met the standard for hypergrowth withincreases of 358 percent and 324percent respectively between 1980 and 2000. By 2000, some 6.8 millionHispanic people lived in one of these metros.
The fast-growing Latino hubs,meanwhile, assumed new functions inHispanic America during the last twodecades, by moving beyond the statusof secondary way stations. Aside fromHouston and San Diego, none ofthese metropolitan areas have playeda longstanding role as a major gateway
for Latino immigrants. Bakersfieldand Stockton were initially placeswhere agricultural workers settledwhen they left the fields for thestability of city life. Orange Countyand Riverside-San Bernardino servedas secondary stops for Hispanics whohad already passed through LosAngeles. However, the rapid rates ofLatino population growth since the1980s suggest these metros haveemerged as immigrant ports of entryeven as they retained—and perhapsenlarged—their importance assecondary destinations.
Two other aspects of the growinghubs’ emergence are these metros’initially lower Hispanic concentrations(compared to the established Latinometros), and their high overall growth rates.
Initially, the fast-growing hubsposted an average total population of1.3 million and a Latino populationshare of 14 percent. By contrast, themore established Hispanic metros thatgrew more slowly over the next 20years had a larger average total popu-lation of 2.2 million and a significantly
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 6
Table 3. “Hypergrowth”* New Latino Destinations, 2000
*Hypergrowth metros had Latino population growth over 300 percent between 1980 and 2000.
higher 20-percent Hispanic populationshare. The faster-growing new hubsmay in this regard have had moreroom to grow before approaching apotential saturation point.
At the same time, the overall popu-lation growth rates in the newer hubsfar exceeded those in the establishedLatino metros with Latino populationsof a million or more—Los Angeles,New York, Chicago and Miami. Infact, the fast-growing Latino hubsexhibited the highest rate of overallpopulation growth of any of the fourtypes of metropolitan areas. Altogether,the combined total population of these11 metros grew by 70 percent between1980 and 2000. In absolute numbersthat represented an increase of 10million people—4.8 million of whomwere Latinos. By contrast, the estab-lished Hispanic metros posted a 25percent overall 20-year growth rate asthey added just 8.8 million people and6.9 million Latinos.
These figures suggest once againthat Latino growth in the fast-growingHispanic hubs remains just oneelement of a more generalizedeconomic and population expansion.In these hubs, after all, Latino growthrepresented just 48 percent of theregions’ overall 20-year growth. Bycomparison, Hispanics accounted for79 percent of the total growth in themore established metros. Such ratiosunderscore that the high overallgrowth rates in these big fast-growingmetros stimulated and facilitated fastLatino growth much as it did in thesmaller-scale new destinations such asAtlanta and Charlotte.
SMALL LATINO PLACES (SmallBase/Slow Growth): 22 metros About a quarter of the 100 metros inthis survey, finally, remained largely onthe periphery of major Hispanicgrowth trends. These cities weremostly located in the South andMidwest, though a number can befound in the Northeastern Rust Belt.As a group, these cities harbored rela-tively few Latinos in 1980, and
registered only slow to moderategrowth in their Hispanic populationsover the 20-year period 1980 to 2000.
In terms of absolute numbers,Hispanics made up only 4 percent ofthe population in these regions in2000 compared to a 16-percent overallHispanic population share in the 100metros. In fact, less than 1.3 millionHispanics lived in these 22 metros in2000. All told, only 4 percent of theHispanic population of the 100 largestmetros resided in the small Latinoplaces in 2000 (see Figure 1).
Latino growth in these metro areasalso lagged, reaching only 81 percentcompared to the national 145 percentgrowth rate for the 100 metros. Whatis more, the relatively low Hispanicpopulation growth in these placescorresponded with the below-averagetotal metro population growth (4percent) between 1980 and 2000 inthese metros. In this fashion, the smallLatino places illustrate the extent towhich Latino population growthremains a subset of growth trends forall groups. In these places, forexample, it seems that the samefactors discouraging populationgrowth by other groups discouragedexpansion of the Hispanic populationto some degree.
B. Fifty-four percent of all Latinosnow reside in the suburbs; thenumber of Latinos living insuburban areas grew by 71 percentin the 1990s. U.S. Hispanics traditionally have beenurban dwellers and many remain sonow. Nevertheless, Census 2000reveals that their distribution acrossthe metropolitan landscape ischanging dramatically. The Latinos, inshort, are becoming suburbanites.
In 1990 the Latino population wasalmost evenly split between suburbs(8.7 million) and central cities (8.6million) in the top 100 metropolitanareas. However, Hispanics flocked tothe suburbs during the 1990s. Duringthe decade their numbers thereincreased by 6.2 million to nearly 15
million as compared with a fourmillion increase to 12.6 million in thecentral cities. These changes implied a71 percent increase in the number ofLatinos living in the suburbs. All told,the suburbs accounted for 61 percentof the overall growth of the Hispanicpopulation in these metros between1990 and 2000 (see Appendix B). By2000, 54 percent of all Latinos residedin the suburbs.
Many Hispanics, by choosing thesuburbs, are following the familiarpath from city neighborhoods to theurban periphery. In addition, somesuburban areas are serving as ports ofentry for newly arriving immigrants.This holds both for metros with long-standing Hispanic populations and forthose with newly acquired Latinocommunities, though suburban growthwas disproportionably higher in thenew Latino destinations. Moreover,some of the cities with the largestHispanic populations—notably LosAngeles, New York and Miami—alsosaw very substantial increases inadjoining jurisdictions. From LongIsland on the East Coast to theSouthern California’s Inland Empire,Latino populations grew both at arapid rate and in substantial numberson the outer fringes of major metro-politan areas.
Disproportionate increases in thesuburban Latino population are mostevident in metros that experiencedvery rapid growth of their Latino popu-lations overall and especially in thosewith a relatively small base populationin 1990. Overall, 56 percent of theHispanic growth in metros with estab-lished Latino communities occurred inthe suburbs. For example, in Albu-querque, San Antonio and SanJose—metros with large base popula-tions and relatively slowgrowth—fewer Latinos were added tothe suburban population than incentral cities. Meanwhile, in new-destination metros, the suburbsregistered 70 percent of the growth. InWashington, D.C., Atlanta, and FortLauderdale—metros that started with
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 7
a small base population and experi-enced very rapid growth—more than90 percent of the increase came in thesuburbs. When Latino migrantsventured into new communities in the1990’s, the suburbs apparently held apowerful draw. In the future, as thesemigrant pioneers draw relatives fromabroad, new, larger family units arelikely to form in the suburbs.
Even when large well-establishedLatino communities were available forsettlement, much of the growth tookplace on the periphery of the metro-politan area. Indeed, in the metroswith the largest Hispanic populations,which were also some of the nation’smost populous metros, substantialgrowth took place beyond the centralcities. In the Chicago metropolitanarea, for example, 63 percent of thegrowth took place in the suburbs andin Miami it was 96 percent.
Moreover, these big cities formedthe core of regional clusters as theHispanic population grew substantiallyin adjoining or nearby metros. Thetrend also prevailed in other regions.The Latino populations of Bergen-Passaic, NJ and Nassau-Suffolk, NY,which adjoin New York to the east andwest, together added some 218,000Latinos between 1990 and 2000. Alongthe coast north of Miami, the popula-tion of the Fort Lauderdale and WestPalm Beach metropolitan areastogether increased by 242,000 Latinos.In each case the outlying metros of thecluster grew faster than did the coremetro, though not in absolute terms.In Southern California, meanwhile,the peripheral growth actuallyoutpaced more central growth by allmeasures. There, the Orange County,Ventura, and Riverside-San Bernardinometropolitan areas added 950,000Latinos, which exceeded the growth inthe Los Angeles-Long Beach metroboth in absolute numbers and the paceof growth.
These patterns suggest that even asHispanic growth slows in the bigmetros with very large Latino commu-nities, those areas continue to serve as
powerful magnets for a broader metro-politan region. Also, these patternsmay reveal what other data indicate—namely, that while newly arrivedimmigrants still head for the moretraditional ports of entry in largenumbers, many better-establishedLatinos are moving away from thosetraditionally Hispanic communities tonew areas within the same metropol-itan cluster.
C. Hispanic men outnumberHispanic women by 17 percent inthe new Latino destination metros,where the Latino population grew fastest. Distinctive Latino local householdstructures are also emerging as demo-graphic change affects differentmetropolitan areas. Most notably, thenewest areas of Latino settlementexhibit gender ratios that favor menand gain more non-family households.By contrast, in places where the localHispanic community has becomelarger and better established, familyhouseholds develop and gender ratiosbalance out.
Prior research has shown how thesedynamics work: The gender composi-tion of migration to a particular placechanges with the “maturity” of the flowto that area (see Durand and Massey1992). Historically, male immigrantsfrom Latin America typically movetoward opportunity first, withoutspouses or other nuclear familymembers. Subsequently, relatives andfriends follow the immigrants, so thatcomplete family units and eventuallyextended family and friendshipnetworks form in the years anddecades following initial settlement.
In this fashion, gender ratiossuggest the newness of settlement.Gender ratios that favor men indicategrowth due to new migration flowsand demarcate the newest areas ofsettlement. By contrast, metropolitanareas with older Latino communitiestypically show more balanced genderratios since over time full families, andeventually a U.S.-born third-genera-
tion join the male “trailblazers.” Nordoes this dynamic apply only to theimmigration of the foreign-born. Italso applies to the movement of immi-grants from one area within theUnited States to another in what istermed “secondary” migration. Even inmetros where the Latino presencedates back 50 or 100 years or more,successive waves of immigrantnewcomers continually refresh theLatino population, producing contin-uous demographic change andlayering of the family structure andhousehold composition.
Given these dynamics, Hispanicand non-Hispanic sex ratios(reflecting the number of men in agiven population per 100 women)were calculated for all metropolitanareas and the subtotals for metrotypes are shown in Table 4. Thepatterns are clear. Overall, less-mobile, non-Hispanic populationsincluded greater numbers of working-age women in 2000, while the reversewas true for Hispanic populations.The non-Latino sex ratio rises toabove 100 (indicating a tilt towardmore men than women) in only ahandful of metros, namely those withmilitary bases such as San Diego andEl Paso, as well as San Franciscowhere there is a substantial gay malepopulation. By contrast, the working-age Hispanic population leans heavilytoward men across most metros, andmost metropolitan areas increasedtheir Latino male populations relativeto the female population between1990 and 2000. This reflected asteady and widely dispersed settle-ment of newly arrived immigrants.
In general, the faster and newer ametropolitan area’s Latino growth thehigher its sex ratio climbed in the1990s. In metros with a small Latinopresence the Latino gender balanceedged upwards from 100 to 108between 1990 and 2000 (see Table 4).In metros that can be characterized asnew Latino destinations, the Latino sexratios surged from 107 in 1990 onaverage to 117 in 2000. Still more
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 8
dramatically, the Latino sex ratioreached an average of 124 in the“hypergrowth” metros—meaning thatLatinos outnumbered Latinas in thesemetropolitan areas by a full 24 percent.In this category, Raleigh-Durham'sLatino population included an extraor-dinary 188 men for every 100 women,as large new flows of men arrivedpresumably without family members.
In keeping with these effects, whereLatino residency is longstanding orLatino growth slower—as in manyestablished Latino metros—sex ratiosremained steady or declined as propor-tionally more Latino growth resultedfrom increases in families both frombirths and family reunification. Forexample, Chicago’s gender ratioremained at 117 both in 1990 and2000 as a steady gathering of familiesoffset new immigrant arrivals. Like-wise, sex ratios actually declined inmaturing Hispanic communities suchas Fresno, Los Angeles, and Ventura asthe number of women there increased
during the 1990s. In fact, in 7 of the16 well established Latino communi-ties women outnumbered men,indicating the arrival of many morewomen and families indicating more“mature” immigration.
Household composition—whichreflects whether unrelated individualsor families predominate in a commu-nity—also reveals the demographicchange that accompanies variousgrowth patterns. Similar to a tilttoward higher sex ratios, a proliferationof unrelated individuals can be an indi-cator of new migration, however in thesmall Latino places, it most likely alsoindicates an aging population withelderly living alone. Conversely, ahigher share of couple-headed house-holds usually corresponds withlonger-established communities. Exam-ining household composition revealsthat 22 percent of the households innew Latino destinations were nonfamilyin 2000. Fast-growing Latino hubs andestablished Latino metros had the
highest proportions of married couplehouseholds, and posted the lowestproportions of nonfamily householdsacross all metro types. Furthermore,half or more of the households in thesetwo metro types contained childrenunder 18, including both couple-headed and single-headed households.New Latino destinations, for their part,had shares of married couple house-holds and households with childrencomparable to the established Latinometros, suggesting some degree ofsecondary migration of family members(see Table 5).
In these ways, then, distinctivedemographic variations across metro-politan areas confirm that Latinogrowth varies considerably from onelocale to another. In newer settle-ment areas where many workersreside without families, the share ofnon-family Latino households in2000 far exceeds that in metroswhere Latinos have long been amajor segment of the population.
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 9
Table 4. Sex Ratios* for Non-Latino and Latino Working Age Populations for Four MetropolitanArea Types, 2000
Meanwhile, some of the traditionalLatino bastions are developing morestable Hispanic communities with agreater share of married couples withchildren. In this sense, Latinogrowth is an evolving process, andsome cities are simply farther alongin the process than others.
IV. Discussion
Taken together, these analysesof the nation’s 100 largestmetro areas reveal sharpdifferences in the pace and
characteristics of Hispanic populationgrowth across and within metropolitanareas. What is more, this assessmentsuggests that these variations resultnot only from demographic factorswithin Latino populations but fromdifferences in the economic, social,and demographic trends influencingU.S. metropolitan areas. Accordingly,the list of metros that experienced thefastest Hispanic population growth inthis analysis substantially overlapswith the list of those with the fastesttotal population growth. Conversely,the metros with the slowest overallgrowth recorded unusually slow Latino growth.
But this relationship should not beinterpreted as simply a mechanicalone in which Latino numbers risemerely as a function of overall growth.Las Vegas, for example, the fastest-growing metro in the nation between1990 and 2000, grew by 200 percentduring that period. However, theHispanic population grew by 750percent during those 20 years. Thatcontrast—nearly a fourfold differencein growth rates—and similar spreadsin many other metros suggests acomplex relationship in whichHispanic growth can be spurred byoverall growth even as it responds toits own dynamics.
For instance, in the past, a handfulof central cities were the usual destina-tion of immigrant newcomers fromLatin America. The classic processentailed “trailblazers” leaving the ports
of entry to seek opportunities in these“frontier” cities, largely in California,Texas, New York, and Illinois. Family,friends, and fellow countrymenfollowed initial migrants and completeimmigrant communities subsequentlydeveloped over time (Saenz and Cready1998, Massey et al. 1993). However, asomewhat different process is nowdeveloping with the rapid growth ofHispanics in new Latino destinations.Those coming from abroad are nowskirting traditional areas and settlingdirectly in new places that promiseeconomic and housing opportunities.In this fashion, the new frontier zonethat has developed in the past 20 yearsnow encompasses many metro areas ofthe southeast (Hernández-León andZúñiga 2000). And much of the Latinopopulation growth is occurring outsideof central cities directly in the suburbs.
Comparing the growth of the Latinopopulation in central cities andsuburbs within a metropolitan areaalso reveals distinctive patterns. Acrossthe 100 metros, 61 percent of theincrease in the Latino populationoccurred in the suburbs. As a result,the Census 2000 located 2.4 millionmore Latinos living in suburbs than incentral cities. But again, not all thegrowth had the same quality. Forexample, the fastest suburban growthoccurred in the new Latino destina-tions, while more established metroswith larger bases and slower growthsaw slower suburbanization. Yet thenagain, some of the metros with themost established Latino communitiessaw very rapid growth in adjoiningjurisdictions, as occurred in the LongIsland cities outside New York City.
Variations and contrasts like these,moreover, have clear public-policyimplications. Most generally, the find-ings presented here suggest publicofficials responsible for planning theallocation of services and resourcesneed to tailor their decision-making tothe particular growth variation in theirservice area. Housing demand, the needfor classroom space, the demand forpublic transportation—all of these will
vary greatly not only with the rate ofgrowth in the Latino population butalso with the type of growth. Forexample, Raleigh-Durham can probablyexpect to see its new Latino populationmature in the next decade, gain marriedcouples, and then produce more fullfamilies, which will produce a “spike” inits school-age population. Los Angeles,by contrast, may soon see the crest ofthe demographic wave that has so chal-lenged its school system for the past twodecades. Across the country, one-size-fits-all problem solving will not suffice.
A further policy implication involvesthe abruptness of growth in locales likeRaleigh-Durham and the other newLatino destinations. Specifically, theneed for policy-makers to adapt quicklyto vast change presents special chal-lenges in metros that started withminiscule Latino populations and thatexperienced sudden, substantialgrowth. By contrast, the proximity ofplaces like Orange County, CA orSuffolk County, NY to large and long-time urban concentrations of Hispanicshas allowed for more gradual changeand more time to prepare for thegrowth of a population characterized bylow-wage workers, large families, andsubstantial numbers of adults with littleproficiency in English.
V. Conclusion
This survey reveals not only thevast and widespread growth ofAmerica’s Hispanic popula-tion but also the emergence of
new forms of growth and new areas ofsettlement across the nation’s metro-politan landscape.
Variation is pervasive within thebroad trend of Latino growth. Indeed,the variegated patterns of growth iden-tified here underscore the dynamismof the Hispanic population as it findsits place in American society. And yet,for all the flux and change on displayin Census 2000, a look back to the1990 and 1980 counts reveals distincttrends. These trends suggest, more-over, that the growth of the Latino
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 10
population does seem to be followingdiscernable pathways likely to carryinto the future.
To begin with, the great Latino gate-ways—Los Angeles, New York, Miami,and Chicago—will continue to housemassive concentrations of Hispanics.Yet even so, the growth rates thatslowed in these vast metros in the1990s are not likely to pick up andmay slow even further. Of course, thisin no way means the Latino popula-tion will necessarily stabilize in thosecities. Rather, the great mainstays maybe seeing a continued influx of newarrivals and a simultaneous outflow ofLatinos leaving in search of betterjobs, housing, and quality of life inother destinations.
Meanwhile, the move to thesuburban fringes will surely continueas growth slows in already-crowdedcentral cities. Family composition andgender data as well as other indica-tors suggest that suburbs, particularlythose on the periphery of these greatgateways, are themselves becomingports of entry where immigrantssettle without ever having firststopped in the old urban barrios.Then, too, Latino families in searchof the classic American suburbandream are also moving to theoutskirts where housing is cheaper.Accordingly, more and more Latinoswill be flocking to the suburbs in thecoming decades.
In sum, the Latino population is onthe move and spreading out as itgrows. Most of the Hispanic popula-tion will remain concentrated in ahandful of big metropolitan areas. Andyet, much of the growth will take placeelsewhere. On the periphery of bigcities and in the suburbs of thenation’s newest booming metros, thefirst wave of Latinos has already set uphouse and more are likely to come. InSouthern California, Texas, the NewYork City region, and South Florida,the Hispanic share of the populationwill continue to increase albeit moreslowly than before. But at the same
time, whenever and wherever condi-tions lend themselves to overallpopulation growth and robusteconomic development, Latinos willbe a big part of the mix.
References
Berube, Alan. 2001. “Racial Change inthe Nation’s Largest Cities: Evidencefrom the 2000 Census.” Washington,D.C.: The Brookings Institution.
Castro, Max J. and Thomas D. Boswell.2002. “The Dominican Diaspora Revis-ited: Dominicans and DominicanAmericans in a New Century.” TheNorth-South Agenda, Vol. 53. Miami:Dante B. Faschell North-South Center,University of Miami.
Durand, Jorge and Douglas S. Massey.1992. “Mexican Migration to theUnited States: A Critical Review.”Latin American Research Review, Vol.27, 2: 3-42.
Frey, William H. 2001. “Melting PotSuburbs: A Census 2000 Study ofSuburban Diversity.” Washington,D.C.: The Brookings Institution.
Hernández-León, Rubén and VíctorZúñiga. 2000. “Making Carpet by theMile:” The Emergence of a MexicanImmigrant Community in an Indus-trial Region of the U.S. HistoricSouth.” Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 81,1: 49-66.
Kandel, William and Emilio Parrado.Forthcoming. “Industrial Transforma-tion and Hispanic Migration to theAmerican South: The Case of thePoultry Industry,” in, Daniel D. Arreola(ed.) Hispanic Spaces, Latino Places: AGeography of Regional and CulturalDiversity.
Saenz, Rogelio and Cynthia M.Cready. 1998. “The Role of Humanand Social Capital in GeographicMobility and Annual Earnings amongMexican Immigrants.” Unpublishedmanuscript cited in Hernández-Leónand Zúñiga, 2000.
Endnotes
1 Asians also registered a high growth rate
between 1990 and 2000, and even
exceeded Latino population increases by
one method of enumeration. However,
using consistent racial definitions for 1990
and 2000 based on the number of respon-
dents declaring a single race (as opposed to
multiple ones), Hispanic population
growth outpaced Asian growth as well as
that of all other racial groups.
2 The Latino population counts used in all
tables in this report are derived from two
sources. The 1980 and 1990 counts came
from the “GeoLytics CensusCD 40 Years”
(long-form variables) while the 2000 data
were obtained from the U.S. Census
Bureau website (short-form variables).
3 The U.S. Latino population is comprised of
both foreign-born and native-born persons
from the Spanish-speaking countries of
Latin America and the Caribbean as well as
Puerto Rico, a U.S. territory. The largest
source countries are Mexico, Cuba, Puerto
Rico, Dominican Republic, El Salvador,
Guatemala, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru.
4 The OMB designates the city with the
largest population in each metropolitan
area as a central city. Additional cities
qualify for this designation if specified
requirements are met concerning popula-
tion size, commuting patterns and
employment/residence ratios.
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 1 1
App
endi
x A
. Lat
ino
Pop
ulat
ion
and
Sha
re o
f To
tal
Pop
ulat
ion
for
Four
M
etro
poli
tan
Are
a T
ypes
, 19
80–2
000
100
Lar
gest
Met
ropo
lita
n A
reas
1980
1990
2000
Per
cent
Cha
nge
in
Lat
ino
Pop
ulat
ion
%%
%19
8019
9019
80
Met
ropo
lita
n A
rea
Tota
lL
atin
oL
atin
oTo
tal
Lat
ino
Lat
ino
Tota
lL
atin
oL
atin
o–9
0–0
0–0
0
Est
abli
shed
Lat
ino
Met
ros
Alb
uque
rque
, NM
MS
A51
5,61
4 19
1,06
8 37
%58
9,13
1 21
7,34
0 37
%71
2,73
8 29
6,37
3 42
%14
%36
%55
%
Chi
cago
, IL
PM
SA
7,24
6,03
2 58
3,26
5 8%
7,41
0,85
8 81
9,67
6 11
%8,
272,
768
1,41
6,58
4 17
%41
%73
%14
3%
Den
ver,
CO
PM
SA
1,42
8,83
6 16
4,15
8 11
%1,
622,
980
208,
264
13%
2,10
9,28
2 39
7,23
6 19
%27
%91
%14
2%
El P
aso,
TX
MS
A47
9,89
9 29
7,19
6 62
%59
1,61
0 41
1,24
8 70
%67
9,62
2 53
1,65
4 78
%38
%29
%79
%
Fre
sno,
CA
MS
A57
7,73
7 16
7,44
8 29
%75
5,58
0 26
2,00
4 35
%92
2,51
6 40
6,15
1 44
%56
%55
%14
3%
Jers
ey C
ity,
NJ
PM
SA
556,
972
145,
249
26%
553,
099
181,
222
33%
608,
975
242,
123
40%
25%
34%
67%
Los
Ang
eles
—
Lon
g B
each
, CA
PM
SA
7,47
7,50
3 2,
065,
503
28%
8,86
3,16
4 3,
306,
116
37%
9,51
9,33
8 4,
242,
213
45%
60%
28%
105%
McA
llen,
TX
MS
A28
3,22
9 23
0,28
7 81
%38
3,54
5 32
6,92
3 85
%56
9,46
3 50
3,10
0 88
%42
%54
%11
8%
Mia
mi,
FL
PM
SA
1,62
5,78
1 58
0,02
5 36
%1,
937,
094
949,
700
49%
2,25
3,36
2 1,
291,
737
57%
64%
36%
123%
New
Yor
k, N
Y P
MS
A8,
274,
961
1,46
5,42
1 18
%8,
546,
846
1,84
2,12
7 22
%9,
314,
235
2,33
9,83
6 25
%26
%27
%60
%
Oak
land
, CA
PM
SA
1,76
1,75
9 18
5,82
9 11
%2,
082,
914
266,
283
13%
2,39
2,55
7 44
1,68
6 18
%43
%66
%13
8%
San
Ant
onio
, TX
MS
A1,
088,
710
487,
447
45%
1,32
4,74
9 62
4,94
1 47
%1,
592,
383
816,
037
51%
28%
31%
67%
San
Fra
ncis
co, C
A P
MS
A1,
488,
871
166,
360
11%
1,60
3,67
8 22
6,73
4 14
%1,
731,
183
291,
563
17%
36%
29%
75%
San
Jos
e, C
A P
MS
A1,
295,
071
226,
388
17%
1,49
7,57
7 30
7,11
3 21
%1,
682,
585
403,
401
24%
36%
31%
78%
Tucs
on, A
Z M
SA
531,
443
111,
378
21%
666,
880
161,
053
24%
843,
746
247,
578
29%
45%
54%
122%
Vent
ura,
CA
PM
SA
529,
174
113,
184
21%
669,
016
175,
414
26%
753,
197
251,
734
33%
55%
44%
122%
35,1
61,5
92
7,18
0,20
6 20
%39
,098
,721
10
,286
,158
26
%43
,957
,950
14
,119
,006
32
%43
%37
%97
%
New
Lat
ino
Des
tina
tion
s
Alb
any,
NY
MS
A82
4,72
9 8,
351
1%86
1,42
4 14
,440
2%
875,
583
23,7
98
3%73
%65
%18
5%
Alle
ntow
n, P
A M
SA
551,
052
14,0
22
3%59
5,08
1 26
,697
4%
637,
958
50,6
07
8%90
%90
%26
1%
Atl
anta
, GA
MS
A2,
233,
324
24,5
50
1%2,
959,
950
55,0
45
2%4,
112,
198
268,
851
7%12
4%38
8%99
5%
Bal
tim
ore,
MD
PM
SA
2,19
9,53
1 20
,688
1%
2,38
2,17
2 28
,538
1%
2,55
2,99
4 51
,329
2%
38%
80%
148%
Ber
gen-
Pass
aic,
NJ
PM
SA
1,29
2,97
0 90
,705
7%
1,27
8,44
0 14
5,09
4 11
%1,
373,
167
237,
869
17%
60%
64%
162%
Bir
min
gham
, AL
MS
A81
5,28
6 5,
858
1%84
0,14
0 3,
520
0%92
1,10
6 16
,598
2%
-40%
372%
183%
Bos
ton,
MA
-NH
PM
SA
3,14
8,49
0 72
,698
2%
3,22
7,63
3 13
0,89
6 4%
3,40
6,82
9 20
2,51
3 6%
91%
47%
181%
Cha
rlot
te, N
C—
SC
MS
A97
1,39
1 7,
469
1%1,
162,
093
9,81
7 1%
1,49
9,29
3 77
,092
5%
31%
685%
932%
Col
umbu
s, O
H M
SA
1,21
4,29
7 8,
783
1%1,
345,
450
10,0
03
1%1,
540,
157
28,1
15
2%14
%18
1%22
0%
Fort
Lau
derd
ale,
FL
PM
SA
1,01
8,20
0 40
,093
4%
1,25
5,48
8 10
5,66
8 8%
1,62
3,01
8 27
1,65
2 17
%16
4%15
7%57
8%
Fort
Wor
th-A
rlin
gton
, TX
PM
SA
990,
852
72,3
36
7%1,
361,
034
147,
431
11%
1,70
2,62
5 30
9,85
1 18
%10
4%11
0%32
8%
Gra
nd R
apid
s, M
I M
SA
840,
824
18,0
05
2%93
7,89
1 27
,195
3%
1,08
8,51
4 68
,916
6%
51%
153%
283%
Gre
ensb
oro-
Win
ston
Sal
em,
NC
MS
A95
1,17
0 5,
858
1%1,
050,
304
6,84
4 1%
1,25
1,50
9 62
,210
5%
17%
809%
962%
Gre
envi
lle,
SC
MS
A74
3,28
4 5,
261
1%83
0,56
3 5,
712
1%96
2,44
1 26
,167
3%
9%35
8%39
7%
Har
risb
urg,
PA
MS
A55
5,15
8 5,
998
1%58
7,98
6 9,
336
2%62
9,40
1 19
,557
3%
56%
109%
226%
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 12
1980
1990
2000
Per
cent
Cha
nge
in
Lat
ino
Pop
ulat
ion
%%
%19
8019
9019
80
Met
ropo
lita
n A
rea
Tota
lL
atin
oL
atin
oTo
tal
Lat
ino
Lat
ino
Tota
lL
atin
oL
atin
o–9
0–0
0–0
0
Har
tfor
d, C
T M
SA
1,08
0,58
1 46
,120
4%
1,15
7,61
7 77
,132
7%
1,18
3,11
0 11
3,54
0 10
%75
%42
%14
8%
Indi
anap
olis
, IN
MS
A1,
305,
911
9,81
2 1%
1,38
0,49
1 11
,918
1%
1,60
7,48
6 42
,994
3%
21%
261%
338%
Jack
sonv
ille,
FL
MS
A72
2,25
2 14
,150
2%
906,
727
22,2
06
2%1,
100,
491
42,1
22
4%57
%90
%19
8%
Kan
sas
Cit
y, M
O-K
S M
SA
1,44
9,37
4 33
,807
2%
1,58
2,87
5 45
,199
3%
1,77
6,06
2 92
,910
5%
34%
106%
175%
Kno
xvill
e, T
N M
SA
546,
488
3,49
9 1%
585,
960
3,43
3 1%
687,
249
8,62
8 1%
-2%
151%
147%
Las
Veg
as, N
V—
AZ
MS
A52
8,00
0 37
,767
7%
852,
737
86,5
70
10%
1,56
3,28
2 32
2,03
8 21
%12
9%27
2%75
3%
Lit
tle
Roc
k, A
R M
SA
474,
484
4,11
8 1%
513,
117
4,74
1 1%
583,
845
12,3
37
2%15
%16
0%20
0%
Lou
isvi
lle, K
Y—IN
MS
A95
3,85
0 5,
631
1%94
8,82
9 5,
040
1%1,
025,
598
16,4
79
2%-1
0%22
7%19
3%
Mem
phis
, TN
—A
R—
MS
MS
A93
8,77
7 8,
754
1%1,
007,
306
7,54
6 1%
1,13
5,61
4 27
,520
2%
-14%
265%
214%
Mid
dles
ex-S
omer
set-
Hun
terd
on, N
J P
MS
A88
6,38
3 39
,380
4%
1,01
9,83
5 70
,021
7%
1,16
9,64
1 13
1,12
2 11
%78
%87
%23
3%
Milw
auke
e, W
I P
MS
A1,
397,
143
34,9
93
3%1,
432,
149
48,2
76
3%1,
500,
741
94,5
11
6%38
%96
%17
0%
Min
neap
olis
-St.
Pau
l,
MN
-WI
MS
A2,
198,
190
22,9
85
1%2,
538,
834
34,3
34
1%2,
968,
806
99,1
21
3%49
%18
9%33
1%
Mon
mou
th-O
cean
, NJ
PM
SA
849,
211
21,2
37
3%98
6,32
7 35
,619
4%
1,12
6,21
7 63
,813
6%
68%
79%
200%
Nas
hvil
le, T
N M
SA
850,
505
5,50
0 1%
985,
026
7,25
0 1%
1,23
1,31
1 40
,139
3%
32%
454%
630%
Nas
sau-
Suf
folk
, NY
PM
SA
2,60
5,81
3 10
2,77
6 4%
2,60
9,21
2 15
7,11
8 6%
2,75
3,91
3 28
2,69
3 10
%53
%80
%17
5%
New
Hav
en, C
T P
MS
A50
0,53
4 18
,358
4%
530,
240
30,6
29
6%54
2,14
9 53
,331
10
%79
%62
%19
0%
Nor
folk
—V
irgi
nia
Bea
ch—
New
port
New
s, V
A—
NC
MS
A1,
200,
998
18,6
40
2%1,
443,
244
31,5
51
2%1,
569,
541
48,9
63
3%69
%55
%16
3%
Okl
ahom
a C
ity,
OK
MS
A86
0,96
9 19
,174
2%
958,
839
32,8
51
3%1,
083,
346
72,9
98
7%71
%12
2%28
1%
Om
aha,
NE
-IA
MS
A60
5,41
9 12
,685
2%
639,
580
15,4
19
2%71
6,99
8 39
,735
6%
22%
158%
213%
Orl
ando
, FL
MS
A80
4,92
5 28
,321
4%
1,22
4,85
2 98
,812
8%
1,64
4,56
1 27
1,62
7 17
%24
9%17
5%85
9%
Port
land
—Va
ncou
ver,
OR
—
WA
PM
SA
1,33
3,57
2 26
,544
2%
1,51
5,45
2 49
,344
3%
1,91
8,00
9 14
2,44
4 7%
86%
189%
437%
Pro
vide
nce,
RI-
MA
MS
A1,
076,
557
21,5
26
2%1,
134,
365
45,8
93
4%1,
188,
613
93,8
68
8%11
4%98
%32
5%
Ral
eigh
-Dur
ham
, NC
MS
A66
5,23
6 5,
670
1%85
5,54
5 9,
923
1%1,
187,
941
72,5
80
6%75
%63
1%11
80%
Ric
hmon
d, V
A M
SA
761,
311
6,94
2 1%
865,
640
8,78
8 1%
996,
512
23,2
83
2%27
%16
5%23
5%
Sal
t L
ake
Cit
y, U
T M
SA
910,
222
44,7
20
5%1,
072,
227
61,2
69
6%1,
333,
914
144,
600
11%
37%
136%
223%
Sar
asot
a, F
L M
SA
350,
693
6,06
4 2%
489,
483
15,1
86
3%58
9,95
9 38
,682
7%
150%
155%
538%
Scr
anto
n, P
A M
SA
659,
387
2,58
8 0%
638,
466
3,23
9 1%
624,
776
7,46
7 1%
25%
131%
189%
Sea
ttle
—B
elle
vue,
WA
PM
SA
1,65
1,51
7 33
,848
2%
2,03
3,15
6 53
,479
3%
2,41
4,61
6 12
6,67
5 5%
58%
137%
274%
Spr
ingf
ield
, MA
MS
A56
9,77
4 24
,708
4%
588,
043
48,0
24
8%59
1,93
2 74
,227
13
%98
%53
%20
3%
Taco
ma,
WA
PM
SA
485,
643
13,2
42
3%58
6,20
3 19
,445
3%
700,
820
38,6
21
6%47
%99
%19
2%
Tam
pa—
St.
Pet
ersb
urg—
Cle
arw
ater
, FL
MS
A1,
613,
603
80,4
33
5%2,
067,
959
136,
027
7%2,
395,
997
248,
642
10%
69%
83%
209%
Tuls
a, O
K M
SA
657,
173
9,56
4 1%
708,
954
14,4
98
2%80
3,23
5 38
,570
5%
52%
166%
303%
Was
hing
ton,
DC
—M
D—
VA—
WV
PM
SA
3,47
7,87
3 96
,767
3%
4,22
3,48
5 22
1,45
8 5%
4,92
3,15
3 43
2,00
3 9%
129%
95%
346%
Wes
t Pa
lm B
each
, FL
MS
A57
6,86
3 28
,307
5%
863,
518
65,0
28
8%1,
131,
184
140,
675
12%
130%
116%
397%
Wic
hita
, KS
MS
A44
1,84
4 12
,651
3%
485,
270
18,4
37
4%54
5,22
0 40
,353
7%
46%
119%
219%
Wilm
ingt
on, D
E—
MD
PM
SA
458,
545
7,26
5 2%
513,
293
11,7
01
2%58
6,21
6 27
,599
5%
61%
136%
280%
54,8
00,1
78
1,30
9,22
1 2%
62,6
20,5
05
2,33
3,64
0 4%
73,0
78,8
51
5,28
2,03
5 7%
78%
126%
303%
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 13
1980
1990
2000
Per
cent
Cha
nge
in
Lat
ino
Pop
ulat
ion
%%
%19
8019
9019
80
Met
ropo
lita
n A
rea
Tota
lL
atin
oL
atin
oTo
tal
Lat
ino
Lat
ino
Tota
lL
atin
oL
atin
o–9
0–0
0–0
0
Fast
-Gro
win
g L
atin
o H
ubs
Aus
tin,
TX
MS
A58
5,05
1 10
5,45
5 18
%84
6,22
7 17
4,48
2 21
%1,
249,
763
327,
760
26%
65%
88%
211%
Bak
ersf
ield
, CA
MS
A40
3,08
9 87
,119
22
%54
3,47
7 15
0,55
8 28
%66
1,64
5 25
4,03
6 38
%73
%69
%19
2%
Dal
las,
TX
PM
SA
2,05
5,23
2 17
6,96
8 9%
2,67
6,24
8 36
4,39
7 14
%3,
519,
176
810,
499
23%
106%
122%
358%
Hou
ston
, TX
PM
SA
2,75
4,30
4 40
1,60
2 15
%3,
322,
025
697,
208
21%
4,17
7,64
6 1,
248,
586
30%
74%
79%
211%
Ora
nge
Cou
nty,
CA
PM
SA
1,93
2,70
9 28
5,72
2 15
%2,
410,
556
556,
957
23%
2,84
6,28
9 87
5,57
9 31
%95
%57
%20
6%
Pho
enix
—M
esa,
AZ
MS
A1,
599,
970
226,
194
14%
2,23
8,48
0 37
4,27
5 17
%3,
251,
876
817,
012
25%
65%
118%
261%
Riv
ersi
de—
San
Ber
nard
ino,
CA
PM
SA
1,55
8,18
2 28
9,80
3 19
%2,
588,
793
675,
918
26%
3,25
4,82
1 1,
228,
962
38%
133%
82%
324%
Sac
ram
ento
, CA
PM
SA
986,
440
86,1
45
9%1,
340,
010
140,
153
10%
1,62
8,19
7 23
4,47
5 14
%63
%67
%17
2%
San
Die
go, C
A M
SA
1,86
1,84
6 27
4,53
0 15
%2,
498,
016
498,
578
20%
2,81
3,83
3 75
0,96
5 27
%82
%51
%17
4%
Sto
ckto
n, C
A M
SA
347,
342
66,7
04
19%
480,
628
108,
987
23%
563,
598
172,
073
31%
63%
58%
158%
Valle
jo, C
A P
MS
A33
4,40
2 33
,298
10
%45
1,18
6 59
,576
13
%51
8,82
1 99
,014
19
%79
%66
%19
7%
14,4
18,5
67
2,03
3,54
0 14
%19
,395
,646
3,
801,
089
20%
24,4
85,6
65
6,81
8,96
1 28
%87
%79
%23
5%
Sm
all
Lat
ino
Pla
ces
Akr
on, O
H P
MS
A66
0,32
8 3,
000
0%65
7,57
5 3,
844
1%69
4,96
0 5,
874
1%28
%53
%96
%
Ann
Arb
or, M
I P
MS
A45
4,98
5 9,
101
2%49
0,05
8 11
,624
2%
578,
736
17,6
76
3%28
%52
%94
%
Bat
on R
ouge
, LA
MS
A49
4,15
1 8,
838
2%52
8,26
4 7,
280
1%60
2,89
4 10
,576
2%
-18%
45%
20%
Buf
falo
, NY
MS
A1,
242,
826
15,7
00
1%1,
189,
288
23,5
21
2%1,
170,
111
33,9
67
3%50
%44
%11
6%
Cha
rles
ton,
SC
MS
A43
0,46
2 6,
143
1%50
6,87
5 7,
150
1%54
9,03
3 13
,091
2%
16%
83%
113%
Cin
cinn
ati,
OH
-KY-
IN P
MS
A1,
467,
664
8,31
3 1%
1,52
6,09
2 7,
639
1%1,
646,
395
17,7
17
1%-8
%13
2%11
3%
Cle
vela
nd, O
H P
MS
A2,
277,
949
40,6
81
2%2,
202,
069
49,6
17
2%2,
250,
871
74,8
62
3%22
%51
%84
%
Col
umbi
a, S
C M
SA
410,
088
5,37
0 1%
453,
331
5,74
0 1%
536,
691
12,8
59
2%7%
124%
139%
Day
ton,
OH
MS
A94
2,08
3 6,
038
1%95
1,27
0 6,
612
1%95
0,55
8 11
,329
1%
10%
71%
88%
Det
roit
, MI
PM
SA
4,38
7,78
3 70
,502
2%
4,26
6,65
4 78
,454
2%
4,44
1,55
1 12
8,07
5 3%
11%
63%
82%
Gar
y, I
N P
MS
A64
2,78
1 46
,449
7%
604,
526
47,1
16
8%63
1,36
2 66
,207
10
%1%
41%
43%
Hon
olul
u, H
I M
SA
762,
565
54,6
19
7%83
6,23
1 54
,680
7%
876,
156
58,7
29
7%0%
7%8%
Mob
ile, A
L M
SA
443,
536
4,59
9 1%
476,
923
4,35
3 1%
540,
258
7,35
3 1%
-5%
69%
60%
New
Orl
eans
, LA
MS
A1,
303,
800
51,2
03
4%1,
285,
270
52,5
63
4%1,
337,
726
58,5
45
4%3%
11%
14%
New
ark,
NJ
PM
SA
1,96
3,38
8 13
1,80
5 7%
1,91
5,92
8 18
3,98
6 10
%2,
032,
989
270,
557
13%
40%
47%
105%
Phi
lade
lphi
a, P
A-N
J P
MS
A4,
781,
494
118,
624
2%4,
922,
175
165,
844
3%5,
100,
931
258,
606
5%40
%56
%11
8%
Pit
tsbu
rgh,
PA
MS
A2,
571,
223
12,9
10
1%2,
394,
811
11,8
81
0%2,
358,
695
17,1
00
1%-8
%44
%32
%
Roc
hest
er, N
Y M
SA
1,03
0,63
0 19
,383
2%
1,06
2,47
0 29
,712
3%
1,09
8,20
1 47
,559
4%
53%
60%
145%
St.
Lou
is, M
O-I
L M
SA
2,41
4,09
1 22
,485
1%
2,49
2,52
5 25
,383
1%
2,60
3,60
7 39
,677
2%
13%
56%
76%
Syr
acus
e, N
Y M
SA
722,
865
6,75
5 1%
742,
177
8,88
2 1%
732,
117
15,1
12
2%31
%70
%12
4%
Tole
do, O
H M
SA
616,
864
16,6
56
3%61
4,12
8 18
,675
3%
618,
203
27,1
25
4%12
%45
%63
%
Youn
gsto
wn,
OH
MS
A64
4,92
2 6,
971
1%60
0,89
5 7,
246
1%59
4,74
6 10
,743
2%
4%48
%54
%
30,6
66,4
78
666,
145
2%30
,719
,535
81
1,80
2 3%
31,9
46,7
91
1,20
3,33
9 4%
22%
48%
81%
Tota
l (A
ll M
etro
Are
a T
ypes
)13
5,04
6,81
5 11
,189
,112
8%
151,
834,
407
17,2
32,6
89
11%
173,
469,
257
27,4
23,3
41
16%
54%
59%
145%
Ital
ics
deno
te h
yper
grow
th m
etro
s w
hich
had
Lat
ino
popu
lati
on g
row
th o
ver
300
perc
ent
betw
een
1980
and
200
0
July 2002 • The Brookings Institution • Survey Series • Census 2000 14
Appendix B. Growth in Latino Population, Central Cities, and Suburbs for Four MetropolitanArea Types, 1990–2000
The Brookings Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy would like to thank Living Cities, the Annie E. Casey Founda-tion, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the Fannie Mae
Foundation for their support of its work on the 2000 Census.The authors are grateful for the research assistance of Ben Forman, Meghan McNally, and William Goodman, for the
editorial expertise of Mark Muro, and for the advice and contributions of other staff at the Brookings Center on Urbanand Metropolitan Policy and the Pew Hispanic Center. They would also like to thank Richard Fry, Marie Price, and
Nolan Malone for their comments on an earlier draft.
1919 M Street, NW • Suite 460 • Washington, DC 20036Tel: 202.292.3300 • Fax: 202.785.8282