Cbcrm Initiatives in Taytay

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CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines 195

195

he Sustainable Coastal Area Development (SCAD) program in

Palawan started as an idea, which is how most initiatives in

Tambuyog begin. But these ideas are not bubbles that simply pop into

PEOPLE AND RESOURCES:

CBCRM Initiatives in Taytay,Northern Palawan, Philippines

REBECCA RIVERA - GU IEB

ERNIE H . JARABEJO

Tambuyog Development Center Inc.

Tour heads. They are ideas triggered by reading or simply observing, ideas

borne out of going to different places and talking to different people.

It was in late 1995 that Tambuyog started discussing the possibility of

implementing the SCAD program in Palawan. The year before, one of our

staff had the chance to visit Taytay in Northern Palawan and was amazed at

its many pristine sites. Crabs and shrimps thrived so abundantly in the man-

grove areas of the Abongan River that people were beginning to avoid eating

them due to high blood pressure.

But at the same time, he was also struck by the poverty of Taytays

residents, made starker by its generally unspoiled beauty. From previous

experience, we commonly assumed the existence of poverty in a degraded

environment; Taytay showed us something different. Thus, after an initial

visit, we made the rounds of possible donor agencies and convinced two

partner donorsBread for the World and Helvetasto make the commitment.We explored the idea further and talked to more people in Palawan, among

them leaders ofNagkakaisang Mangingisda Para sa Kalikasan at Kaunlaran ng


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196 H O P E T A K E S R O O T

Figure 10.Map of Taytay, Northern Palawan, Philippines

Busuanga

Coron

Culion

LampacanEl Nido

Taytay

San Vicente Aracali

Dumaran

Roxas

Puerto Princesa City

AborlanQuezon

Narra

Rizal

Baladac

TubbatabaBrookes Point

Batanaza

Agutaya

Cuyo

Cagayancillo

Kalayaan Islands

Magsaysay


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Taytay (United Fisherfolk for the Environment and Development of Taytay)

or NAMANGKA, a community-based organization (CBO) that eventually

became our local partner. We recognized that we all needed to deepen ourunderstanding of the issues in Taytay and find ways of collectively solving

common problems. By summer of 1996, we set out on our research using

participatory rural appraisal (PRA) tools.

Discovering Taytay: the participatory rural appraisal experience

Before the research in Palawan, Tambuyog used what it called the rapid

coastal systems appraisal (RCSA) which basically took off from rapid rural

appraisal techniques. But at some point, we felt that while the RCSA effec-

tively helped us identify problems and issues, something was missingsome-

thing as vital as peoples participation. RCSA engaged the community inresearch but major limitations had to be hurdled to increase its role. For

one, the team processed the data separately from the community. Even if the

results were presented and accepted by the community members, the danger

remained that they could be merely re-affirming the analysis rather than re-

flecting and validating it. Our research process simply lacked the instruments

for ensuring community participation that would build peoples capabilities

over time.

We tried to change that in our Palawan research. Holding extensive as-

sessments of our research tools, we studied materials on PRA and asked re-

source people to talk to us about their PRA experience. We had one goal in

mind: to create processes for possible reversals of learning that would see the

researchers and the community engaged both as teachers and learners. We

wanted to dialogue with the community, and not simply extract information

so that we could have rich inputs for the SCAD program design. In effect,

the PRA tools had to be deeply integrated in the research process.

The preparatory phase of PRA

The first challenge of the Palawan research was to unite the team com-

posed of technical and social science researchers. How would a biologist, for

instance, value continuous dialogue with the fishers? Conversely, how wouldan anthropologist grasp the essence of setting transects to collect data on

mangroves and corals? Several team building activities and theoretical dis-


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cussions on sustainable development, ecology and fisheries took off, facilitat-

ing a constant exchange of ideas and experience. (Rivera, 1995)

The need for creative ways to effectively dialogue with the communityposed another challenge. We were assured of the sincerity of the staff to in-

volve the community in the research process. The challenge was not in ex-

amining our interests and motivation but in coming up with a strategy that

would concretize our intent to dialogue with the community. As a first step,

we familiarized ourselves with the PRA tools. The experience of other de-

velopment workers taught us how PRA facilitates a process that encourages

more participation from people. We practiced over and over again among

ourselves.

It was while watching a video documenting the PRA experience in In-

dia that we thoughtwhy not do a video documentary of the PRA process in

Taytay? The idea proved to be the much-needed boost that fired our imagi-nation.

New learnings from the PRA experience in Taytay

Surviving the 10-hour rough ride from Puerto Princesa City to Taytay

turned out to be the easiest of many hurdles for the PRA team. A days rest

was enough to soothe sore limbs and backsides. Enthusiasm remained intact

despite the anticipated hard work ahead.

Through the PRA, the team succeeded in reaching out to people and

engaging them in a more meaningful exchange of experience. We used more

symbols, illustrations and community stories, which put people at ease and

encouraged them to share more information with us. The PRA process also

fostered collective work, so the team made venues available for community

members to work together and to dialogue among themselves.

We realized that PRA goes beyond strategies; it also provides for intro-

spection. As we asked ourselves about our intentions and motivations, we

recalled the words of Gunnar Myrdal: research is always and by logical ne-

cessity based on moral and political valuations, and the researcher should be

obliged to account for them explicitly. (Hall, et.al. 1982, cited in Rivera,

1995) The PRA showed us that research can never be value-free, nor can

researchers simply detach themselves as observers. Our video documentarysummed this up in succinctly:

PRA is an attitude. It is in being interested and sincere. In being


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Fish catch from spear gun

Fish corrals in Taytay Bay


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one with the people, we can see and understand the essence of the peoples

problems. This is far deeper and more comprehensive data than those

obtained through sheer volume of resources and expertise but lacking incommitment and conviction.

Program site: analyzing the problems of Taytay

Next to the capital city of Puerto Princesa City, Taytay is the second

biggest municipality in Palawan with a land area of 139,050 has. It is located

in the northeastern part of Palawan Island, about 217 kms. away from Puerto

Princesa City. Taytay is bounded by Malampaya Sound and South China Sea

on the west, the municipalities of Roxas and San Vicente on the south, the

municipality of El Nido on the north and Taytay Bay on the

east.In 1992, Taytay ranked as the second most populated

municipality in the province, next to Puerto Princesa City,

with 69 percent of 42,599 people living in the coastal areas.

Of the 32 barangays or villages in Taytay, 21 are coastal and

island barangays. Two fishing groundsMalampaya Sound

and Taytay Bayadjoin the communities. (Rivera, 1995)

Taytay Bay lies adjacent to Cuyo Pass, the second larg-

est shelf area in the country. It is a shallow bay with scat-

tered patched reef areas and a dense strip of mangrove covering 1,987 has.

fringing its rim (Curran, 1997). On the other hand, Malampaya Sound lies

on the western side of Taytay, near the Capoas Peninsula. The Sound has

two basins: the northern basin or the Outer Sound and the southern basin or

the Inner Sound. Sandy substrates and corals dominate the former while the

latter is made up of muddy substrates and mangroves. (Dela Cruz,

Batungbakal and Ladra, 1995a)

Both fishing grounds were named as two of the most productive areas

in the country. In the 1940s, Malampaya Sound was called the fish bowl of

the Philippines (Jacinto, 1995). Taytay Bay, on the other hand, has a unique

mesh formation of corals that may very well gain recognition as a site of in-

ternational importance. (Curran, 1997)

Fisheries remained the major source of livelihood in Taytay with asmuch as 70 per cent of the population employed in fishing; only 25 percent

then were farming while 5 percent were into livestock-raising.

In being one with the

people, we can see

and understand the

essence of the

peoples problems


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Problems and issues in Taytay

Resource degradation and biodiversity loss. The idyllic Taytay that firstimpressed the PRA-team soon faded into a backdrop of grim statistics on

production decline and stories of environmental degradation. While Taytays

fishing grounds still figured among the countrys richest,

there were already in danger of ending up among the most

threatened. (Estudillo, et. al., 1987)For those who grew up in Taytay, it is especially painful

to remember the old days of plenty when children used to

frequent the seashore to gather shells, fish, crabs and shrimp.

Only the leaves of mangroves and seagrasses littered the

beach then, not the foul-smelling flotsam of plastic and junk

that already lined it in several places. The children wouldmarvel at shrimps jumping as they paddled by in small

outrigger boats. At night, fishes glowed mysteriously in the

dark. Catching fish took much less time then than the seven

hours needed to secure the familys share of the catch even

with the women and children helping the men in their boats.

It has also become common practice for the women to be up by 2 am in their

daily struggle to produce more for their household needs.

In Malampaya Sound, the most critical ecosystem is the mangrove area

lying in the mouths of the Abongan and Alcalian Rivers in the southernmost

part of the Inner Sound. (Dela Cruz, Batungbakal and Ladra, 1995b) The

Ecosystems Research and Development Bureau (ERDB) reported a total of

2,519 has. of mangroves in the Sound in 1985. This declined to 1,898 has. in

1992 as revealed by Land Satellite imagery. (Jarabejo, 1997)

The decline has been attributed to unregulated cutting of mangroves

for charcoal, firewood and construction materials. A local resident described

the situation this way: Panay-panay talaga ang putol dito ng bakawan. Di

tulad noon na kailangan pa naming hawaan ang bakawan para makadaan ang

aming bangka sa Buaya Sound (Cutting of mangroves continues indiscrimi-

nately. In the past, mangroves grew so densely that we had to cut a path for

our boats to pass through thickly growing mangroves in Buaya Sound.)

Taytay Bay, for its part, has become a known source of demersal stockssuch as groupers, giant clams (Tridacna spp.), mother of pearl and sea cucum-

bers but unregulated and destructive harvesting methods have taken their

It is especially

painful to remember

the old days of plenty

when children used

to frequent the

seashore to gathershells, fish, crabs

and shrimp


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toll, particularly on the giant clams or taclobo, which have become rarer than

ever. Taclobo collectorsthen numbering 200 in Taytay Bay used hammers

to pound on the corals and knives to pry free the deeply embedded clams.(Curran, 1997)

Another important resource in Taytay is the dolphin, locally known as

lumba-lumba or lampasot. In 1989, while conducting a research on corals in

Malampaya Sound, the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development

(PCSD) sighted six dolphins. A dolphins skull that has also been discovered

in Malampaya turned out to be an Irrawaddy (Orcaella Brevirostris), a white

species of dolphin named after a Burmese river (Sarmiento, 1998). This dis-

covery brought to 21 the number of dolphin species found in Philippine wa-

ters. There are only 80 known dolphin species in the world.

Balinsasayaw, a migratory bird whose expensive edible nests lace soups

in Chinese restaurants, is another valuable resource in Taytay. Thebalinsasayaw seasonally migrates from Indonesia to Sulu Sea and finally to

Palawan in time for its breeding season (Dela Cruz, Batungbakal and Ladra,

1995a). They frequent the caves of the Pavillon islands

Pavillon Grande, Pavillon Pequeo, Apulit, Talacanen, Nabat,

Pangalan and Batacan which were declared protected areas

sometime in the 80s by the Department of Environment

and Natural Resources or DENR(Curran, 1997). None-

theless, the municipal government allows nest gathering

and has even granted a concession lease that reportedly

rakes in PhP1.6 million in lease rental every three years.

(Dela Cruz, Batungbakal & Ladra, 1995a)

Both Malampaya Sound and Taytay Bay have rich and

diverse fishery and marine resources but unselective and un-

regulated exploitation patterns forebode their inevitable ruin. Sadly, fishers

themselves using illegal methods figured as one of the main causes of coral

destruction. They would use a variety of poisons from local plants such as

tubli, lab-nek, lagtang, bayatiandsuma.(Curran, 1997; Tambuyog, 1999) to

stun highly priced species like the lapu-lapu (groupers) and maming(Napo-

leon wrasse). Often, sodium cyanide and a common household-cleaning

agent called chlorox, which contains sodium hypochlorite, were also utilized.

If these methods failed to kill fish and coral, blast fishing certainly did.Fishers told us they could hear an average of four blasts every night.

(Curran, 1997)

Sadly, fishers

themselves using

illegal methods

figured as one of the

main causes of coral

destruction


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These illegal fishing activities, combined with the unregulated use of

highly efficient gears such as the basnig(lift net), baring(ring net) and talakop

(baby ring net), effectively set the stage for marine resource degradation andbiodiversity loss in Taytay.

Lack of community involvement in local governance. Lauded by some

quarters for encouraging community participation in governance, the policy

environment of the province takes its cue from the 1992 Strategic Environ-

mental Plan (SEP) for Palawan Act (Republic Act 7611). The SEP lays down

a framework for sustainable development in Palawan and also serves as

guide for local governments in formulating plans and programs. As a main

strategy, the Environmental Critical Areas Network (ECAN) has been

adopted, wherein the municipal governments and community groups would

develop zoning maps for both land and marine areas. SEP brought in a wel-

come change in how communities could engage in the local governance pro-cess.

For the Cuyunon and the Tagbanua indigenous communities, how-

ever, government actions have had little impact on their lives and may

even have made their exclusion from society and from the resource, more

acute.

In the 1960s for instance, the local government unit allowed a big fish-

ing firm called San Diego into municipal waters where it began to fish exces-

sively. The affected communities were never consulted and their despair over

the loss of their traditional fishing grounds still echoes in these strains of a

composo1 sung by the Cuyunons Tipano Band:

Datong unang tempo, tempo ni San Diego

maeng pagkaganap ng mga pescador

ang ila intensyon sa Malampaya

doon na sila na magpuyo kay maga pangisda

Nang didto na sila sa loob ng Malampaya

ang intensyon ay mangisda

lahat ng mga tao okupado nila

pati may asawa nadaramay na

(A long time ago, during the time of San Diego, fishers came

in droves to the island of Palawan, to stay and live in Malampaya.


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And because fish abounded in Malampaya, their hearts and minds

were content. They lured our girls, even the married ones.)

Groups of Cuyunon live in the mountainous side of the village while themajority of the Tagbanua have settled in the small village of Yakal in New

Guinlo. Many decided to reside there after being displaced by waves of mi-

grants.

Other fisher communities remember only too well how government

hung them out to dry when it declared Malampaya Sound closed for fishing

by virtue of Fisheries Administrative Order 11 (FAO 11) of 1973. Govern-

ment extended no support, causing the majority of gill net fishers to de-

nounce this feeble attempt to conserve the resource. A former barangay

captain, Nolita Rey, quips: Para ano ba ang pag-protekta sa Malampaya kung

nagugutom naman ang mga tao?(What is the point of protecting Malampaya

if people go hungry?)Only after spontaneous clamor from the community did government

rescind FAO 11 and replace it with FAO 11-1, which allowed the use of fish

corrals, nets and other small-scale and traditional gears.

The indigenous peoples, farmers, fishers and women, however, were

loosely organized and could not enjoy direct representation in processes of

local governance, especially in deciding on issues relating to the management

of the resource.

Fishers dependence on traders. Limited market opportunities for fishers

slowly deepened their dependence on fish traders. For the Taytay fishers,

their catch could be sold only two ways: through a trading boat from Manila

locally known as batilor by renting a jeepney to bring their produce to the

market in Puerto Princesa City. The batilhad an estimated capacity of 10-20

tons of fresh fish, and also carried shrimps, crabs, dried fish, copra, corn and

other produce. Local stores and small merchants could also replenish their

stocks from the dry goods and general merchandise offered by the batil. Be-

cause of its accessibility, fishers preferred to trade with the batiloperators.

Usually, fish catch reached Puerto Princesa City only when production slack-

ened or when bad weather prevented the batilfrom plying its usual route.

Fishers estimate that the batilbought around 90 per cent of their produce.

Women are also involved in marketing but they earned relatively higher

incomes from fish drying activities. Cleaning, drying and packing fish in car-ton boxes fetched a daily net income of PhP45 a far cry from the PhP4/

kilo paid for shredding crab meat in Malampaya Sound. Thus, even if women


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did bring in some income from these activities, they could never adequately

meet their family needs. Working on a full-time basis was out of the question

because of their household chores. (Umengan, 1995)As traders retained control over price levels, even abundant catches

could not be translated into higher income for the small fishers. Not only

were the marketing options limited; fishers had practically no information on

prevailing market prices. Inadequate post-harvest support such as good

roads and cold storage facilities further hemmed in market opportunities.

Combined with increasing costs of production inputs like gasoline, the fishers

become more beholden to the traders who enticed them even more with

credit and fishing implements in exchange for exclusive buying rights.

Ernesto Capampangan of Taytay understandably lamented: Ah, dito sa

Taytay, ang mga maliliit na mangingisda ay parang utusan lang. Kami ang

naghihirap sa paghuli pero ang higit na nakikinabang ay ang mga dayuhangmayayaman. Sila kasi ang may pera at kami, sumusunod lang sa takbo ng bilihan.

Sunod lang nang sunod! Kaysa naman mabulok ang huli naming isda. (We are

like servants here in Taytay. We work hard to catch fish but in the end, only

the rich traders reap all the benefits because they have all the

money. We have no choice but follow the trading system or

end up with rotten fish.)

Poverty.Poverty is no stranger to many coastal commu-

nities where the lack of access to resources coupled with en-

vironmental degradation has made fishing a highly

unpredictable and unreliable livelihood. Taytay is no differ-

ent. Baloi Alcoba, a former community organizer in Taytay,

observed: Ang kagandahan ng Taytay ay hindi nasasalamin sa

buhay ng mga tao dahil sa tindi ng kahirapan nila.(The beauty

of Taytay finds no reflection in the lives of its people who

have been forced into abject poverty and deprivation.)

Government statistics show that the income of households earning less

than PhP10,000 annually rose to 17.3 per cent in 1992. Fishing households,

however, earned only an average net income of not more than PhP2,000 in a

month.2 The peak months when fishers hit the jackpots occasionally punc-

tuated the long lean season of little or no income.

There was little to expect from government by way of social service delivery.Malaria and pneumonia led the list of mortality causes. In addition, varying

degrees of malnutrition occurred in 72 percent of pre-school children. A

The beauty of Taytay

finds no reflection in

the lives of its people

who have been

forced into abject

poverty and

deprivation


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Rural Health Unit and a district hospital were operational, but with only five

doctors for the whole of Taytay, the doctor-to-population ratio came to

1:9,975. (Addin, 1995) Even the delivery of social services was inad-equate.

Water and electricity were also limited. A majority of Taytay resi-

dents got their water from wells while others sourced it from installed

water systems. Only residents of the poblacion (town center) could avail of

electric power from 6 pm to 12 midnight. Other areas had to make do

with intermittent electric supply. All in all, only 10 percent of the entire

Taytay population enjoyed what little electric power was supplied. The

majority relied on kerosene fuel and liquefied petroleum gas. (Adlin,

1995)

Implementing the SCAD program in Taytay

Lengthy discussions with community members regarding Tambuyog

and the SCAD program marked our initial activities in Taytay. Leaders of

NAMANGKA, and later on, the Malampaya Sound Fishermen Associa-

tion (MSFA), acted as the organizers guides and advisers, as they went

house-to-house. In some instances, they met impatience, such as one

woman leader in Baong who commented: Ano ba ang bago sa programa

ninyo? Marami na kasing pumunta dito pero tingnan mo, hanggang ngayon

ay mahirap pa rin kami. (So what is new with your program? Many

have come before you but look we are still poor.) Our organizers of-

fered no promises, only the commitment to help people find solutions to

their problems. Most of the time, the organizers were well received by

the community, which made the long and tiring discussions enjoyable as

a whole.

By October 1995, Tambuyogs partnership with the communities in

Taytay was strong enough to be formalized in the launching of the SCAD

program. We initiated roundtable discussions with Palawan-based NGOs,

PCSD and local government officials. The activity culminated with the sign-

ing of a covenant by representatives of Tambuyog, Helvetas, local govern-

ment and the community, who officially united their efforts to protect

Taytays resources.


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Figure 1: THE SCAD PROGRAM IN TAYTAY,

NORTHERN PALAWAN, PHILIPPINES

To facilitate the enhancement

of capabilities of men and women in coastal communities

so they can directly and fully control

and manage their resources.

PROGRAM GOAL

To protect and conserve the biodiversity of Malampaya Sound and

Taytay Bay in order to ensure ecological sustainability and provide food

security to coastal communities.

PRIMARY OBJECTIVE

Strengthen community groups of men and women that shall pursue an

area-based and sustainable development agenda

Mitigate poverty through cooperation, self-help and shared

responsibility

Limit the number of users and incidence of user conflicts

Facilitate the communitys participation in decision-making

processes.

SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES


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EMPOWERMENT

EQUITY

SUSTAINABILITY

SYSTEMS-ORIENTATION

GENDER-FAIRNESS

Community Organizing

Education and Training

Environmental Protection

and Rehabilitation

Enterprise Development

Research

Gender Mainstreaming

Advocacy and Networking

Co-Management Formation

Figure 2: THE SCAD PROGRAMS PRINCIPLES AND STRATEGIES

IN TAYTAY , NORTHERN PALAWAN, PHILIPPINES

Initial stage

We noted in the early phases of program implementation that commu-

nity groups and cooperatives were not very popular in Taytay. Some people

even referred to the kooperatiba (cooperative) as corruptiba, in reference to

their unpleasant experience with unscrupulous groups in the past. People in

New Guinlo, for example, attended meetings only out of curiosity because to

most of them, organizations were all the same.

Of the seven groups in Taytay, only NAMANGKA functioned actively.This organization started in 1993 with the assistance of Task Force Detain-

ees (TFD), an NGO that primarily helps political detainees and victims of

PRINCIPLES CORE STRATEGIES


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Community integration and socio-

ecological scanning

Establishment of pre-cooperative

formations and women clusters

Establishment of linkages and

partnership with government

Environmental education campaign

Resource management planning

Conduct in-depth researches

Establish Union of Cooperatives

Establish separate womens

organizations

Establish Provincial Network of CRM

Supporters

Implement micro-finance projects

Establish co-management formations

Cooperative will lead in project

implementation

Targets project sustainability through

incomes from business

Tambuyog extends technical assistance

Cooperatives play active roles in

co-management formations

Sustained efforts of the Provincial

Network

PHASE-OVER PERIOD

(2000-2001)

RELATIVE AUTONOMY

PHASE

(June 1997 December 1999)

SOCIAL PREPARATION

PHASE

(November 1995 May 1997)

Figure 3: THE SCAD PROGRAM PHASES IN TAYTAY, NORTHERN

PALAWAN, PHILIPPINES


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human rights violations. In its inception, NAMANGKA focused on environ-

mental issues and conflicts and how these related to human rights violations.

Unfortunately, it did not last very long because of the phase out of TFD,combined with the organizations failure in economic projects such as the fish

cage venture and gasoline trading. By 1995, when Tambuyog met

NAMANGKAs leaders, only a handful of its 53 members were interested in

sustaining their involvement.

In Malampaya Sound, the MSFA members had also lost interest in

the organization. A majority of MSFAs founding members were involved

in a multi-purpose cooperative called NEGUTRA or the New Guinlo

Traders Multi-Purpose Cooperative. The economic projects failed, how-

ever, and the leaders could not account for the money that was entrusted

to them. Keeping this in mind, the Tambuyog organizers were more flex-

ible on what could be the more acceptable form of organization to thepeople of Malampaya Sound. Introducing the idea of a resource manage-

ment cooperative seemed remote in the beginning of the organizing pro-

cess.

The environmental education campaign focused mainly on access and

control of resources. This was a fitting concern in Taytay because the people

had become wary of outsiders making claims on their resources. Fearing

the fate of disputed Philippine territories, a poster that hung in the commu-

nity hall spoke of the peoples sentiments: Spratlys at Sabah, inangkin na ng

iba, Malampaya, paangkin ka rin ba? (Others have already claimed Spratlys

and Sabah. Would Malampaya be next?)3

The community organizers of Tambuyog consulted them on forming

their own organization. Majority of the men expressed their willingness but

the women were held back by household chores that remained their burden.

Some women in New Guinlo felt that because of their lack of schooling, they

had little to contribute. Others were simply not used to being consulted or

having the chance to voice their opinions. Membership in community orga-

nizations was not within the bounds of the world they had grown accus-

tomed to.

The organizing process

As designed, the SCAD program anchors all program activities on or-

ganizing the women and the fishers and helping them build their capabilities


17/26


for coastal resource management. Organizing work goes hand-in-hand with

human resource development, particularly the enhancement of knowledge,

skills and attitudes of fisher-leaders. Finally, organizing work is linked as wellwith socio-economic work aimed at addressing coastal livelihood issues.

In 1996, organizing work in Malampaya Sound focused on the MSFA,

which covered Barangay Baong, Old Guinlo and Bambanan. It had a total of

35 members, mostly men. By the latter part of the year, organizing work

expanded to Barangay Pansol, and before the end of the year, there were two

Resource Management Cooperatives (RMCs)the MSFA and the Samahan

Para sa Kaunlaran ng Banbanan (SPKB). These were still mixed groups of

men and women but SPKB had more women members. As for

NAMANGKA, members came from four barangays covering eight sitios

(smaller village divisions).

In the beginning, we pursued a two-track organizing strategyon onehand, organizing the generic peoples organization (PO) and organizing the

RMC on the other. For Tambuyog, the RMC would have political, economic

and environmental functions. Its political task would concentrate on constitu-

ency building and advocacy work on granting resource access and control to

small-scale fishers; its economic task would be through the implementation

of economic projects; and its environmental function would revolve around

resource management.

Unlike the RMC, a PO is generally regarded as an organization that

is more concentrated on political tasks. While this may not always be

true, Tambuyog held the view that a cooperative would have more flexibil-

ity in terms of implementing resource management activi-

ties and economic projects. In the end, the people

themselves had a hand in identifying what would be a

workable organization in their communities. In Taytay

Bay, The people readily agreed to the idea of forming an

RMC. In Malampaya Sound, more community members

wanted to start with a PO formation. It was only later that

the community decided to try the cooperative concept

again and practice cooperativism.

By end 1996, however, we shifted to single-track organizing, i.e., orga-

nizing the RMC in coastal communities using a common fishing ground, be-cause we realized that a single center of leadership would wield more

influence over the local governance process. Secondly, a bay-wide formation

Some women felt that

because of their lack

of schooling, they

had little to contribute


18/26


(e.g., a union of RMCs could serve as a venue for bay-wide management

agreement among barangay federations.

The RMCs during this period retained their male-dominated character.To integrate the women in community activities, Tambuyog organizers fa-

cilitated the formation of clusters of women from four to eight households in

one neighborhood. Without any rigid organizational structure, these clusters

met almost every afternoon to talk about family and community problems. A

year after, the women clusters decided to form a separate all-women organi-

zation coordinated with the mixed-group RMC. Four RMCs in all were set

up in Taytay and a separate womens organization established in Malampaya

Sound.

It was also during this period that Tambuyog opened

a project site in Narra, a municipality in Southern Palawan

as a strategy to achieve strategic spread or the horizontalgrowth of sectoral and community intervention for cumu-

lative impact. We also saw this as a means to

operationalize Tambuyogs intentions to reach out to com-

munities and help them deal with illegal fishers and

poachers.

Research and resource management planning

After the PRA activity in 1995, Tambuyog carried out in-depth stud-

ies geared towards resource management planning. These studies cov-

ered the ecological conditions of Malampaya Sound and Taytay Bay,

selected economic activities of women and the community legal and insti-

tutional studies. Other studies included those on culture, sustainable wa-

ter management, gender and the ecological status of dolphins in

Malampaya Sound.

The results of these studies and the inputs of the RMC members pro-

vided the basis for the resource management plans of Taytay Bay and

Malampaya Sound. Partner RMCs completed and validated these plans

in the second quarter of 1997. Two areas for the zonation of Malampaya

Sound were then pinpointedBuaya Sound and Gamao Channelwhere

activities will be regulated in the next two years. For Taytay Bay,Tambuyog proposed setting up a marine protected area in Tegas

Reef, near Talacanen Island.

In the end, the

people themselveshad a hand in

identifying a

workable

organization in their

communities


19/26


Co-management formation

Coordinating with the Association of Barangay Councils (ABC),Tambuyog facilitated the formation of a co-management body in Taytay in

1996. Ten barangay councils constituted the Malampaya Association of

Barangay Councils (MABAC) which solicited signatures for a petition

against illegal fishing that they presented to the Mayor. However, the

MABAC leaders accused the Mayor of not being supportive of the campaign

against illegal activities and this caused tensions to rise between the organi-

zation and the municipal government. By the end of 1996, MABAC dis-

banded due to political pressures from the local government. In its place, the

municipal government accepted the formation of Task Force Illegal Fishing.

Meanwhile in Taytay Bay, a dialogue between the fishers and the president of

the Association of Barangay Chairman continued to dialogue in a forumdubbed Baragatan sa Taytay (Convergence in Taytay). This resulted in the

creation of Task Force Taytay Bay, which was composed of Tambuyog,

NAMANGKA and the Philippine National Police with the municipal mayor

as head.

The campaign against illegal fishing in both areas initially succeeded

but the fishers active involvement in law enforcement became increas-

ingly difficult to sustain because of pressures reportedly coming from the

municipal government and the Mayor herself. RMC leaders reported

some instances when illegal fishers were not penalized and that their ar-

rests were mainly for show. They also alleged that the arrests being made

were selective and that some municipal government officials would pres-

sure them to go easy on illegal fishers who were known to have close

connections with the local government. The fishers complained that they

could not do a good job in a campaign against illegal fishing if the munici-

pal government was not sincere in providing its unconditional support to

their activities.

The task force, however, has made inroads in other respects. Following

the arrest of illegal fishers in Taytay, the local government passed on June

1998 a municipal fisheries ordinance containing strict stipulations on illegal

fishing. Tambuyog and its local partners also gained representation in the

ECAN Board and the newly formed Municipal Tourism Council. Their com-bined efforts led to the organization of the Municipal Fisheries and Aquatic

Resource Management Council (MFARMC) which is mandated by Execu-


20/26


tive Order 240 of 1994 (signed by former President Fidel Ramos) as well as

the Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998.

Work with communities continue

In September 1997, NAMANGKA secured a soft loan from the mu-

nicipality of Taytay amounting to PhP20,000 and channeled this into the fish

catch trading of its members. Fish catch was collected by a point person each

morning and brought to the market for retailing. The project ran from

December 1996 until April 1997.

In February 1998, NAMANGKA proposed the electrification of 73

households in Sitio Talacanen using solar power panels. The solar panels,

however, turned out to be very expensive so they opted for the use of a gen-

erator. A proposal was submitted to the Foundation for Philippine Environ-ment for funding.

TheAlitaptap (Firefly) Project, as it was called, forms part of a bigger

proposal to implement an Eco-Park Program in Taytay Bay. Aimed at pro-

tecting the giant clams in Tegas Reef in Sitio Talacanen, it also covers the

construction of walkways in the mangrove and coralline areas in Sitio Batas

and Barangay Bantulan. Installing the electricity project and an information

center/guard house in Talacanen formed part of the strategy to protect the

resources because illegal fishers and poachers used the area as a hiding

place.

In Malampaya Sound, a savings and credit project that started in Janu-

ary 1997 continues to be implemented by MSFA. In addition, the MSFA went

on its second cycle of operating a fish cage. Began in July 1996 with initial

funding from Tambuyog, the project grossed an impressive PhP128, 864

after only nine months of operation.

At the provincial level, Tambuyog made way for the formation of a net-

work of CRM practitioners. As one of the committees of the Palawan

NGO Network, Inc. (PNNI), this group initiates discussions on resource

management and provides inputs from NGO experiences at the community

level to firm up advocacy activities in the province. In 1997, the committee,

in coordination with the State Polytechnic College of Palawan, opened a

non-traditional course on community-based management which has beenduly recognized by the Commission on Higher Education.

This case study covers the period August 1995 when Tambuyog started


21/26


its work in Taytay until June 1999, when the responsibility of implementing

the SCAD program transferred to the Program Management Committee

(PMC) composed of Tambuyog, PNNI and the RMCs. By this time, theRMCs were already handling the direct implementation of the livelihoods

projects while PNNI provides technical support. Tambuyog continues to be

involved in the project through the PMC, which is the main body responsible

for setting the program direction.

Insights

The SCAD program proceeds from the premise that resource manage-

ment approaches should be based on the inherent capacities and practical ex-

perience of communities. Thus, organizing stands out as its

core strategy. Organizing work facilitates the creation ofcommunity institutions, structures, programs and systems.

Organizing is expected to enhance the capacities of commu-

nity groups so that they can eventually manage their re-

sources for the benefit of the greater majority. Once the

enhanced capacities are in place, we believe community

groups will make significant advances to improve their lives.

The experience in Taytay offers some insights into orga-

nizing work with communities.

One, it shows the potential of organizing and directing

people to think towards common goals and interests. This is

one of the goals of organizing and one that is often cited in

case studies and researches. As in Taytay, organizing facili-

tated a process whereby people could develop a shared perspective on com-

munity problems and arrive at possible options to address them.

Two, the Taytay experience points out that organizing produces both

material and non-material incentives upon which mobilization and action

proceeds. For example, training opportunities provided added information

and skills to the cooperative members. These served as incentives for people

to participate. Other incentives came in the form of profits generated from

the livelihood projects of the cooperative as well as the prestige often asso-

ciated with its local leaders.Finally, the case study indicates that organizing promotes a sense of

solidarity among community members. In Taytay, many people avoided

Organizing facilitated

a process whereby

people could

develop a shared

perspective on

community problems

and arrive at possible

options to address

them


22/26


organized groups because they did not see any benefit in participating. But

because of the persistence of the local leaders and seeing the financial gains

of their socio-economic projects, some community members became con-vinced to at least give the organization a try.

The unsympathetic stance of the municipal government officials, par-

ticularly the mayor, did not lessen the enthusiasm of the local leaders. In fact,

such actions as the Task Force Taytay Bays arrest of illegal fishers, em-

boldened some community members to do the same. This is similar to the

situation described by Uphoff (1996) in Gal Oya, Sri Lanka, where organiz-

ing efforts created and nurtured friendships among the local people. These

relationships formed the basis of solidarity in a larger sense

and this in turn generated greater energy in pursuing the

organizations collective goals.

In another sense, the Taytay case study offers cautionon the positive results produced by organizing and social in-

tervention, in general. Tambuyog concentrated its work on a

relatively small group of fisher and women-leaders on the

assumption that the incentives and benefits of organizational

development would radiate in the larger segment of the community. This

was a dangerous assumption because benefits do not automatically spill over

the larger community, particularly if they are originally intended for a spe-

cific group of people within the area.

It was true that the core group of leaders facilitated the organizing pro-

cess. It was also observed that the leaders had what Uphoff (1996) de-

scribes as an energizing effect on organizing. But the core group of

leaders should not be taken as the whole organization. The challenge the

PMC now faces is expanding the reach of organizing work. Concretely,

this is being addressed by reviewing and reformulating organizational

policies so these can encourage wider community participation. Program

indicators, including the expansion of organizational membership, are be-

ing reviewed and revised.

Tambuyog should have also proceeded more carefully in providing ma-

terial incentives, especially money, to produce results in organizing work. In

Taytay, the POs became dependent on the organizers in generating funds not

only for organizational projects but for personal purposes as well. As a re-sult, the relationship of Tambuyog and the POs has been largely reduced to

a funding relationship, with Tambuyog as the provider and the POs at the re-

Organizing promotes

a sense of solidarityamong community

members


23/26


Preparing driedfish for the market

A fully-loaded jeep, the most common means of transportation in Northern Palawan


24/26


ceiving end. Tambuyog should have been more careful in creating depen-

dencies such as this.

The challenge for Tambuyog and its partner POs now is to overcomethe organizational hurdles and difficulties that resource management contin-

ues to pose. To do this, they have been pursuing open dialogues, finding re-

vitalized energy from small successes in livelihood projects and rethinking

how strategies can be more adaptable to the changing political environs.

A final reflection on this case study concerns the analysis on resource

use and management. The complexities brought about by resource use in-

teractions and conflicts cannot be simplified by locating power from one

source such as the state structure and the market, and assuming the lack of

absolute power from largely unorganized communities. The complexities of

resource use indicate that communities are strategizing actors4 who make

decisions based on their individual and collective histories, values and inter-ests. It is too simplistic to attribute absolute power and influence to the

state machineries and the lack of it to the communities. This does not mean

one should underplay the role of the LGU in the decisions made in Taytay

on resource use. This only means that in analyzing the situation in Taytay,

one should look at the interactions of actors and the diversity of forms and

sources of power, including the relationship of the organized groups in the

communities with government and external institutions like NGOs.

CBCRM after all is about the environment. And people and institutions, in-

cluding the relationships between them, are integral elements of the environ-

ment.

Notes:

1 The composo is a traditional piece of oral literature in the Philippines, whose affinity is

close to the Mexican corrido (Simmons, 1957 as cited in Guieb, 1996). This particular

composo refers to the impact of the entry of a fishing company, resulting to feelings of

neglect among the locals, particularly the indigenous groups.2This is based on estimates provided by fishers in Taytay to the community organizers

of Tambuyog.3 The Spratlys is a chain of 53 islets, reefs, cays and shoals scattered over an area of

61,876 square miles southwest of the Philippines, some 270 nautical miles west of


25/26


Palawan (Doyo, 1991). Six Asian countries, the Philippines included, have territorial

claims to these island group. Sabah, on the other hand, also used to be disputed territory

but now forms part of Malaysia. The people of Taytay felt that the Spratlys and evenMalampaya Sound would face the same fate as Sabah. They also felt that they should be

doing something collectively.

4This term is used by Resurreccion and Sajor (1998) in their critical essays on the poli-

tics of environment in the Philippines.

References:

Addun, R. 1995.A Study of Development Initiatives in Taytay, Northern Palawan.

Quezon City, Philippines: Tambuyog Development Center. 18pp.

Curran, S. 1997. Resource Management Plan: Taytay Bay, Taytay, Palawan. Unpublisheddocument. Tambuyog Development Center. 45 pp.

Dela Cruz, Q. E. P. Batungbakal and W. Ladra. 1995a. A Study on the Status of Marine

Resources and the Patterns of Utilization in Taytay Bay, Northern Palawan. Quezon

City, Philippines: Tambuyog Development Center. 17pp.

1995b. A Study on the Status of Marine Resources and the Patterns of Utilization in

Malampaya Sound, Northern Palawan. Quezon City, Philippines: Tambuyog Devel-

opment Center. 18pp.

Doyo, C. 1991. Flashpoint Spratly: The Philippines Kalayaan. Philippine Daily In-

quirer. July 21-22, 1991.

Estudillo, et.al. 1987. The seasonal variation and distribution of zooplankton, fish eggs

and fish larvae in Malampaya Sound. Philippine Journal of Fisheries20(1-2).Guieb, Eli III R. 1996. Lunan, Kaakuhan at Pakikibakang Mangingisda sa Composo sa

Malampaya. Unpublished manuscript. University of the Philippines Diliman,

Quezon City. 55 pp.

Jacinto, E. 1995. Historical Narratives of Taytay, Northern Palawan. Tambuyog Develop-

ment Center. 9 pp.

Jarabejo, E. 1997. Fishery Resource Management Plan: Malampaya Sound, Taytay, Palawan,

Philippines. Unpublished document. Tambuyog Development Center. 26 pp.

Resurreccion, B. and E. Sajor. 1998. People, Power and Resources in Everyday Life: Critical

Essays on the Politics of the Environment. Gaerlan, K. (Ed). Quezon City: Institute for

Popular Democracy. 190 pp.

Rivera, R. 1995. Rapid-coastal systems appraisal: Shattering the myth of knowledgemonopoly. Lundayan Journal. 6(2): 28-37.

Sarmiento, J. 1998. Rare White Dolphins Found Off Palawan. Philippine Daily


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Inquirer. 27 July 1998.

Umengan, D. 1995. Patterns of Gender Roles in Malampaya Sound and Taytay Bay, Northern

Palawan. Quezon City, Philippines: Tambuyog Development Center. 8 pp.

Uphoff, N. 1996 Learning from Gal Oya: Possibilities for Participatory Development

and Post-Newtonian Social Science. London: Intermediate Technology Publication

Ltd. 448 pp.

Cbcrm Initiatives in Taytay

Documents