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Pedro Manuel Castro Snchez
The Indian Buddhist The Indian Buddhist The Indian Buddhist The
Indian Buddhist DhDhDhDhrararara: : : : An Introduction to its
History, Meanings and FunctionsAn Introduction to its History,
Meanings and FunctionsAn Introduction to its History, Meanings and
FunctionsAn Introduction to its History, Meanings and Functions
MA Buddhist Studies, June 2011
University of SunderlandUniversity of SunderlandUniversity of
SunderlandUniversity of Sunderland
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AcknowledgementsAcknowledgementsAcknowledgementsAcknowledgements
First and foremost, I am indebted to my supervisor, Professor
Peter Harvey for
his unconditional and patient guidance, for kindly sharing with
me several papers quite useful for this dissertation, and above
all, for backing from the start my project and raising his always
thought-provoking questions. I thank my MA mates Penelope Davis,
Indro Marcantonio, Adam Henderson, Brett Morris, and Arjuna
Ranatunga for their useful comments and words of warm support. I am
quite grateful to Dr. Tony K. Lin (Mantra Publishings chief
editor), and Dr. Wing Yeung for their very generous donations that
made it possible for me to enjoy the perusal of The New Edition of
All Mantras in Mahpiaka. I am very gratetul to Dr. Lokesh Chandra
for his wise words of advice and encouragement during our personal
meeting at New Delhi, and for his gracious donation of an old dhra
collection edited by him and now out of print. A number of
Professors and Doctors have been very kind and generous sharing
their dissertations, books, and papers on mantras and dhras,
whether in printed or electronic formats, or even in photocopies,
they are: Richard McBride II, Jacob Dalton, Tibor Porci, Christina
Scherrer-Schaub, Kate Crosby, Yael Bentor, Jaan Braarvig, J. F. M.
DesJardins, Gergely Hidas, South Coblin, Neil Schmid, Jrgen
Hanneder, Shingo Einoo, Dorji Wangchuk, Asko Parpola, Peter
Bisschop, Jacqueline Filliozat, Robert A. Yelle, and Lambert
Schmithausen. Thanks to their sound scholarship, a large part of
the contents and scope of this dissertation had improved in a
significant way that I would not hoped to envisage at its initial
stage; I am very grateful to all of them, indeed. I am very
grateful to the Shingon bhiku Rev. Mysh Taniguchi, who had the
generosity, patience, and courage to collect, scan and photocopy a
large amount of very hard to find papers and books on dhras,
through her contacts with the Kyasan Universitys Library staff. I
also thank to the Librariess staffs of the Nava Nland University
(Nland, India), and that of the Indira Gandhi National Centre for
Arts (New Delhi, India), for their help in finding key materials
for this dissertation. I thank Ramn Lpez Soriano for his efforts in
getting a hard to find book on the Atharvavedas Pariias in India,
and I thank Juan Carlos Torices for generously sharing his Tibetan
canonical materials on dhras. A special thank is due to Debra
Beatty, who kindly read the whole dissertation and corrected the
English. And last but not least, I am greatly thankful to Jose Luis
Moreno who helped me in many ways, generously providing his time,
skillfulness and resources on behalf of this dissertation, and to
Elena Madroal, who quietly supported all my struggles and had been
a true dhra for me along the way.
Finally, I acknowledge that the responsibility for any errors of
fact or interpretation are solely mine.
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Table of ContentsTable of ContentsTable of ContentsTable of
Contents Charts 5 Abstract 6 Abbreviations 7 Introduction 13
Chapter 1. History: Doctrinal and Chronological Development of
Dhras 15 1.1. Non-Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of Dhras 15
1.1.1. Vedic Tradition 15
1.1.1.1. Early Vedic Mantras 16 1.1.1.2. The Atharvaveda Pariias
Mantras 16 1.1.1.3. Upaniads Phonetical Correspondences 17 1.1.1.4.
The Truth Act (satyakriy) 18 1.1.2. Tantric Tradition 18
1.1.2.1. aiva Pre-Mantramrgic Mantras 19 1.1.2.2. aiva
Mantramrgic Mantras 20
1.2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of Dhras 21 1.2.1.
Mainstream Buddhism 21
1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards Mantras 21
1.2.1.2. Parittas, Mahstras, and Mtiks/Mtks 22
1.2.2. Mahyna Buddhism 26 1.2.2.1. Acceptance of the
Soteriological Validity of Language and Mantras 26 1.2.2.2. Dhra
Scriptures 28
1.2.3. Vajrayna Buddhism 32 Chapter 2. Meanings: Traditional
Definitions and Classifications of Dhras 34 2.1. Primary
Definitions 34 2.1.1. Meanings of the Term Dhra 34 2.1.2. Synonyms
and Compound Terms 35
2.1.2.1. Mantra-pada, Dhra-mantra-pada 35 2.1.2.2. Vidy,
Vidy-mantra, Mah-vidy, Vidyraj, Vidy-dhra 36 2.1.2.3. Hdaya,
Hdaya-dhra 37
2.1.2.4. Vajra-pada, Dhra-vajra-pada 37 2.1.3. Dhra paired to
other Dharma Qualities 38
2.1.3.1. Dhra-mukha and Samdhi-mukha 38 2.1.3.2. Dhra and
Pratibhna 39
2.2. Indian Mahyna Definitions and Classifications 40 2.2.1. In
Stras 40 2.2.2. In Treatises (stras) 42
2.3. Indo-Tibetan Vajrayna Definitions and Classifications 44
2.4. East Asian Vajrayna Definitions and Classifications 47 2.4.1.
In China 47 2.4.2. In Japan 49
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Chapter 3. Functions: Dhras in Practice 51 3.1. Some Premises on
Dhra Practice 51 3.1.1 Ethical Foundations 51 3.1.2. Non-ritual and
Ritual Approaches 52 3.1.3. Mundane and Supramundane
Accomplishments 55 3.2. Mundane Dhra Practices 56 3.2.1. Protection
56 3.2.2. Increase 57 3.2.3. Defence 58 3.3. Supramundane Dhra
Practices 59 3.3.1. Depositing Dhras in Stpas 59 3.3.2. Karmic
Purification 61 3.3.3. Attaining Enlightenment 62
Conclusions 65 Appendix A: Early Vedic Mantras within Buddhist
Dhras 68 Appendix B: Analysis of two Dhra Typologies 70
B-1: Formulaic Dhras 70 B-2: Syllabic Dhras 75 Appendix C:
Formulaic and Syllabic Dhras in Mainstream Buddhist Schools 78
Appendix D: Dhras within Mahyna Stras 81 Appendix E: References
84
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ChartsChartsChartsCharts
Chart 1: The Formulaic Dhra Pattern 71
Chart 2: The Arapacana Syllabary 77
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AbstractAbstractAbstractAbstract
This dissertation deals with the Buddhist dhra, mainly
understood as the term selected by Indian Buddhism to assimilate
the non-Buddhist notion of mantra. In the Introduction the two
major categories of dhras are defined, i.e., the formulaic and
syllabic dhras. In Chapter 1 the two sources for the emergence of
dhras are studied: the non-Buddhist source being focused on the
non-Vedic, Vedic and aiva Tantric factors, and the Buddhist one
being focused on several mainstream Buddhist and Mahyna factors. It
continues with a study on the Dhra Scriptures emergence and their
inclusion within Vajrayna Tantras. Chapter 2 provides a detailed
summary on the traditional definitions of the dhra term, its
synonyms, compound terms, and its pairing with other Dharma
qualities. It is followed by a survey on how the dhra term is
defined and classified according to key Indian Mahyna Stras and
stras, and the Indo-Tibetan and East Asian Vajrayna traditions.
Chapter 3 is focused on the dhra practice, first dealing with its
ethical basis, its non-ritual and ritual approaches, and its
mundane and supramundane accomplishments, and then the main dhra
practices are analysed intended for worldly and soteriological
purposes. The dissertation closes with five Appendices including a
study on a set of early Vedic mantras appearing within the Buddhist
dhras, an analysis of the formulaic and syllabic dhras, a survey on
mantras/dhras accepted by several mainstream Buddhist schools, and
another one on mantras/dhras within Mahyna Scriptures, and finally,
a References list providing a comprehensive and updated
bibliography in several Western languages mainly focused on
Buddhist mantras/dhras.
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AbbreviationsAbbreviationsAbbreviationsAbbreviations ka surkalpa
AM. The New Edition of All Mantras in Mahpiaka: References to
volume, and mantra(s) number(s); eg. AM.12.6866. Amog
Amoghapa-hdaya-dhra ga rya-sarvabuddhgavat-nma-dhra Anir
Anantamukha-nirhra-dhra-stra Aa Aashasrikprajpramit: References to
chapter(s) and page(s)
number(s). AV Atharvaveda: References to book, section(s) and
verse(s)
number(s). Avat Avatasaka-stra yu Aparamityu-stra Bala rya
Mahbala-Nma-Mahynastra: References to page(s), and
line(s) number(s). BCE Before the Christian Era Ben
Benkenmitsunikyron Bhadra Bhadramykra-vykaraa: References to
paragraph number. BHSD Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and
Dictionary Bodhi Vajraekharayognuttarasamyaksambodhicittotpda-stra
Bonji Bonji shittan jimo narabi ni shakugi Braj Brahmajla-sutta BU
Bhadrayaka Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s) and
verse(s) number(s). Bubh Buddhabhmyupadea c. circa. CBD ik
Samuccaya: A Compendium of Buddhist Doctrine
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CBSM Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts in the
Possession of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hodgson Collection)
CCBT A Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist
Tripitaka:
References to Scripture number. CE Christian Era Ch. Chinese CU
Chndogya Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s) and
verse(s) number(s). Cund Cunddev-dhra-stra DBDh Chinese-Sanskrit
Sanskrit-Chinese Dictionary of Words and Phrases as
Used in Buddhist Dhra DBI Dictionary of Buddhist Iconography:
References to volume and
page(s) number(s). DEB Dictionnaire encyclopdique du Bouddhisme
Dhasa Dharmasagraha Divy The Divyvadna, a Collection of Early
Buddhist Legends DMT Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Terms DN
Dgha Nikya: References to Sutta and paragraph(s) number(s). DUK
Dakshimrtis Uddhra-koa Durga Sarvadurgatipariodhana-tantra Ekk
Bhagavat-prajpramit-sarva-tathgata-mt-ekkar-nma Fj D fj tulun jng
Gaa Gaapati-hdaya Gorin Gorinkujimyhimitsushaku Guhya
Sarvatathgatdhihna-hdaya-guhyadhtu-karaamudr-
dhra-stra Gusa Guhyasamja-tantra HBG Hbgirin: References to
volume, and page(s) number(s).
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Hiz Hizhyaku HT Hevajra Tantra: References to part, chapter and
verse number(s). IMT Inventaire des Manuscripts tibtains de
Touen-houang: References to
volume, manuscript, and text number; eg. IMT.I.6/3. Jap.
Japanese JUB Jiminya Upaniad Brhmaa: References to chapter,
section(s)
and verse(s) number(s). Kan Analyse du Kandjour Kpa
Kyapaparivarta-stra: References to volume and chapter
number. Kru ryvalokitevara-shasrikabhujalocana-
nirmavistarapariprsaga-mahkruika-dhra Koa Abhidharmakoa-bhya:
References to chapter(s), section(s)
number(s), and letter(s) in original text. KU Kaha Upaniad:
References to chapter, section(s) and verse(s)
number(s). Lak Saddharmalakvatra-stram: References to chapter
and page(s)
number(s). Mapa Mahparinirva-stra: References to volume and
page(s)
number(s). Mta Mtag Stra My Mahmyr-vidyrj-stra MDPL Materials
for a Dictionary of the Prajpramit Literature MM The Mantra
Mahodadhi of Mahidhara: References to chapter
(taraga) and verse number(s). MN Majjhima Nikya:References to
Sutta and paragraph(s) number(s). Mns Majurnmasagti: References to
page(s) and verse(s)
number(s). MP Milindapaha: Reference to page(s) number(s) in
original text. Mpp Mahprajpramit-stra: References to volume and
page(s)
number(s).
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Mps Mahprjpramit-stra MS Mahstras: References to volume and
page(s) number(s). Msa Mahynasagraha: References to volume and
page(s)
number(s). Mslb Mahynastrlakra-bhya: References to chapter and
verse
number(s). MU Mkya Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s)
and
verse(s) number(s). Mk Mlamadhyamakakrik: References to chapter
and verse
number(s). P Pli PED Pali-English Dictionary Pph
Prajpramithdaya-stra: References to section number. Prati
Mahpratisar-mahvidyrj Pratyu
Pratyutpannabuddhasamukhvasthitasamdhi-stra: References
to chapter number and paragraph letter. Pua
Saddharmapuarka-stram: References to chapter and page(s)
number(s). Pvr Pupatavratam: References to section(s) and
verse(s) number(s). PWE(-V)(-S) The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight
Thousand Lines & its Verse
Summary: References to Verse Part (PWE-V) include chapter and
verse number(s) in original text; references to Stra Part (PWE-S)
include chapter, and page number(s) in original text.
Rag Ratnaguasacaya-gth: References to chapter(s) and verse
number(s). Ragot Ratnagotravibhga Mahynttaratantra-stra Ratna
Mahratnaka-stra RCB Rpertoire du canon bouddhique sino-japonais
Rgyud Rgyud sde spyii rnam par gag pa rgyas par brjod am
amukh-dhra
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Sash Sang shki B atapatha Brmaa: References to Knda, Adhyya, and
Brmana
number(s) in original text. SBLN The Sanskrit Buddhist
Literature of Nepal SED A Sanskrit-English Dictionary Sgol The Stra
of Golden Light: Being a translation of the
Suvarabhsottamastra Shes Shes bya mdzod: References to book and
page(s) number(s). Shji Shjijissgi Shmo Shrai mokuroku ik ik
Samuccaya: References to chapter and page(s) number(s). Skt.
Sanskrit Sit
rya-sarvatathgatoasittapatr-nmaparjitapratyagirmah-
vidyraj SN Sayutta Nikya: References to Part and page(s)
number(s) in
original text. rs ragama-stra: References to volume and page(s)
number(s). Susi Susiddhikra-stra Suvar Suvaraprabhsa-stra rsam
ragamasamdhi-stra T Taish Tripiaka (CBETA): References to fascicle
number, page,
register (a, b, or c), and line number(s); eg., T 1060
105c8-111c19. TB Dictionaries of Tantra stra or The Tantrbhidhnam
TAK Tantrikbhidhnakoa: References to volume and page(s)
number(s). TED A Tibetan-English Dictionary with Sanskrit
Synonyms Tib. Tibetan
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TMD Tibetan Tantric Manuscripts from Dunhuang: References to
manuscript and text number from the India Office Library; eg. TMD:
103/2 (In the original text referenced as IOL Tib J 103/2).
TP Tibskrit Philology Tri Triaraasaptati: References to verse
number(s). TU Taittirya Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s)
and verse(s)
number(s). Ugra Ugraparipcch-stra Uka Ucchumakalpa: References
to section(s) and verse(s) number(s). Un Unjigi Upka
Upyakaualya-stra: References to paragraph(s) number(s). U
Uavijay-dhra-stra Vai-s Vairocanbhisabodhi-stra Vai-ta
Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra: References to part, chapter
and section number(s) in original text. Vk Vkyapadiyam-Brahmaka:
References to verse number(s). Varat rvajraratiru-nma-dhra Vaek
Vajraekhara-stra VC A Vedic Concordance Zabao Za bao zang jing Zong
Zongshi tuoluoni jing
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IntroductionIntroductionIntroductionIntroduction
According to the Japanese scholar H. Yoshimura, the word dhra
was selected among many Buddhist technical terms to absorb the
non-Buddhist idea of mantra (1987: 8). Taking this assertion as a
starting point, the leitmotiv of the present dissertation will be
to investigate and eventually corroborate its accuracy through its
matching with related historical, doctrinal, and textual data.
Despite the fact that dhras were described and catalogued in the
West for the first time by Brian H. Hodgson in 1828 (CBSM: 39,
41-43, 49-50; SBLN: xli-xlii; Davidson, 2009: 99-100), the dhra
remained for almost two centuries on the sidelines of Western
Buddhist studies, and only very recently has the dhra received the
scholarly attention it deserves. Although a few excellent
monographs on specific dhras have appeared, as well as a few papers
focused on the dhras meanings in Western languages, yet there is no
work covering this topic in a more comprehensive way. Therefore,
the foremost aim of this dissertation is to provide, it is believed
for the first time, a preliminary overview of the dhra covering its
history, meanings, and functions. Since the dissertations author is
quite aware of his heavy limitations to carry out this project,
this dissertation should be viewed as what in fact is, just a first
intent drawing a rough picture on a quite complex and rich subject
in need of further refinements. As the first part of its title
suggests, this dissertation will focus exclusively on the dhra as
was conceived by Indian Buddhism and its spread through Central
Asian, Northern, East Asian and Southern Buddhisms. The dhra term
is understood here in a quite specific way, including two
typologies recognized by the dissertations author with the names of
formulaic and syllabic dhras. A formulaic dhra consists of a
linguistic pattern in prose, sonic or written, regarded as
promulgated by Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and/or any deity accepted by
Buddhism and endowed with their spiritual support (Skt. adhihna),
composed by one or more formulas of certain Indic languages, that
pledges (Skt. samaya) the attainment of its mundane and/or
supramundane goals if the prescriptions established by her/his
promulgator are followed. Occasionally, the synonymic expressions
of dhra formula or mantra/dhra will be used to refer to the same
meaning as the formulaic dhra does. By syllabic dhra a list of
syllables is understood, each of which is linked to a particular
statement or word that embodies a key aspect of Buddhist doctrine.
There are syllabic dhras issued from a particular arrangement of
syllables following Buddhist topics, and there is another type in
which the standard Sanskrit syllabary (Skt. varapha) is used to
convey a set of Buddhist doctrinal terms. Occasionally, the
synonymic expressions of arapacana syllabary, or just syllabary
will be used, to refer to the same meaning as the syllabic dhra
does. This dissertation is divided into three chapters, each one
being focused on one of the three subjects referred to within the
dissertations title: the dhras history, meanings, and funcions.
Chapter 1 gives answers to why the dhra appeared and how it was
included within the Buddhist doctrinal/practical corpus, analysing
the non-Buddhist and Buddhist factors for the emergence of dhras.
The non-Buddhist factors include a set of early Vedic mantras, the
Atharvaveda Pariias mantras, the Upaniads phonetical
correspondences, the truth act (Skt. satyakriy), and the Tantric
aiva Pre-Mantramrgic and Mantramrgic mantras, that were assimilated
by Indian Buddhism to propitiate protection, the communication and
identification with cosmic/divine entities, and the condensation
and memorizing of teachings. The
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Buddhist factors include an early acceptance of mantras within
several mainstream Buddhist Vinayas, followed by the elaboration of
specific texts reconcilable with the mantric perspective as the
Theravda parittas, the Sarvstivda and Mlasarvstivda Mahstras, and
the Abhidharmas mtks. In the same vein, the Mahyna accepted
Sanskrit as a suitable language to convey its doctrines and
simultaneously considered language and mantras as means conducive
to enlightenment. This favourable context stimulated, on the one
hand, the inclusion of non-Buddhist mantras and the Sanskrit
syllabary within Mahyna Scriptures, and on the other hand, the
creation of Buddhist syllabaries and dhra formulas inspired by
non-Buddhist patterns, that later would give rise to the Dhra
Scriptures and their inclusion within the Vajrayna Tantras. Chapter
2 answers the questions of what is the dhras nature, what are its
key definitions and classifications, and in what sense could it be
considered Buddhist. Therefore, this chapter provides a detailed
summary on the traditional definitions of the dhra term, its
synonyms, compound terms, and its pairing with other Dharma
qualities. It is followed by a survey on how the dhra term is
defined and classified according to key Indian Mahyna Stras and
stras, and the Indo-Tibetan and East Asian Vajrayna traditions.
Chapter 3 answers the question of how dhras are seen to work, first
dealing with their ethical basis, their non-ritual and ritual
approaches, and their mundane and supramundane accomplishments, and
then the main dhra practices intended for worldly and
soteriological purposes are summarized. This dissertation closes
with five Appendices where topics basically outlined within the
dissertations body are analysed. They include a study on a set of
early Vedic mantras assimilated within Buddhist dhras, an analysis
of the formulaic and syllabic dhras, a survey on mantras/dhras
within several mainstream Buddhist schools, and another one on
mantras/dhras within Mahyna Scriptures, and finally, a References
list mainly focused on Buddhist mantras/dhras.
Given that this dissertation delineates a preliminary overview
on dhras, it is mainly emphasizing a descriptive approach, drawing
any interpretation from the dhra sources themselves, alongside
other documentary evidences (archaeological, historical, living
practice, etc.). In the same vein, this dissertation will also
address a number of misunderstandings and biased views on dhras,
again taking into account those same dhra sources to avoid as much
as possible any arbitrary speculation on the topic. Lastly, this
dissertation pays special attention to citing sources, so as to
gather an updated bibliography on the Buddhist mantras/dhras in
some Western languages, that would supplement H. P. Alpers
bibliography on mantras (1989: 327-530), which scarcely makes any
references to the dhras.
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Chapter 1Chapter 1Chapter 1Chapter 1
History: Doctrinal and Chronological Development of History:
Doctrinal and Chronological Development of History: Doctrinal and
Chronological Development of History: Doctrinal and Chronological
Development of DhDhDhDhrarararassss 1.1. Non1.1. Non1.1. Non1.1.
Non----Buddhist Factors for the EmeBuddhist Factors for the
EmeBuddhist Factors for the EmeBuddhist Factors for the Emergence
of rgence of rgence of rgence of DhDhDhDhrarararassss
1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1. Vedic Tradition Vedic Tradition Vedic
Tradition Vedic Tradition
The Vedic tradition finds in the word (Skt. vc) its unifying
factor (BU.2.4.11). The term vc encompases all its modalities, from
natural sounds, of inanimate objects, of animals, of humans and of
supernatural beings, to the absolute reality (Skt. brahman) as
sound (Skt. abda) (Pingle, 2005: xvi, 262-263; BU.1.3.21; SED:
936). This twofold nature of language as being simultaneously a
mundane reality and a spiritual one, is reflected into the notion
of syllable (Skt. akara), understood as the primary and indivisible
phonic unity. According to its traditional etymology, besides
meaning syllable, akara also means na karati or na kyate is that
which does not flow out or perish, hence the imperishable, the
indestructible, the eternal (Padoux, 1990: 13; JUB.I.24.1-2;
Buitenen, 1959: 179; SED: 3).1
The mundane and spiritual nature of vc is made manifest mainly
in two ways, as cosmogony and as Vedic revelation. Prajpati, the
all-maker god (Skt. vivakarm), created everything through naming
every part of the whole cosmos with the great utterances
(mahvyhtis) (B.II.1.4.11). The Vedas are considered eternal and as
revealed (Skt. ruti) by the gods to the seers (Skt. is) through a
supernatural inspiration, and the is, who were endowed with a
spiritual vision (Skt. dh) able to perceive the Vedic knowledge,
transformed it into language (Padoux, 1990: xiv; Gonda, 1963a: 64;
1963b: 269, 273-274). Just like Prajpati did, the is are seen to
have identified their discovery of language with the faculty of
naming, for the first time, everything, establishing in this way an
ontological correspondence between words and objects. According to
this correspondence, the name of a given thing is expressing the
nature or essence of the thing named, thus, naming is not just a
conventional labelling, but it is pointing out to the individual or
specific nature of the being/thing named. Therefore, naming implies
calling up or evoking this same nature inherent in the being/thing
itself. It is precisely this same correspondence between words and
objects that, on the one hand, is seen to bestow effectiveness to
mantras, and on the other hand, allows one to draw conclusions
regarding the nature of things based on their names, i.e.,
according to their etymology (Bronkhorst, 1999: 8-10).2
Indian Buddhism did not remain impermeable before this Vedic
cosmovision centered around vc and its influence was so significant
that Indian Buddhism ended up assimilating those factors of vc
reconcilable with its tenets. Here, three of them will be
emphasized: (1) a set of early Vedic mantras, and especially those
from some Atharvaveda Pariias, (2) the Upaniads phonetical
correspondences, and (3) the act
1 On the Mahyna and Vajrayna interpretations of akara, see
sections 2.2.1 and 2.3. 2 On the close relationship between the
terms name (nma) and mantra, see next section. On the application
of the Vedic words/objects correspondence to dhras, see Appendix
B-1 and section 3.2.1., and on its application by Kkai, see section
2.4.2.
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of truth (Skt. satyakriy). These factors will be studied below
according to their original premises.
1.1.1.1. Early Vedic1.1.1.1. Early Vedic1.1.1.1. Early
Vedic1.1.1.1. Early Vedic Mantra Mantra Mantra Mantras s s s The
traditional Indian definition of mantra is that which saves (tr- to
save, rescue) the one who, in thought, formulates it, meditates
upon it (man-). According to its etymology, however, the term
mantra is derived from the root man and is related to the Skt.
manas meaning mind in a generic sense as mental and psychical
powers, and within a Vedic context, man also means evoking, calling
up, and is frequently associated to the noun name (nma). And the
ending tra, indicates instrumentality, and also faculty or
function. Hence, a literal translation of mantra would be that of
an instrument of thought, emphasizing its pragmatic function
(Yelle, 2003: 11). Within a Vedic context though, mantra refers to
words endowed with power to evoke cosmic/divine forces to carry
them into concrete actions, mainly those of a ritual order (Gonda,
1963b: 248-250, 255, 257).
On a formal level, a Vedic mantra consists of an utterance
shaped as a verse (Skt. c) (from the gveda), a chant or melody
(Skt. sman) (from the Smaveda), and a muttered formula (Skt. yajus)
or one spoken aloud (Skt. nigada) (both from the Yajurveda) (Staal,
1989: 48). To each Vedic mantra is assigned the i who revealed it,
its meter (Skt. chandas), its presiding deity (Skt. devat), and the
application or purpose for which it is used (Skt. viniyoga). The
knowledge of these four factors turns out to be indispensable for a
proper use of Vedic mantras (Hanneder, 1998: 153). The reason for
this is that if the practitioner understands and applies those four
factors, she/he would reproduce through a sonic mimesis act the
original model which constituted the mantra (Burchett, 2008: 836),
participating in the fundamental vision originating the mantra, and
of its effectiveness pledged (Skt. samaya) by its promulgator
(Eltschinger, 2001: 22-27).3 However, Indian Buddhism discarded
those Vedic mantras of a poetic nature and preferred instead, to
assimilate those non-discursive mantric utterances of an imperative
and evocative nature, able to propitiate protection, the
communication and identification with cosmic/divine entities, and
the condensation and memorizing of teachings. Here, those Vedic
mantric utterances which appear most frequently in Buddhist dhras
are expressions such as O, Hu, Pha, Svh, and in some less frequent
cases, the mahvyhtis are found as well.4
1.1.1.2. The 1.1.1.2. The 1.1.1.2. The 1.1.1.2. The Atharvaveda
PariiAtharvaveda PariiAtharvaveda PariiAtharvaveda Pariiaaaassss
MantraMantraMantraMantrassss
Unlike the gveda that revolves around sacrifice rituals, the
Atharvaveda is focused on mantras intended for drastically
practical purposes (Modak, 1993: 2), which turned it into a
favourable receptacle to assimilate Indian local cults (Staal,
2008: 73). The Atharvaveda Pariias consist of appendices
complementing and
3 On a similar process in the Buddhist dhras, see sections
1.2.2.2. paragraph (a) and Appendix B-1. 4 For a study of those
mantras, see Appendix A. Those same mantras are located at the
beginning and/or at the end of the dhra formulas and denote
specific functions, see Appendix B-1.
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17
expanding topics concisely treated in the Atharvaveda.5 Directly
related to the present dissertation are the Pariias surkalpa (ka)
and Ucchumakalpa (Uka), because their mantras formal pattern show a
striking similarity with Buddhist dhra formulas. Several authors
already pointed out such similarity: La Valle Poussin recognized in
the Atharvanamantras the prototype of the dhra collections (1895:
436), Goudriaan described as dhras the mantras appearing in Uka.9
(1978: 227), and Sanderson noticed that the archaic style of the
Ucchumakalpas mantras was strongly reminiscent of those from the
Mah-myr-vidyrj-stra (2007: 199-200, n. 14). According to the
research developed here, the influence of the surkalpa and
Ucchumakalpas mantras on Buddhist dhra formulas can be seen in that
those Pariias mantras provide a basic formal pattern to be
assimilated and developed later by the formulaic dhras.6
Besides taking such pattern though, Indian Mahyna also
assimilated the deities invoked in those Pariias mantras. surkalpas
mantras are dedicated to the god Rudra, which is the early form of
iva, and those of the Ucchumakalpa to Ucchuma, again a modality of
Rudra (TAK.I: 225). Likewise, some early formulaic dhras invoke
Ucchuma, other modalities of Rudra, and several non-Vedic
goddesses, as is the case with some early Tantric aiva mantras
(Sanderson, 2007: 200). This indicates that the likely formulaic
dhras origin can be found within a substratum where the Pariias
mantras assimilated a non-Vedic mantric lore that in turn was
assimilated by an early aiva tradition and a Mahyna in transition
to the Vajrayna.7 1.1.1.3. 1.1.1.3. 1.1.1.3. 1.1.1.3.
UpaniUpaniUpaniUpaniadadadadssss Phonetical Correspondences
Phonetical Correspondences Phonetical Correspondences Phonetical
Correspondences
In some Upaniads phonetical correspondences are established
between certain syllables and Vedic terms beginning with those
syllables. Prajpati taught the syllable da and his disciples
extracted the notions of restraint (dmyata), bounty (datta), and
compassion (dayadhvam) (BU.5.2.1-3). In other Upaniad are indicated
the phonetical correspondences of the sevenfold Sman chant: the
sound hu is identical to the interjection Hi, pra is identified
with the term Introductory Praise (pra.stva), the sound with the
Opening (.di), ud with the High Chant (ud.gtha), prati with the
Response (prati.hra), upa with the Finale (upa.drava), and the
sound ni is the Concluding Chant (ni.dhana) (CU.2.8.1-3).
The functioning of these phonetical correspondences is quite
analogous to that of mantras, because mantras establish a linkage
(Skt. bandhu) between cosmic forces and ritual elements that make
it a real and efficient one (Wheelock, 1989: 108), and
simultaneously, those linkages serve, on the one hand, as a
mnemonic guide to remember the sequential procedure (Skt.
itikartavyat) of ritual, and on the other hand, as a medium of
knowledge (Skt. prama) of its meaning (Taber, 1989: 149, n. 15).
Likewise, and as the quoted example shows, the phonetical
correspondences serve as a mnemonic guide to perform the Sman chant
because the term Sman
5 The Pariias include seventy two texts dealing with topics as
ritual, magic, astrology, religious observances, phonetics, etc.,
and were composed between the second century BCE to the fifth
century CE (Modak, 1993: 191, 473). 6 On this formulaic dhra
pattern, see Appendix B-1 and Chart 1. 7 See section 1.1.2.1.
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18
establishes linkages between the parts of the cosmos and human
beings, and these linkages in turn, propitiate benefits such as
mundane power and wealth (CU.1.6.1-8; 1.7.1-9). Despite the fact
that those Upaniads phonetical correspondences are not reproducing
the alphabetical pattern shown by the syllabic dhras and that there
is no evidence of any historical link between both of them,
nevertheless, the Upaniads give evidence of the earliest instance
of phonetical correspondences used as mnemonic and spiritual device
that would be reflected upon the Buddhist syllabic dhras
(HBG.VI.571a).8 1.1.1.4. The Truth Act (1.1.1.4. The Truth Act
(1.1.1.4. The Truth Act (1.1.1.4. The Truth Act
(SatyakriySatyakriySatyakriySatyakriy)))) Being defined as: A
formal declaration of fact, accompanied by a command or resolution
or prayer that the purpose of the agent shall be accomplished
(Burlingame, 1917: 429), the truth act (satyakriy) finds its origin
in the Vedas.9 Thus, to avoid a premature birth, it is declared: As
this great earth receives the embryos of existences, so let thine
embryo be maintained, in order to birth [i.e., to be born] after
pregnancy (AV.VI.17.1). Satyakriy extracts its effectiveness from
the complete tuning of the proclaimer with the same reality/truth
(satya) that constitutes the cosmic order (Skt. ta). If Vedic gods
are satyadharman, that is, having Truth as their basic law or
principle, likewise, a human being realizing to perfection his duty
within the cosmos will embody a divine power enabling him to bend
cosmic forces to his will (Brown, 1968: 172-174).
This cosmic power is communicated through a true language of a
superhuman nature (Wayman, 1984a: 392), because according to the
Vedas, to speak the truth is identical to expressing the universal
Law (Dharma) (BU.1.4.14). She/he who may utter the truth is
protected by the truth itself, as that man who was falsely accused
of robbery and was left immune from the ordeal by uttering the
truth and covering himself with the truth (CU.6.16.1-2). Satyakriy
also implies an utterance of a ritual nature, because another
meaning of kriy is that of rite, hence, satyakriy can be translated
as rite of truth, too (Wayman, 1984a: 392-393). Within a Buddhist
context, however, the Theravda parittas originally grounded their
efficiency on the sole declaration of truth (saccakiriy) (first
century BCE), to which a ritual framework was added later (fifth
century CE) (Silva, 1991: 141-142).10
1.1.2.1.1.2.1.1.2.1.1.2. Tantric Tradition Tantric Tradition
Tantric Tradition Tantric Tradition
While Vedic mantras serve as the mediators between cosmic/divine
forces and the ritual process, Tantric mantras manifest the
identity between practitioner and deity instead (Wheelock, 1989:
119). Tantric mantras depart from the Vedic ones in their
linguistic structure too, replacing the Vedic poetic forms for sets
of terms
8 On the syllabic dhras, see Appendices B-2, C, and D section
(b). 9 It should be noted, however, that satyakriy term does not
appear in the Vedas as such, but with synonyms as true speech
(satya-vc) or truth-command (satydhishhna). Satyakriy (P
saccakiriy) term and its synonyms appear only in later Buddhist
texts such as the Jtakas, the Milindapaha, or the Divyvadna (SED:
1136; Burlingame, 1917: 434). 10 On the parittas, see section
1.2.1.2.
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19
(frequently injunctions) related to syllables and phonemes that,
leaving aside their semantic meaning or lack of it, only make sense
within a ritual context (Hanneder, 1998: 150). The two main
modalities of aiva Tantric mantras will be analyzed below,
pre-Mantramrgic and Mantramrgic ones, which Buddhist assimilation
approximately coincides with the two Tantric assimilation stages
within Buddhism: the first stage centered around the incantation
and ritual of a standard Mahyna (c. third century CE), and the
second one during the Vajrayna systematization (c. seventh and
eighth century CE) (Kapstein, 2001: 245).11
1.1.2.1. aiva Pre1.1.2.1. aiva Pre1.1.2.1. aiva Pre1.1.2.1. aiva
Pre----MantramMantramMantramMantramrgic rgic rgic rgic
MantraMantraMantraMantrassss
As it was indicated before, the surkalpa and Ucchumakalpa
Pariias mantras invoke the power of Rudra, or one of his variants
as Ucchuma (Desiccating [Fire]). Within the aiva exorcist
tradition, Ucchumarudra is invoked as a protector against evil
beings with mantras quite similar to those Pariias mantras
mentioned before, and his main role is that of removing impure
substances (Sanderson, 2007: 197-200). Moreover, according to
certain aiva Tantras, Ucchuma is the first of a series of ten
Rudras: Ucchuma, avara, Caa, Mataga, Ghora, Yama, Ugra, Halahala,
Krodhin, and Huluhulu (TAK.I: 225).
It is highly significant the correspondence shown between these
ten Rudras (and their female counterparts) as they appear in the
aiva mantras and their parallels in Buddhist dhras. The aiva
Mahgaapatividy includes a long mantra invoking Ucchuma and the
female consorts of Caa (Cali), Mataga (Matag), and the goddesses
Pukkas and Cmud (Sanderson, 2007: 199-200, n. 16). And in certain
dhras invoking Ucchumakrodha Mahbala, that is the Buddhist
equivalent of Ucchuma, the non-Vedic goddesses abari, Matag, and
Cali are also invoked (Bala: 53.2-3). Likewise, in numerous
protective (Skt. raka) and dhra formulas appear invocations to a
common set of five non-Vedic goddesses: Gauri, Gandhri, Cali,
Matag, and Pukkas (Skilling, 1992: 155; MS.I: 678-679).12 In all
likelihood, seemingly unintelligible expressions such as hala hala
and hulu hulu appearing in a number of mantras/dhras (MS.I: 687;
Harrison/Coblin, 1999: 156; Filliozat, 2004: 500), were originally
invocations to the Rudras Halahala and Huluhulu, that later were
assigned to the Buddhist Hlhala Avalokitevara, whose iconography
includes distinctive features of Rudra/iva (Bhattacharyya, 1958:
132-133).13 These data give
11 The term pre-Mantramrgic refers to the early ascetic
tradition focused on iva as Rudra Paupati intended for exclusively
soteriological goals, and the Mantramrgic one (lit. path of
mantras) refers to a later tradition open to ascetics and laypeople
alike including mundane goals, too (Sanderson, 1988: 664-668). 12
See (with variants) AM.1.220, 257; AM.2.450; AM.3.1352; AM.4.1453,
1473; AM.5.2285; AM.7.3310, 3320; AM.8.3662, 3775, 3790, 3800,
3817; AM.10.5336; AM.12.6872; AM.13.7462; AM.14.7879, 8223, 8225;
AM.15.8355; AM.16.9989, 10133. The names of those goddesses denote
untouchable Indian tribal castes and occupations (hunting,
cleaning, corpse handling, etc.) (Shaw, 2006: 397-398). On the
continuity of those tribal castes and the Buddhist Vajrayna
accomplished ones (siddhas), see Davidson, 2002: 224-233. On the
goddess Matag within a aiva context, see Kinsley, 1997: 209-222. On
the conversion of the mahvidydhar Matag, see Appendix C. 13 In the
influential ryvalokitevara-mahkruika-dhra, Avalokitevara is
venerated with a number of iva epithets and the exclamation hulu
hulu (Chandra, 1979: 14-16).
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20
support to the theory described before on the Buddhist origins
of formulaic dhras, whose pattern arose from a substratum made up
of a non-Vedic mantric lore assimilated by the Atharvaveda Pariias,
and assimilated in turn and almost simultaneously by the
Pre-Mantramrgic aivism and a proto-Tantric Mahyna.14 1.1.2.2. aiva
Mantramrgic1.1.2.2. aiva Mantramrgic1.1.2.2. aiva
Mantramrgic1.1.2.2. aiva Mantramrgic Mantra Mantra Mantra
Mantrassss
Considered as specific modalities of the words energy (Skt.
vkakti), Tantric mantras are characterized as being the phonic,
expressing (vcaka), form of a deity, its subtle form, its essence,
its efficient aspect (Padoux, 1990: 378-380). This characteristic
is usually identified with their seed syllable (Skt. bja) because,
save rare exceptions, a Tantric mantra is defined by its bja
(Hanneder, 1998: 149, n. 8). According to a traditional definition:
All mantras consist of phonemes and their nature is that of energy,
O dear One. Know, however, that this energy (akti) is the mtk,
whose nature is that of iva (tr. in Padoux, 1990: 374). In this
sense, mtk in singular, lit. little mother, designates the
matrix-energy, the generative power that simultaneously creates and
holds the mantras and the universe. In plural, the mtks are the
fifty phonemes of the Sanskrit syllable system (Skt. varapha),
understood as the basis of all mantras (Padoux, 1990: 147, n. 170,
151-153). Hence, to know the mtks nature and their akti is equal to
know the absolute itself, especially in its twofold aspect as the
worlds manifestation/reabsortion (Padoux, 1990: 78, 152-153, n.
186).15
Besides assigning the seer, the meter (in fact, an inner
rhythm), the deity, and the application as the Vedic mantras, every
Tantric mantra includes a ritual of mantric imposition (Skt. nysa)
and a deitys visualization (Skt. dhyna), where the mantra syllables
are imposed ritually on specific parts of the bodys practitioner,
and then he/she visualizes herself/himself as identical to the
deity (MM.II.3-6; Bhnemann, 1991: 292-293; Padoux, 1978: 67-68;
1980: 59-61). Moreover, usually every Tantric mantra is subdivided
into three parts: (a) an initial part, its bja, (b) a middle part,
its akti, and (c) a final part, its wedge (klaka) (Bhnemann, 1991:
293). According to other sources, the klaka part can be subdivided
again into five types of mantras: heart-essence (hdaya), wedge
(klaka), weapon (astra), cuirass (kavaca), and supreme mantra
(paramo mantra) (Hanneder, 1998: 153-154). The idea lying behind
those divisions and subdivisions, namely, that from the concrete
mtks of a given mantra can arise more mantras, will be assimilated
by the Buddhist dhras according to their own models.16 Lastly,
another significant aspect of Tantric mantras is that they hold a
specific gender. According to several Tantras, mantras are divided
into male ones (pumantra)
14 The presence of this non-Vedic mantric lore within Buddhist
dhras is also noticed by references to formulas in Dravidian
language (drmi mantrapad) (My: 379, 389, 439) and to the dhra of
[the deity] Dravia (Bala: 50.19), see also Appendix C. 15 On the
notion of mtk (P mtik) in the Theravda Abhidhamma, see section
1.2.1.2., on the varapha in the Mahyna and the Vajrayna, see
section 1.2.2.1. and Appendix D section (b). 16 See section 2.3.
The mantras akti (b) indicates the part expressing what is to be
effected (sdhya) for such mantra and is equivalent to the central
part of a dhra, see Appendix B-1, n. 171.
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21
with ending expressions such as hu and pha, and being used in
rites of subduing, female ones (strmantra), also called vidy, with
endings in svh and used in rites of eradication of disease, or
neuter ones, ending in nama (obeisance) and used in other rituals
(Wayman, 1984b: 418-420; Bhnemann, 1991: 304). This mantra
classification based on gender would be assimilated by Buddhist
dhras, as well.17 1.1.1.1.2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of
2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of 2. Buddhist Factors for
the Emergence of 2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of
DhDhDhDhrarararassss 1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism1.2.1. Mainstream
Buddhism1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism
Overall, it can be asserted that mainstream Buddhism initially
rejected mantras and only assimilated them later, first within
their Vinayas and then within special collections called
Vidydhara-piakas or Dhra-piakas. It is a question of a complex
process that will be studied from three approaches: (1) the early
mainstream Buddhist attitudes of rejection and acceptance of
mantras, (2) the emphasis on Buddhist protective texts based on the
act of truth (saccakiriy) as the Theravda parittas, and those based
on mantras as the Sarvstivda and Mlasarvstivda Mahstras, and the
role played by the Abhidharmas mtks as the forerunners of the
syllabic dhras, and (3) the acceptance of mantras/dhras within
Southern Buddhism and their systematization among several
mainstream Buddhist schools that were precursors of the Mahyna.
1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards 1.2.1.1. Early
Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards 1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream
Buddhist Attitudes towards 1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist
Attitudes towards MantraMantraMantraMantrassss The Theravda Nikyas
rejected Vedic mantras on the basis of three arguments:
soteriological, ethical, and linguistic ones. The historical Buddha
negated that is could have a direct knowledge of Brahm, hence,
their tradition lacked any soteriological validity (DN.13.12-15).
From an ethical level, reciting mantras was considered a wrong
means of livelihood (Braj: 59-61), and the Theravda Vinaya only
accepted as a true Brahman someone wise and virtuous who does not
confide in the sound hu (P nihuhuka) as a protective and
purificatory method (McDermott, 1984a: 49-50). And from a
linguistic level, mantras are just a kind of deceitful language
worth of reject and despise (DN.11.5-7).18 Nevertheless, Mahsghika,
Mahsaka, Sarvstivda, and Mlasarvstivda Vinayas acknowledged some
efficacy to mantras when considered acts such as killing and having
sex through mantras as a defeat (Skt. prjika) (Shes.V: 107).
Moreover, Dharmaguptaka and Mlasarvstivda Vinayas admitted using
mantras with protective and therapeutical goals (Davidson, 2009:
113-116; Pathak, 1989: 32-38).19 The main reason for using those
mantras was quite a pragmatic one: they demonstrated their 17 See
section 2.3. and Appendix B-1. 18 However, the South Asian Theravda
accepted mantras/dhras in an extra-canonical way, see Appendix C.
19 Despite a few schools negating them, Sarvstivdins and others
admitted the five supernatural knowledges (Skt. abhij) among
ordinary persons (pthagjanas) and non-Buddhists (Koa.VII.41-d;
Bareau, 1955: 140). The abhij called supernatural power of
conservation (dhihnik ddhi), is able, among other functions, to
empower mantras, hence, it is hardly surprising that those
mainstream Buddhist schools would accept mantra efficacy
(Eltschinger, 2001: 71-72). On dhihnik ddhi, see section 1.2.2.2.
paragraph (a).
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22
effectiveness against the ten dangers or hindrances (P/Skt.
antaryas) liable to obstruct a normal monastic life, such as
dangers from the king, thieves, water, fire, human beings,
non-human beings, wild animals, reptiles, death or severe illness,
and falling away from la under certain compulsion (DMT: 15-16).20
In some instances, loving-kindness (P mett) meditation proved not
to be adequately effective as self-protective device against the
antaryas, and was supplemented or even replaced by other methods
such as the Buddhas commemoration and mantra recitation
(Schmithausen, 1997: 67). Those needs of protection and prophylaxis
were, among other causes, what promoted the apotropaic use of
certain Buddhist Scriptures and the inclusion of mantras within
some of them, that will be studied below. 1.2.1.2. 1.2.1.2.
1.2.1.2. 1.2.1.2. ParittaParittaParittaParittas, s, s, s,
MahMahMahMahstrastrastrastras, and s, and s, and s, and
MMMMtiktiktiktiks/s/s/s/MMMMttttkkkkssss Despite their rejection of
the Vedas, Theravdins, Sarvstivdins, and Mlasarvstivdins, among
others, acknowledged some features of the Vedic understanding of
language and mantras able to be assimilated by Buddhism without
betraying their tenets. Those schools emphasized three qualities of
the Buddhas speech that could be reconcilable for such purpose: (1)
the Buddhas speech as expressing the truth/reality (P sacca; Skt.
satya), (2) its protective power, and (3) its faculty to facilitate
insight derived from its memorizing. These three qualities got an
outstanding significance in the parittas, the Mahstras, and the
mtiks/mtks. The Pli term paritta means protection or safeguard, and
originally consists of a selection of Nikyas Suttas used for
prophylactic goals, that is, to ward off or overcome dangers and
problems, and benedictive ones, to assure success in an undertaking
and attain positive good (Harvey: 1993: 53-56).21 There are a
variety of powers propitiating the efficacy of parittas, among
them, stand out the power of ethical virtue (P/Skt. la), the
universal loving-kindness (mett), the Three Jewels, the
contemplation of enlightenment factors (P bojjhagas), the deities
power (P yakkhas, ngas, etc.), and even the parittas sound, whose
pitch induces mindfulness (Piyadassi, 1975: 15-16; Greene, 2004:
53-54). However, the pivotal power enabling parittas to be
effective is that all of them are modalities of the act of truth
(saccakiriy) or truth utterance (P saccavajja). While the Vedic
satyakriy is based on the perfect harmony between oneself and
her/his own duty within the cosmos (ta), the Buddhist saccakiriy
instead, extract its power from the speakers ethical perfection:
(moral) truth is a natural force with irresistible power (Harvey,
1993: 67-68, 70-71, 74). In this sense, it would be argued that
saccakiriy is closely related to two powers of the Buddhas speech:
the Buddha as a truth-speaker, and the Buddhas Brahm Voice (P/Skt.
brahmasvara). In the first case, he is a speaker whose words are to
be treasured, seasonable, reasoned, well-defined and connected with
the goal (DN.1.9), and in the second one, his voice is distinct,
intelligible, melodious, audible, ringing, euphonious, deep, and
sonorous (MN.91.21), a persuasive voice that what he 20 The
antaryas were included and expanded within the dhras protective
benefits lists, see section 3.2.1. On the continuity between the
antaryas and the dadhrmikas, see Appendix D section (a). 21 Those
two parittas goals are quite akin to the ntika and pauika dhras
functions, see sections 3.2.1. and 3.2.2. Besides those uses,
however, paritta compilations became the basis of two monastic
revivals in Sri Lanka during the thirteenth century CE and the
eighteenth century CE (Blackburn, 1999: 360-365), and nowadays,
parittas are also used as formative handbooks for novices
(Piyadassi, 1975: 5; Samuels, 2005: 346-360).
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23
says will carry weight (DN.30.23-24). This means that the
Buddhas speech is perfect in form and content and is able to
transform spiritually the listeners lives, as happened to Kondaa,
who opened his Dhammas eye after listening to a Buddhas Sutta
(SN.V.423).22 However, normally paritta practice is focused on
attaining mundane benefits exclusively, and their efficacy can be
hindered because of karma obstructions, defilements, and lack of
faith (MP.154). Both of those aspects, among others, distinguish
parittas from dhras, because many dhras were seen to be able to
overcome those factors preventing paritta effectiveness. Although
both parittas and dhras may share common functions of protection
and increase, nevertheless, claiming that the dhra is the
counterpart of paritta as does H. Saddhatissa (1991: 127), is
inaccurate.23 Lastly, it is significant that some parittas such as
the Mahsamaya-sutta (DN.20) and the niya-sutta (DN.32), among
others, invoke the presence of non-Vedic and Vedic deities as
protectors of the Buddhist community. Specifically, there is a
core-set of deities that will remain constant as Dharmas
protectors: the Four Great Kings (Skt. catvri mahrjkayika)
Vairavaa, Dhtarra, Virhaka, and Virpka, the gods Indra (or akra)
and Brahm Sahpati, followed by their hosts of minor deities. This
fact gives evidence of an early incorporation of local cults within
Indian Buddhism that will be developed with the Mahyna and the
Vajrayna.24 And not only that, as it will be seen below, the
mantric language of those deities will be identified as
buddhavacana through its inclusion within the Mahstras.
Around the 4th century CE, Sarvstivdins and Mlasarvstivdins
extracted from their gamas a selection of Scriptures, called
Mahstras (Great Stras), whose main function was that of overcoming
religious opponents and malignant beings (MS.II: 4-30). Among them,
the Mahsamja-stra, the niya-stra, and the Vailpravea-stra contain
mantras. In the Mahsamja-stra an assembly of deities (most of them
goddesses) gather in order to contemplate the Buddha and to keep
off Mras hosts, then, the deities announce their purpose to protect
the Stra and promulgate mantras and ritual prescriptions (MS.I:
624-661; MS.II: 537-542). In the niya-stra, Vairavaa describes the
Four Great Kings and their retinues, whose promulgated to the
Buddha protective mantras for the Sangha. The next day, the Buddha
teaches those same mantras to the monastic community (MS.I:
662-694; MS.II: 575-577). In the Vailpravea-stra, the Buddha visits
Vail city in order to eradicate an epidemic and by reciting a long
mantra, and by the power of the Buddha and that of
22 It would be argued that the Buddhist assimilation of the
thirty two marks of the Great Man (brahmasvara is one of them) from
the Vedic lore (DN.3.1.3; 4.5), together with all the mentioned
speech qualities of the Buddha, could be understood as a Buddhist
adaptation/answer to two parallel doctrines already appearing in
the Upaniads: the ultimate reality as embodied speech (BU.1.3.21),
and Dharma and truths speech are identical (BU.1.4.14). 23 P.
Harvey rightly noticed that the power of dhras exceeds that of
parittas (1993: 83, n. 7). On the mundane and supramundane dhra
goals, see sections 3.2. and 3.3. 24 On the symbiosis between
Indian Buddhism and local cults, see Coomaraswamy, 2001: 4-37;
Sutherland, 1991: Chap. 4; Cohen, 1998: 399-400; DeCaroli, 2004:
186-187; Ruegg, 2008: 19-29. On the continuity of such core-set of
deities within Mahyna, see Pratyu.14E, Pua.I: 2; Aa.3.25-26,
PWE-S.III.50-51; Suvar: 36-54, Sgol: 24-44, and in Vajrayna, see
Vai-s: 10; Susi: 287-289; Bhattacharyya, 1933: 361-363. On the Four
Great Kings iconography, see DBI.3: 772-775.
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24
the deities, the epidemic ceased (MS.I: 696-738; MS.II:
593-597).25 These three Mahstras are significant for the Dhra-stras
for three reasons: (1) including mantras within those Mahstras
entailed their legitimation as Buddha Word (buddhavacana). If the
Sarvstivda Vinaya, among others, already recognized as buddhavacana
the gods Dharma preaching (Lamotte, 1983-4: 6), Sarvstivdins and
Mlasarvstivdins went a step further including as buddhavacana the
deities mantras approved by the Buddha. The assimilation of this
mantric language reflects a conversion device based on the
following exchange: the converters (i.e., Buddhists) convey the
Dharma to the those converted (i.e., tribal/lower caste
populations), while in return, they assimilate a new and powerful
kind of buddhavacana: the converteds mantric lore. This conversion
device adopted two modalities: the Buddha approves the deities
mantras (Mahsamja-stra and niya-stra cases), or the Buddha is
presented as the supreme source of the mantric lore
(Vailpravea-stra case), and both modalities will be reproduced
within the Dhra-stras.26 (2) These Mahstras set up a basic
Scriptural pattern that will be reproduced by the Dhra-stras,
consisting of a narrative where an issue is addressed to the Buddha
and he gives a solution through the promulgation or approval of a
mantra/dhra, the description of their benefits, and eventually,
giving ritual prescriptions.27 And (3), these three Mahstras will
be identified later as Dhra-stras and classified as Kriy Tantras
within the Tibetan Buddhist canon (MS.II: 78-84). All those factors
indicate, on the one hand, a continuity between the non-Vedic and
Vedic mantric lore and the mantras/dhras of Indian Buddhism, and on
the other hand, a pan-Indian and transectarian use of those
mantras, because they were employed by Buddhists of all ynas
(MS.II: 75).
The Sangti-sutta understands the faculty of memory (P. sati;
Skt. smti) as a protection giving factor (P ntha-karaa-dhamm):
(b) he has learnt much, and bears in mind and retains what he
has learnt. In these teachings, beautiful in the beginning, the
middle and the ending, which in spirit and in letter proclaim the
absolutely perfected and purified holy life, he is deeply learned,
he remembers them, recites them, reflects on them and penetrates
them with wisdom (i) he is mindful, with a great capacity for
clearly recalling things done and said long ago (DN.33.3.3).
The mahvyhtis has already been described as the condensation of
the three Vedas, whose recitation and bodily wearing bestow
knowledge and protection,28 and in the Buddhist case, the same idea
is detected but formulated differently: remembering that bearing in
oneself the Buddhist teachings bestows protection, this establishes
a solid basis for their further realization. This close
relationship between memory and protection is made evident within
the semantic field of the Pli term sati, that despite being
commonly translated as mindfulness, in fact its primary sense is
that of memory, or remembering and bearing in mind (PED: 672b,
697b). That is
25 Those Mahstras parallels the narrative of three
Paritta-suttas: the Mahsamaya-sutta, the niya-sutta, and the
Ratana-sutta, respectively (Piyadassi, 1975: 70-81, 103-114,
30-34). 26 See section 1.2.2.2. paragraph (a) and Appendix C. 27 On
this dhras narrative pattern, see section 1.2.2.2. paragraph (a).
28 See Appendix A.
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25
why the Dhammasagai considers the term dhraat, whose meaning is
that of bearing [in mind], to be a synonym of sati (Gethin, 2007:
36-37), that also means wearing, being dressed with, and it is
related to dhraa wearing, mantaining, sustaining, keeping up,
bearing in mind, remembrance (PED: 341a), and dharati to hold,
bear, carry, wear, to bear in mind, and in turn the Pli dharati is
derived from the Skt. dharati, whose root dh is identical to the
term dhra (PED: 340a; Whitney, 1885: 84-85).29 Although the term
dhra does not appear in the Theravda Nikyas, one of its primary
meanings as being a condensed formula able to unleash innumerable
Dharma teachings, is already present within the Theravda notion of
matrix or mother (P mtik; Skt. mtk). Mtik is understood as the
Abhidhammas generator, because according to the Kassapas
Mohavicchedan: The word mtik is used because of the begetting,
looking after and bringing up of dhammas and meanings without end
or limit like a mother (tr. in Gethin, 1992: 161).30 In a specific
sense, the mtiks consists of lists of items organized according to
a system of numerical progression and terms linked by
doublets-triplets (eg. non-greed, non-hatred, non-delusion),
extracted from Scriptures such as the Sangti-sutta and others.
Arisen from subtle contemplative states, the mtiks allows the
condensation and memorizing of large corpus of teachings, provide a
map of the path, and may constitute a meditative practice conducive
to insight (Gethin, 1992: 160-167), hence, mtiks and syllabic dhras
share relevant common factors. Despite the fact that syllabic dhras
are not based on lists of items but they are built up from the
first syllables of key doctrinal terms, just like the mtiks,
syllabic dhras allows the condensation and memorizing of a great
deal of teachings, they provide a paths map, and serve as
contemplative methods to attain the true nature of existence
(Pagel, 2007a: 111-115).31 Moreover, that one who is a specialist
in retaining the mtiks (P mtikdhara) is also a protector of Dhamma
(P dhammarakkha), and both functions are similar to those belonging
to the Bodhisattva, who, according to the Asagas Bodhisattvabhmi:
Finds joy in the summaries (mtk) of the piaka and attains dhras
(Braarvig, 1985: 21-22).
As will be seen below, parittas, Mahstras, mtiks/mtks, and a
mantric lore accepted by several mainstream Buddhist schools, would
be assimilated and re-elaborated by Mahyna Buddhism according to
its own outlook.32
29 On the etymology of the term dhra, see 2.1.1. On the dhras as
protective amulets to be worn, see Hidas, 2007: 190-198; Sen, 1965:
70-72. 30 On the Tantric mtks, see section 1.1.2.2. On the dhras as
condensed formulas, see section 2.4.2. On the embryological
function of the Mah Nikya mantra sa vi dh pu ka ya pa, understood
as the condensation of the seven Abhidhamma books and which
syllables are viewed as mothers (mtiks), see Bizot/Lagirarde,1996:
41, and Castro-Snchez, 2010: 7, Chart 2. 31 On the syllabic dhras,
see Appendices B-2 and D section (b). 32 On the formulaic and
syllabic dhras within some mainstream Buddhist schools, see
Appendix C.
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26
1.2.2. Mah1.2.2. Mah1.2.2. Mah1.2.2. Mahyna Buddhismyna
Buddhismyna Buddhismyna Buddhism
Indian Mahyna introduced two decisive changes that would
consolidate the legitimization as buddhavacana of the mantric lore
held by the mainstream Buddhist schools already referred to: (1) a
soteriological validation of language and mantras reflected in the
Sanskritization of Mahyna, understood as the Buddhist answer to the
rising of Sanskrit literature in the early centuries CE, and being
stimulated by Buddhist leaders of a Brahmanical origin (Wayman,
1965: 114), and (2) the passage from a Scriptural closed canon
based on an oral transmission, to an open one allowing a further
expansion through written Scriptures issued from visionary
experiences (McDermott, 1984b: 32).33 As will be studied below, the
emergence of this Mahyna open canon was what allowed the widespread
inclusion of formulaic and syllabic dhras within Mahyna Scriptures,
and particularly, what allowed the elaboration of the Dhra
Scriptures. 1.2.1.2.1.2.1.2.2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological
Validity of Language and 2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological
Validity of Language and 2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological
Validity of Language and 2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological
Validity of Language and MantraMantraMantraMantrassss
The Sanskrit language, besides being accepted by the Mahyna for
its technical precision and cultural prestige (Lamotte, 1958:
634-657), was also accepted as a medium conducive to enlightenment.
Probably, the first step towards this direction was recognizing the
Mahyna Stras as written manifestations of the Buddhas Dharma-body
(Skt. dharma-kya):
And when one learns it, one should carefully analyze it
grammatically, letter by letter, syllable by syllable, word by
word. For as the dharma-body of the past, future and present
Tathgatas is this dharma-text authoritative (Aa.28.227-228;
PWE-S.XXVIII.461-462).
As is the case with the Brahmans grammatical training, a mastery
of the Sanskrit grammar became one of the hallmarks of Bodhisattva
training, who wanted to acquire the skill in the cognition of
sounds (Skt. rutajnakaualya) (Mps: 162). And for that purpose, the
Bodhisattva will follow Sudhanas example, who visited the
grammarian Megha to teach him a dhra whose recitation bestows an
omniscient eloquence (Skt. pratibhna) and is able to transform him
into an irreversible (Skt. avaivartika) Bodhisattva (Avat:
1189-1191).34 Hence, Sanskrit grammar became a meditative practice
through reciting, memorizing, writting, and teaching specific Stras
paragraphs as if they were mantras (Kent, 1982: 324-325).35 This
explains that
33 The Mahyna arose simultaneously to the proliferation of a
non-Buddhist written visionary literature in India (first or second
century BCE), and this Mahyna acceptance of written Scriptures was
a key factor for its survival (McMahan, 1998: 255, 264). 34 On dhra
and pratibhna, see section 2.1.3.2. The avaivartika state coincides
with the accomplishment of the conviction of the non-arising of
dharmas (Skt. anutpattikadharmaknti) and locates the Bodhisattva on
the eighth stage (Skt. bhmi) to Buddhahood (Pagel, 1995: 186-187;
Dayal, 1932: 213). On the avaivartika state as a supramundane dhra
goal, see sections 3.3.1. and 3.3.2. 35 Likewise, Bharthari (fifth
century CE) recognized Sanskrit grammar as a gateway to liberation
(Vk.14), and his grammatical treatises were included within the
curriculum of the Buddhist university of Nland (Takukusu, 1896:
178-180; Biardeau, 1964: 255-260).
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27
Mahyna would include special syllabaries as the arapacana and
the standard Sanskrit syllabary (varapha) within several Mahyna
Scriptures, as mnemonic and contemplative means to realize Buddhist
teachings (Mps: 160-162; Mapa.I: 201-207). Even a commentary of the
influential Mahparinirva-stra went so far as to acknowledge the
eternal (akara) and inexhaustible (akaya) nature of the Sanskrit
syllabary and its invention from age to age by the god Brahm
(HBG.II: 117).36 Nevertheless, this Sanskritizaton did not
necessarily imply a Mahyna recognition of Sanskrit as the Buddhas
sacred language. In fact, on a relative level, such language
mastery was included within the Bodhisattvas detailed and thorough
knowledges (Skt. pratisavids) and was mainly used to skillfully
teach the Dharma to people, because the teaching of both the Dharma
and (its) meaning happens only through speech and knowledge
(Mslb.XVIII.36); and on a definitive level, language is subjected
to a rigorous deconstruction divesting it of any reification that
demonstrates its inability to express ultimate reality: One cannot
properly express the emptiness of all dharmas in words (Aa.18.174;
PWE-S.XVIII.348). When confronted with mantras/dhras though, this
linguistic deconstruction was understood in two different ways: for
the mainstream Mahyna, mantras/dhras reveal their emptiness as a
no-meaningness (Skt. nitarthath) emphasizing the inexpressible
nature of all dharmas, for the Vajrayna instead, mantras/dhras
reveal their emptiness as producers of innumerable meanings.37
Concerning the Mahyna doctrinal assimilation of mantras, an
early reference indicates that mantras were rejected due to their
heretical origins (Pratyu.14B), while another source ackowledges
mantra efficacy and its likely use among Buddhists (Kpa.4.48). But
it is in the Aashasrikprajpramit-stra and its versified part, the
Ratnaguasacaya-gth (1st century BCE, Conze, 2000: 1), where the
mantric lore got an unreserved acceptance. One passage refers to
mantra power (Skt. mantra-bala) as a metaphor for the unsupported
power of suchness (Skt. tathat) (Rag.27.5; PWE-V. XXVII.5), while
the other passage refers to the mantras and vidys attaining as a
mark of the irreversible Bodhisattva (Aa.17.167; PWE-S.XVII.337).
In practical terms though, the irreversible Bodhisattvas are
identified with the Dharma-preachers (Skt. dharmabhakas),
considered as quite advanced Bodhisattvas who are very near to the
attainment of Buddhahood.38 And if the dharmabhakas were the
inspirers of the Mahyna Stras and their legitimate promulgators
(MacQueen, 1982: 60; Drewes, 2006: 246-247), they were, moreover,
the introducers of the veneration to the Four Great Kings, akra,
and Brahm Sahpati, and the practice of their mantras within Mahyna,
through invocation formulae (Skt. karaapada), and the only ones
authorized to recite and transmit them (Pagel, 2007a: 60-61). This
implies that, in all likelihood, the dharmabhakas also introduced
the different understandings of
36 However, this approach was not followed by other Mahyna
streams, see below and section 2.2.1., and it was accepted by the
Vajrayna but with a key difference: the varapha is not created by
Brahm but appears spontaneously from suchness (Bonji: 139). On the
mantras as issued from the dharmat, see section 2.3. 37 On the
Mahyna approach to mantras/dhras, see sections 2.2.1. and 2.2.2.,
and on the Vajrayna approach, see sections 2.3., 2.4.1. and 2.4.2.
On the Bodhisattvas pratisavids, see section 2.1.3.2. 38 If the
irreversible Bodhisattva is located in the eighth bhmi (see n. 34
above), the dharmabhaka is located in the ninth one, identified
with the pratisavids mastery (Drewes, 2006: 248-251).
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28
dhra concept within the Mahyna Stras, and later on, they
inspired the Dhra Scriptures, as well. In the first case, the dhra
concept passed through several stages before becoming a mature Dhra
Scripture,39 and concerning the second case, it will be studied
below. 1.2.2.2. 1.2.2.2. 1.2.2.2. 1.2.2.2. DhDhDhDhrararara
ScripturesScripturesScripturesScriptures
From the third century CE to the eighth century CE, a new
modality of Buddhist Scripture appeared in India and spread through
Central Asia, Tibet, and East Asia, in fact, a new version of
buddhavacana, where the formulaic dhras became the core of the
Stras narrative (Srensen, 2011b: 162). The success and wide
dissemination of those Scriptures was such, that Arthur Waley
rightly called it Dhra-Buddhism (as quoted in McBride, II, 2005:
87). It can be seen in the arising of the Dhra Scriptures the first
consolidation of the non-Vedic, Vedic and early aiva mantric lores
within Indian Buddhism, as a result of a long process of
assimilation and re-elaboration that began, at least, three
centuries before (Skilling, 1992: 164).40 Among the key
socio-religious factors contributing to the emergence of the Dhra
Scriptures, two factors already dealt with stand out as the
Buddhist assimilation of local cults and their mantric lore from
the second century BCE to the third century CE (Skilling, 1992:
164), and the Sanskritization of Indian Mahyna, and a third one
should be added, the Brahmanical revival focused on Vedic rituals
established by the Gupta dynasty (320-500 CE),
interacting/competing against an institutionalized Mahyna led by
the Yogcra school (Matsunaga, 1977: 171; Staal, 2008: 337).41
And among the likely reasons lying behind the dissemination and
survival of the Dhra Scriptures, four would be emphasized:
(1).- Preciseness. The Dhra Scriptures offer a precise sense of
their nature and methods, contrasting with the vague references to
those topics appearing in standard Mahyna Stras. For instance, a
Stra refers to a Bodhisattva who has received the dhras, but does
not specify which ones (Aa.30.252; PWE-S.XXX.510), in other
Scripture dhra is defined both as memory and the means to attain it
(Braarvig, 1985: 18), but again, this Scripture does not specify
what these means concretely entail. The Dhra Scriptures instead,
reveal with preciseness the dhra goals and their concrete methods
of practice to attain them.42
(2).- Practicality. Overall, Dhra Scriptures leave aside
discussions on doctrinal topics, and are focused instead on a dhra
formula presented as a practice capable of accomplishing a concrete
goal, whether mundane or supramundane, or both. In fact,
39 On those stages of dhras within Mahyna Stras, see Appendix D.
40 The second Buddhist consolidation of those mantric lores would
be established by the Indian Vajrayna, from the mid-seventh to the
mid-eleventh centuries CE (Davidson, 2002: 117-118). 41 On the dhra
mastery of Asaga and Vasubandhu, see Chimpa/Chattopadhyaya, 1970:
166-172; Davidson, 2009: 139; and sections 2.2.2. and 3.1.1. On the
dhra mastery of Mdhyamika authors as Bhavviveka, see Beal, 1884:
ii, 224-226, and section 2.3, and on ntidevas, see ik.VI.139-142,
CBD: 136-140. 42 See section 3.1.2.
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29
for most Dhra Scriptures there is no dividing line between
mundane and supramundane goals, since both are viewed as an
interrelated wholeness.43
(3).- Effectiveness. Given that Dhra Scriptures condensate
numerous teachings within their formulas, they present themselves
as a short-cut to enligthenment and as a rapid method to attain any
goal (Chou, 1945: 258). According to their own claims, the Dhra
Scriptures show effective, feasible, and verifiable methods to
realize the desired goals, adapting their prescriptions to the
characteristics of any person, and even indicating the concrete
signs and time in which their results can be made manifest.44 (4).-
Dhras as Relics. Several Dhra Scriptures identified themselves as
Dharma-kya relics and were used to consecrate stpas and images,
hence, the stpa consecrated by those dhras became a living Buddha
body and the practitioner getting in touch with it could easily
attain mundane and supramundane benefits.45
The Dhra Scriptures collected by the Chinese and Tibetan
Buddhist canons testify, on the one hand, an obvious proof of their
proliferation, and on the other hand, the difficulty to classify
them neatly because of their versatile nature. In the first case,
the Chinese Buddhist canon contains at least one hundred fourteen
Scriptures entitled as Dhra-stras (Ch. tuoluoni jing) (RCB:
82-121), but it also includes numerous dhras/mantras within other
Stras, Tantras, ritual texts, etc., that according to the The New
Edition of All Mantras in Mahpiaka, come to 10,402 formulas.46 The
Tibetan Buddhist canon contains ninety six Dhra Scriptures,
entitled as Dhra, Kalpa, and Vidy, besides numerous Tantras
containing dhra formulas (Kan: 561-563, 566). And in the second
case, the denomination of Dhra Scripture is an extensive one,
including basically four textual modalities:
(a).- Single Scriptures: Entitled as Dhra or Dhra-stra, also
includes Scriptures entitled as Mahynastra (eg. Bala), and others
as Vidyraji (eg. My, Prati), or Hdaya (eg. Gaa). In most cases
those Scriptures are divided into two parts: a narrative one, where
a concrete issue is addressed to the historical Buddha, and a
practical one, where the Buddha or another authority (Bodhisattva,
deity, etc.) approved by him, promulgates a dhra formula as the
solution to the raised issue, praising its benefits and claiming
the pledge (samaya) of its efficacy.
A feature of foremost relevance for those Scriptures is that the
dhra formula is presented as buddhavacana, uttered by the Buddha or
issued from his craneal protuberance (Skt. ua) (Sit: 90-91), from
his eyebrows (Prati: 193), or it is claimed that the dhra formula
has been promulgated by the Buddha and endowed with his spiritual
support or blessing (Skt. adhihna) (Anir: 103; T 1022(b) 713c17-19,
Guhya: 4). The adhihna is an attribute of the Buddhas perfection of
power (Skt. prabhvasapad), which allows them to create, transform,
and conserve (adhihna) an external object (Koa.VII.34-c). Those
three functions correspond to three modalities of the supernatural
power (Skt. ddhi), consisting of the supernatural power of
conservation (dhihnik ddhi) in the thing that the magician
consecrates 43 See sections 3.1.3, 3.2. and 3.3. 44 See sections
3.1.2., 3.3.2., and 3.3.3. 45 See section 3.3.1. 46 See detailed
summaries of the Dhra Scriptures and other esoteric texts within
the Chinese canon in Giebel, 2011, and those extra-canonical ones
in Srensen, 2011a.
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30
(adhitihati) by saying, may this thing be thus is termed
adhihna. This thing is the object (prayojana) of this ddhi, or this
ddhi is produced in this thing: thus this ddhi is called dhihnik
(Koa.III.9-d, p. 31, n. 2). The Buddhas give their adhihna to the
dhras to endow them with efficacy and extend their power
indefinitely. Moreover, the adhihna can be given not only by
Buddhas, but by Bodhisattvas and deities, too. Likewise, the
prescriptions for the dhra practice participate of the promulgators
adhihna and pledge (samaya), who secures its effectiveness if
her/his prescriptions are strictly followed (Eltschinger, 2001:
24-27, 62-74).47
Among the earliest Dhra-stras stand out the Mahmyr-vidyrj-stra
(The Scripture of the Queen of Vidys of the Great, Golden Peacock),
of high significance for the early East Asian esoteric Buddhism,
whose Sanskrit original dates from the third century CE (Srensen,
2006a: 91-92, 109). In its narrative, a monk is suffering from
snakebite and the Buddha transmitted to nanda the Mahmyr dhra to be
recited by him to the poisoned monk, regarded as an infallible
antidote against poison. Moreover, the Buddha approves the
recitation of mantras/vidys/dhras from a large host of deities
intended to protect the Sangha from all kinds of dangers, since
true words eliminate poisons (My: 458).48
(b).- Dhra Ritual Manuals (Skt. Dhra-vidhis): A great number of
Dhra-stras contain a third part, focused on ritual practices
(vidhi) directly related to the Stras dhra formula (Copp, 2011:
176). However, originally the vidhis circulated independently c.
mid-fifth century CE, to be attached to the Dhra-stras after the
sixth century CE. The successful spreading of the Dhra-vidhis lies
in that the exact following of their prescriptions is seen to evoke
the deitys presence and obtaining the desired goals. The
Dhra-vidhis established the textual basis for the early Buddhist
Tantras emergence (Dalton, 2010: 14-15).49
(c).- Dhra Collections (Skt. Dhra-sagrahas): Of a wide diffusion
in India, Nepal, and Tibet, the Dhra-sagrahas consist of a
selection of dhra formulas to be recited within a liturgical
context, and normally are divided into three parts: an invitation
to mundane deities as witnesses and recitations beneficiaries, the
dhra formulas themselves, and a closing part with praises and
prayers (Dalton, 2010: 5-10). Among the most popular Dhra-sagrahas,
stand out the Pacarak (Five
47 On the Bodhisattvas adhihna on mantras, see section 2.2.2.,
on the function of adhihna in the Vajrayna mantras, see section
2.3. Some Buddhist schools admitted the dhihnik ddhi in
non-Buddhist mantras, see section 1.2.1.1., n. 19. On the samaya
role in the Vedic mantras, see section 1.1.1.1., and in the dhras,
see Appendix B-1. On the Dharmakrti (600-660 CE) definition of
mantras efficacy as exclusively related to a human dhihnik ddhi,
see Eltschinger, 2008: 278-281. 48 The Atharvaveda already
described a mantra invoking a peacock as antidote against snakes
poison (AV.VII.56.7). The Mahmyrs narrative core is based on the
Khandha and Mora parittas (Piyadassi, 1975: 37-38, 41-42; Lvi,
1915a: 20-21), and the deities lists appearing into the Mahsamaya
and niya parittas are reproduced in the Mahmyr (Przyluski/Lalou,
1938: 41-44), which in turn, are identical to their parallels
Mahsamja and niya Mahstras already described in section 1.2.1.2. On
another key early Dhra Scripture entitled Mtag-stra, see Appendix
C, n. 185. 49 See section 1.2.3. On the Dhra-vidhis, see section
3.1.2. However, there are instances of early Dhra-stras (c.
second-third centuries CE) including both dhra formulas and
rituals, see Appendix C, n. 185.
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31
Protections) (Gellner, 1993: 127, n. 39), and Saptavra (Seven
Days) collections (Grnbold, 2001: 372), still in use among Nepalese
Buddhist Newars.50
(d).- Dhra Anthologies (Skt. Dhra-sammucayas): These are one of
the three modalities adopted by the Dhra Scriptures in China.51 One
of the most outstanding is the Tuoluoni zi jing (Skt.
Dhrasammucaya-stra) (T 901), compiled by Atika between 653-654 CE.
Besides including a vast selection of Dhra-stras and dhra formulas,
the Tuoluoni zi jing describes numerous rituals, especially, that
of the consecration (Skt. abhieka) and fire sacrifice (Skt. homa),
becoming a pivotal work that would anticipate a mature East Asian
Vajrayna (Strickmann, 1996: 72-87, 133-136). A later and highly
relevant Dhra-sammucaya is the quadrilingual Dazang quanzhou (Great
Collection of dhras) in Manchu, Chinese, Mongolian, and Tibetan,
compiled between 1748-1758 under mandate of the Qing emperor
Qianlong (1711-1799).52
Given that Atikas Tuoluoni zi jing is an abridged version of a
Vidydhara-piaka (Duquenne, 1988: 322), it is likely that the
Dhra-sammucayas could be the direct descendants of the earlier
Vidydhara/Dhra-piakas already mentioned. Judging by their contents,
the Vidydhara/Dhra-piakas include early protective mantras
(ik.VI.143; CBD: 140), and Scriptures with a threefold division of
rites, accomplishments (Skt. siddhis), and Buddha Clans (Skt.
kulas), as the Subhuparipcch and the Susiddhikara (Lalou, 1955:
71-72), for this reason they were classified later as the earliest
Kriy Tantras. According to the testimonies of Yijing (635-713 CE)
and Wuxing (?-674 CE), the Vidydhara/Dhra-piakas were presented as
a new teaching of great prestige in India (Chavannes, 1894:
101-105; Li-kouang, 1935: 83-84, n. 2). Those piakas advocate the
model of the vidydhara, lit. bearer of knowledge, as a human being
able to transform himself into a superman or man-god through a
mantra/dhra practice (Buitenen, 1958: 308).53
The Dhra-stras hybrid nature, whose narratives makes them
similar to the standard Mahyna Stras, but their ritual methods
relate them to the Tantras, locate them into a frontier area
between Mahyna and Vajrayna (TMD: xxii), which other authors have
described as proto-Tantric (Strickmann, 1996: 129-133), or
esoteric
50 See other Dhra-sagrahas in CBSM: 41-43, 49-50; IMT.I.410-411;
SBLN: 80-81, 93-95. On the parallels between the Pacarak collection
and some Theravda parittas, see Skilling, 1992: 180-182. 51 The
other two are translations of Indian Dhra-stras, and Scriptures
elaborated in China (apocryphal) but based on Indic originals
(Strickmann, 1996: 72-73; Franke, 1984: 320-334). 52 Qianlong was
seriously involved in dhras and wanted to restore their original
Indic pronunciations (Wang, 1995: 149-151; Yuyama, 2000: 166;
Berger, 2003: 39). The contemporary The New Edition of All Mantras
in Mahpiaka (2001) is an improved reproduction of the Dazang
quanzhou. 53 The vidydharas have their origin in the non-Buddhist
semigods or men-gods (Skt. divyamnuas) (Przyluski, 1938: 125), and
they are described as being able to fly, to change shape at will,
always young and accomplished (siddhas) in mantric lore (Grafe,
2006: 135-136). The vidydharas are mentioned in the Milindapaha and
certain Jtakas (Lders, 1939: 90-93), they play a key role in some
early Buddhist Tantras (Przyluski, 1923: 306-307), and are the
precursors of the siddha model advocated by a mature Indian
Vajrayna (Davidson, 2002: 170-171).
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32
(Srensen, 2006b: 57-58).54 Regardless the debatable accuracy of
those designations, the documentary evidence shows an indisputable
fact: There is in fact a historical connection between the earlier
dhra texts and the later Buddhist Tantras. The earliest textual
precursors of the Tantras are dhra-collections (Gray, 2005:
427).
1.2.3. Vajray1.2.3. Vajray1.2.3. Vajray1.2.3. Vajrayna
Buddhismna Buddhismna Buddhismna Buddhism
Among the foremost Vajrayna contributions to the dhras, two
stand out: endowing them with sophisticated definitions which
identify them definitely as mantras, and with a doctrinal and
methodological systematization incomparable to their former
generalized presentations. According to the earliest classification
of the Indo-Tibetan Tantras, Buddhaguhya (the eighth century CE)
established two subclasses within the Kriy Tantra category: the
general Tantras that are compilations of ritual manuals (Tib. spyii
cho ga bsdus pai rgyud), and the distinct Tantras (Tib. bye brag gi
rgyud). Under the former type he included texts such as the
Susiddhikara (Susi) or the Subhuparipcch, i.e., compilations of
ritual manuals (vidhi), while that under the second type
Buddhaguhya included texts such as the Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra
(Vai-ta; Vai-s). This means that most of the earliest Kriy Tantras
are composed by Dhra-vidhis, hence, those ritual manuals
established a key developmental bridge between the earlier dhras
and the later tantras (Dalton, 2010: 15-16, n. 33). In later
classifications, Indo-Tibetan Vajrayna recognized the dhras as a
type of Kriy (Action) and Carya (Conduct) Tantras: The action and
conduct tantras are distinguished as five types according to style
of presentation alone: sutras, tantras, skills, detailed rituals,
and retention mantras [sic] (dharani) (Shes.V: 273-274).55 It had
been argued that Kriy and Carya Tantras lack any soteriological
goals, therefore, dhra practice would limit itself to exclusively
mundane goals (Williams/Tribe, 2000: 205-208). However, the Dhra
Scriptures themselves refute such biased claim, and demonstrate
instead a more complex evidence: there are dhras with only mundane
goals, others with mundane and supramundane goals, and still others
with exclusively supramundane goals.56 Moreover, in the
Majurmlakalpa and the Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra the first
soteriological
54 Despite some authors considering the Dhra Scriptures as
belonging to the Mantranaya, understood as a stage previous to the
Vajrayna (Williams/Tribe, 2000: 196, n. 8), such inclusion is
problematic for two reasons: Mantranaya was indentified as synonym
of Vajrayna by later Vajrayna authors (mi, 2008: 307-308), and
Mantranaya is not applicable to the East Asian Vajrayna. On the
other hand, claiming that the Dhra Scriptures are unrelated to
Vajrayna Tantras as does Hartzell (1997: 253-256), is completely
without foundation, see below and section 1.2.3. Likewise, it had
been acknowledged the emergence of tantric materials out of the
dhra literature, despite that those tantric materials included
practices alien to standard Dhra Scriptures (Davidson, 2011: 23).
55 The other categories of Tantras are Yoga, Mahyoga, and Yogin
Tantras (Williams/Tribe, 2000: 209-217). 56 The pivotal Kriy Tantra
Majurmlakalpa includes both mundane and supramundane goals (Wallis,
2002: 19-23), and the same occurs with the seminal Carya Tantra
Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra (Vai-ta.I.7; XIII.50). On the mundane
and supramundane dhra goals, see sections 3.2. and 3.3.
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33
rationales for Buddhist dhras/mantras are articulated, which
locates them neatly within a doctrinal and methodological Vajrayna
context.57 But being faithful to their fluidic nature, dhra
formulas are not only located within Kriy and Carya Tantras, but
they permeate through the whole spectrum of Vajrayna Scriptures,
establishing genetic connections between early and late Tantric
texts (Cantwell/Mayer, 2010: 77-78). To quote just a few examples,
one of the accomplishments for the initiated to the Yoga Tantra
Sarvatathgatatattvasagraha is that of [the mastery of] Dhras
(Sanderson, 2009: 134); according to an Indo-Tibetan tradition,
dhra-mantras of Mahyoga Tantra, Yoga Tantra, Cary Tantra and Kriy
Tantra should be inserted for consecrating stpas (Bentor, 1995:
256); the Cakrasavara-tantra, one of the pivotal Yogin Tantras, is
ritually treated as a dhra-dharmakya relic (Gray, 2005: 427-428, n.
26 and 27); and dhra formulas are included within Mahyoga Tantras
as the Guhyasamja-tantra (Gusa: 298-306, 332), Yogin Tantras as the
Hevajra-tantra (HT.I.2.32; II.5.45-47), or ritual manuals as the
Cakrasavarabalividhi (Finot, 1934: 57). Within the East Asian
Vajrayna, it is precisely the term dhra what was selected to define
this tradition.58 The contents of this esoteric lineage are based
on the Scriptures, dhras, and mudrs that the revered Vairocana
[Buddha] entrusted to the bodhisattva Vajrapi until reaching the
Indian ancestor Amoghavajra (Orlando, 1981: 135), and the initiatic
transmission of dhras is realized through a consecration ritual
(Skt. dhrayabhieka) (Chou, 1945, 284, n. 62). And to distinguish
clearly the Buddhist dhra from the Daoist spell (Ch. zhou), which
it was commonly confused with in China, Amoghavajra composed a
normative definition on the meaning of the term dhra, where it is
identified explicitly as mantra (Zong: 151-154; McBride, II,
2005