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Of Cannibals and The Recycling of OthernessAuthor(s): Rogrio
BudaszSource: Music & Letters, Vol. 87, No. 1 (Jan., 2006), pp.
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Music & Letters, Vol. 87 No. 1, ? The Author (2005).
Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1093/ml/gcil63, available online at
www.ml.oxfordjournals.org Advance Access publication 16 December
2005
OF CANNIBALS AND THE RECYCLING OF OTHERNESS
BY ROGERIO BUDASZ
The origin of cannibalism is the origin of culture. Marshall
Sahlins
S6 me interessa o que nao 6 meu. Oswald de Andrade
AN AVID TRAVEL BOOK READER around the mid-sixteenth century,
eager to meet the fierce South American cannibal depicted by so
many adventurers, could always take a short trip to Normandy. For
some years, the ports of Rouen and Dieppe sheltered a small
population of Tupinambas and with a bit of luck that reader could
even find one of them walking down the Rue Malpalu towards the
house that locals used to call L'Isle- du-Bresil.
Norman sailors and traders visited the Brazilian coast regularly
throughout the six- teenth century. Their main interest was
brazilwood, from which clothmakers obtained a highly prized red
pigment, and the business of extracting and loading the wood
required them to make an alliance with the Tupinambia-a branch of
the Tupi that was hostile to the Portuguese, who claimed ownership
of the land. On several occasions, the Normans brought back to
France guests from those parts. Some of these might have been
helpful in the training of interpreters; others were brought as
exotic ambassadors, to participate in events such as the entry of
Henri II and Catherine de' Medici into Rouen in 1550.
It was in Rouen, in the autumn of 1562, that Michel de Montaigne
met three newly arrived Tupinamba. His impressions of the encounter
and the short conversation that followed-though somewhat blurred by
the incompetence of the interpreter-are at the core of his essay
'Of Cannibals'.1 Here Montaigne not only praises the Tupinamba as
living examples of the triumph of nature over art, but he also
raises the Brazilian canni- bal 'to the status of an orator and
philosopher, a free and fraternal citizen of a back-to- nature
utopia'.2 Cannibalism was also a kind of speech. Rather than
arising from hun- ger, it was motivated by a sort of noble revenge
and the will to take a name that, for some Europeans, seemed to
resonate with those familiar values of honour and courage found in
chivalric literature.
Many ideas expressed here were developed after a reading of
Manuel Veiga's article 'Marcos aculturativos na etnomusi- cologia
brasileira', ART, 6 (Dec. 1982), 9-50. I am indebted to Bruce Alan
Brown andJames Tyler for their assistance during the process of
expanding and shaping those early thoughts.
Michel de Montaigne, 'Des Cannibales', in Essais de messire
Michel seigneur de Montaigne (Bordeaux, 1580), i, ch. 31. 2 Frank
Lestringant, Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation of the
Cannibalfrom Columbus to Jules Verne (Berkeley, 1997), 110-11.
1
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The historian Frank Lestringant warns us that, after Montaigne,
so many situations have been compared to cannibalism-totalitarian
regimes, interest on loans, matrimo- nial law, the relationship
between father and child or master and pupil-that one could reach
the erroneous conclusion that 'cannibalism existed only as a figure
of speech'.' Nevertheless, a very particular use of cannibalism as
metaphor has played an important role in Brazilian artistic and
literary circles during much of the twentieth century. For Oswald
de Andrade (1890-1954), a key figure in Brazilian modemismo of the
1920s, anthropophagy was the only true Brazilian philosophy.
Andrade's ideas, summarized in his 1928 Manfesto antropdfago,
argued for a critical ingestion of European culture and the
'reworking of that tradition in Brazilian terms'.4
To some extent, Andrade's anthropophagy was itself a reworking
of European avant-garde currents, namely Dada and the short-lived
1920 literary review Cannibale published by Francois Picabia.
However, if parallels are evident between Andrade and his French
counterparts-the spirit of cynicism and anarchy, and the use of
such 'cannibalistic' devices as collage and parody-his aesthetics
were not concerned with emulating so- called 'primitive art'.
Anthropophagy was to be taken more viscerally. Brazilian artists
should immerse themselves in the early native's thoughts, looking
at the European as they would-as a source of nutrients. They should
not mimic their food by emulating European modernists. Instead,
they should devour what was useful in the civilization while
maintaining their natural, 'primitive' state.
Of course, Andrade and his modernist friends-sons of Italian
immigrants and members of Sao Paulo's richest families-were
culturally as far from the Brazilian native as they were from the
European primitivists. The first goal of Andrade's cannibalistic
met- aphor was to shock the local elite, firmly rooted in
nineteenth-century artistic and literary canons. After Andrade
himself abandoned it, later generations reworked his anthro-
pophagy and made it more palatable by associating it with
nationalistic ideals. After all, the cannibal was a powerful symbol
that could be used as a national response to recent European
'isms'. In tune with the idea of racial democracy-the Brazilian
counterpart of multiculturalism-the concept flourished above all in
the musical avant-garde, such as the musica nova movement in
contemporary music of the 1960s and the 1970s tropicalia in pop-
ular music, both linked to Andrade through the 1950s poesia
concreta movement.5
If Andrade's famous catchphrase, 'Tupi or not Tupi, that is the
question', illustrates the irreverent and parodistic nature of the
movement, it also expresses his doubt about the suitability of the
metaphor itself. More recently, S6rgio Bellei has identified two
interrelated meanings in Andrade's anthropophagy, one specifically
associated with the
3 Ibid. 8. In his polemical book The Man-Eating Myth:
Anthropology and Anthropophagy (New York, 1979) William Arens
stirred up a bitter controversy among anthropologists, arguing that
in the absence of any credible first-hand account, rit- ual
cannibalism has never existed. Recent research in archaeology,
ethnography, and genetics has produced a large body of data that
makes Arens's main assumptions questionable. See Peggy Reeves
Sanday, Divine Hunger: Cannibalism as a Cul- tural System
(Cambridge, 1986); Aparecida Vilaca, Comendo como gente: Formas do
canibalismo Wari (Rio deJaneiro, 1992); Eduardo Viveiros de Castro,
From the Enemy's Point of View: Humanity and Divinity in an
Amazonian Society (Chicago, 1992); Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, and
Margareth Iversen, Cannibalism and the Colonial World (Cambridge,
1998); Laurence Goldman, The Anthropology of Cannibalism (Westport,
Conn., 1999); Beth Conklin, Consuming Grief: Compassionate
Cannibalism in an Amazonian Society (Austin, Tex., 2001). 4
Interview with Haroldo de Campos, 'Concrete Poetry and Beyond',
Review: Latin American Literature andArts, 36 Jan. June 1986),
38-45.
5 Besides several books and articles by the brothers Haroldo and
Augusto de Campos, see also Bina Maltz, Jer6nimo Teixeira, and
Sergio Ferreira, Antropofagia e tropicalismo (Porto Alegre, 1993)
and Antonio Eduardo Santos, 0 antropofagismo na obra pianistica de
Gilberto Mendes (Sao Paulo, 1997). For a demystifying discussion of
Brazilian antropofagia, see Heloisa Buarque de Hollanda, 'The Law
of the Cannibal, or How to Deal with the Idea of "Difference" in
Brazil', paper given at a conference at New York University on 20
April 1998, available online: http://acd.ufrj.br/pacc/literaria/
paperlhelo.html. See also her article 'Parking in a Tow-away Zone:
Women's Literary Studies in Brazil', Brasil-Brazil: Revista de
Literatura Brasileira-A Journal of Brazilian Literature, 6 (1991),
5-19.
2
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modernist tradition of rptura (disruption) and the other related
to a certain Brazilian cul- tural ethos: 'Andrade's evil
anthropophagous, eater of Whites and of their cultural prod- ucts,
was radically different from the Romantic's good, submissive savage
to be converted to civilization by the European colonizer.' Bellei
refers here particularly to the tamed Indian hero of
nineteenth-century works such as Jose de Alencar's 0 Guarani
(introduced to European audiences by the opera composer Carlos
Gomes). On the other hand, anthropophagy could be read as a
'cultural practice aimed at displacing frontiers'. Bellei links
this meaning to an 'abiding dream', found in many Brazilian
cultural practices, 'of a world in which frontiers should be
abolished or at least made unstable and vulnerable to
trespassing'.6 The present article is primarily concerned with this
interpretation, and how Andrade's ideas of recycling and
incorporating otherness could help explain the rationale behind
some Brazilian cultural phenomena during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centu- ries. Different forms of interaction between
Europe and Brazil were at play, motivated by a variety of factors,
provoking a range of responses, and almost always featuring music
as one of the primary cultural products to be borrowed,
assimilated, or recycled.
II Cannibalism was always a fascinating subject to the European
reader. It was constantly mentioned in reports of voyagers and in
Jesuit letters. The literature generated by the short-lived French
colonizing enterprises in Brazil also addressed the topic. In two
sixteenth- century best-sellers Andre Thevet and Jean de Lery
described their experiences in La France Antarctique, founded in
1555 by Nicolas Durand de Villegaignon in the location already
known as Rio deJaneiro. At the beginning of the following century,
the Capuchin missionaries Claude d'Abbeville and Yves d'Evreux
recounted their mission- ary work and impressions of La France
Equinoxiale (1613-15), located on the northern island of Sao Luis
of Maranhao. Thevet, Lery, Claude d'Abbeville, and Yves d'Evreux
were also among the first to describe the musical practices of both
natives and European colonizers in Brazil, and the results of their
interaction.
In chapter 15 of his Histoire d'un voyage (first published in
1578) Lry describes how, after roasting and eating their enemies,
the Tupinamba 'very carefully save the biggest bones of the thighs
and the arms for making fifes and flutes'.7 As for their music,
Lery even tran- scribed a number of short melodies (see P1. 1). He
explains how he learnt one of them: These ceremonies went on for
nearly two hours, with the five or six hundred men dancing and
singing incessantly; such was their melody that-although they do
not know what music is- those who have not heard them would never
believe that they could make such harmony. At the beginning of this
witches' sabbath, when I was in the women's house, I had been
somewhat afraid; now I received in recompense such joy, hearing the
measured harmonies of such a multi- tude, and especially in the
cadence and refrain of the song, when at every verse all of them
would let their voices trail, saying Heu, heuaure, heura, heuraure,
heura, heura, oueh-I stood there trans- ported with delight.
Whenever I remember it, my heart trembles, and it seems their
voices are still in my ears. When they decided to finish, each of
them struck his right foot against the earth more vehemently than
before, and spat in front of him; then all of them with one voice
uttered hoarsely two or three times the words He, hua, hua, hua,
and then ceased.8
In his Histoire du Canada (1636), Gabriel Sagard presented one
of Lery's transcriptions in a four-part harmonization with the
Tupinamba melody in the superius, immediately
6 Sergio Bellei, 'Brazilian Anthropophagy Revisited', in
Cannibalism and the Colonial World (Cambridge, 1998), 93-5. 7 Jean
de Lery, Histoire d'un Voyage, trans. Janet Whatley (Berkeley,
1990), 127. 8 Ibid. 142-4. For a detailed study of these melodies,
their variants, and later uses byJ.-J. Rousseau, see Helza Cameu,
IntrodufCo ao estudo da mzsica indigena brasileira (Rio deJaneiro,
1972), 83-101.
3
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p.174
p. 191
p. 322
?bie * cberdar-iew b,d ,tr
fox a. Seb &
?H~, trd~r#, heli , bexrWxre, i~~~~~~__ll_,, .n
w
hcglre.curuireh PL . 1. ery's transcriptions of Tupinamba
melodies, from Jean de Lery, Histoire d'un voyage (Geneva, 1611),
174, 191, and 322
following three similarly reworked Native Canadian songs. The
features of this harmo- nization-note-against-note style, a few
passing notes, and lightly ornamented cadences-link it to the late
sixteenth-century French chanson (see P1. 2 and the tran- scription
in Ex. 1).9 Dressed with a fuller, more impressive sonority, this
version may be a reinterpretation influenced by reports such as
Lery's. Given that Sagard was a lay member of the Recollect order,
there is also the possibility that for him the single-line melodies
could acquire musical significance only when recycled in European
terms, harmonized in the familiar style of sacred polyphony.0l
Another example of Tupinamba-French musical interaction was
described in the correspondence between Francois de Malherbe and
Nicolas de Peiresc, tutor of his son Marc-Antoine. On 15 April 1613
Malherbe comments on the arrival in Rouen of six Tupinamba brought
over from the French settlement in Maranhao:
While passing through Rouen he had them dressed in the French
manner since according to the custom of their country they all go
naked, except for a black rag they place before their shameful
parts: the women wear nothing at all. They danced a kind of branle
without holding hands and without moving from one spot; their
violins were gourds like those pilgrims use for drinking, in which
they had placed something like nails or pins."'
9 Roger Savage, 'Rameau's American Dancers', Eary Music, 11
(1983), 441-52. '0 So concluded Manuel Veiga, who also suggested
that the harmonization functioned as a way of purging these
songs
of their demonic association in the same way that popular tunes
were purified by their use as cantus firmi in the poly- phonic
mass. See 'Marcos aculturativos', 33-4.
" Francois de Malherbe, (Euures compltes de Malherbe (Paris,
1863), iii. 297: 'En passant par Rouen, il les fit habiller a la
francoise; car, selon la coutume du pays, ils vont tous nus, hormis
quelque haillon noir qu'ils mettent devant leurs parties honteuses:
les femmes ne portent du tout rien. Ils ont danse une espece de
branle sans se tenir par les mains et sans bouger d'une place;
leurs violons etoient une courge comme celles dont les pelerins se
servent pour boire, et dedans il y avoit quelque chose comme des
clous ou des epingles.'
4
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S V P E t I V SI
i dou veni, hau hau he h.
Fiel haa-te hci;t; heir*re
ira he'ira oubch. TENO R.
@-35 IT :t.s-+ +
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Malherbe's letter of 20 August seems to suggest that this dance
inspired the lutenist Ennemond Gaultier to compose a sarabande.
Gaultier, who was at this time in the ser- vice of Louis XIII (or
Marie de' Medici), might have witnessed their entry into Paris: 'I
am sending to Marc-Antoine a sarabande that Gautier [sic] composed
on the dance of the Toupinamboux; when he has learnt it, it will
give you some enjoyment: it is said to be one of the most excellent
pieces one can hear.'12 In his reply of 15 September, Peiresc jokes
that he stole the tablature from Marc-Antoine to hear it at a
social gath- ering at La Floride, the residence of Guillaume Du
Vair.'3 That made Malherbe eager to hear Peiresc's opinion of
Gaultier's reworking of what was probably the very dance he had
witnessed some months earlier.'4 Unfortunately, the answer cannot
be found in their letters and all modern attempts to identify this
sarabande among Gaultier's extant works have resulted so far only
in frustration.'5 As for those six Tupinamba, three died within a
few weeks after arriving in Rouen. The others were baptized in a
ceremony at which the bishop of Paris officiated, with the King and
Queen as their godparents.
III By 1557-the year Lery spent in La France Antarctique the
Jesuits were already established in several places along the
Brazilian coast. Jose de Anchieta (1534-97),1 who arrived in 1553,
and who participated in the foundation of Sao Paulo in the follow-
ing year, had already finished writing his grammar of the Tupi
language (printed in Coimbra in 1595). After Governor Mem de Sa's
success in dismantling Villegaignon's small colony in 1560,
Anchieta celebrated the event in a 3,000-line epic poem in Latin De
Gestis Mendi de Saa. Yet as a missionary, Anchieta was often more
interested in the practical uses of poetry as a didactic tool.
Jesuits in Brazil were especially worried by the natives' 'bad
habits'-drinking fer- mented cauim and engaging in cannibalism,
polygamy, and revenge wars-that could hamper the religious and
political project of subjecting them to the Catholic Church and the
Portuguese monarch. In order to help convince the natives to
abandon those practices-the core of their culture Anchieta, and
before him Manuel da N6brega, devised a form of moral theatre
featuring songs and dances. Since their target public also included
Portuguese colonists, these plays were often written in two or more
lan- guages (Tupi, Portuguese, Spanish, and occasionally
Latin).
In these plays Anchieta made great use of one of his preferred
literary resources, the transmutation of popular tunes into
spiritual songs, also known as a lo divino poetry-a fairly old
practice that gained momentum in the sixteenth-century Iberian
peninsula.7 Some of these contrafacta retained much of their
original text, while others preserved only the indication of the
melody to which they were to be sung. Thus Anchieta con- verts
Venid a suspirar al verde prado into Venid a suspirar con Jesu
amado, and Un suspiro did
12 Ibid. 327: J'envoye a Marc-Antoine une sarabande qu'a faite
Gautier sur la danse des Toupinamboux; quand il l'aura apprise, il
vous en donera du plaisir: on la tient pour une des plus
excellentes pieces que l'on puisse ouir.'
13 Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, Lettres c Malherbe:
1606-1628 (Paris, 1976), 70-1. 14 'Vous me mandez bien que vous
avez oui la sarabande des Toupinamboux. Mais vous ne me mandez pas,
ni de la
main de qui, ni ce qu'il vous en a semble. Son auteur, qui est
Gautier, est tenu le premier du metier: je ne sais s'il aura
reussi, et si le gofit de Provence sera conforme a celui de la
cour.' Letter to Peiresc, 10 Oct. 1613; ibid. 340
15 See Veiga, 'Marcos aculturativos' and Robert Stevenson, Music
in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley, 1968), 229-30. 16 Although
Anchieta's Brazilian biographers have rejected the hypothesis, the
Spanish historian Francisco Gonzalez
Luis suggests that he was the grandson ofJuan de Anchieta,
chapel master of Queen Isabella. See Francisco Gonzalez Luis, Josi
de Anchieta, viday obra (La Laguna, 1988).
17 For a more detailed study see Rogerio Budasz, 'A presenca do
cancioneiro iberico na lirica dejose de Anchieta, um enfoque
musicol6gico', Latin American Music Review, 17 (1996), 42-77.
6
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Lucia into Mil suspiros di6 Maria.'8 The play Auto de Sao
Lourenfo probably ended with his version of Mira Nero de Tarpeya,
in which he changed the structure of the Spanish romance into one
of five-line stanzas with a completely different rhyme scheme. He
created a much smoother transition in the Auto da Visitafdo de
Santa Isabel, where he changed the well-known song Q.uien te me
enojd, Isabel / que con lagrimas te tiene into Quien te visitd,
Isabel / que Dios en su vientre tiene.'9 Anchieta also wrote a
large number of songs in Tupi, but the original Iberian melodies
for these texts are still to be discovered. In these songs Anchi-
eta departs radically from the devotional style of his Spanish and
Portuguese poems and creates an allegorical realm where Catholic
saints live together with some figures of Tupi mythology while
fighting against others. As a rule, these figures have their mean-
ing twisted to fit into the Christian notions of the devil, demons,
and angels, which have no parallel in Tupi mythology.
Dressing up the structure, sonority, and rhythm of the Tupi
language with European stanzas and rhyme schemes was not entirely
new. For decades missionaries-and not only Jesuits-had been
teaching the natives the Catechism, which also involved the singing
of Catholic prayers and hymns in their own languages. Anchieta
expanded these strategies by employing Iberian literary forms and
structures as well, such as glosas and interlocking rhymes. In
addition, instead of keeping certain untranslatable expres- sions
in Latin or Portuguese, Anchieta usually chose other solutions,
sometimes perplex- ing ones. Thus, if the first missionaries,
recalling the apostle Paul's search for an unknown god among the
Athenians, decided to name the Almighty with the Tupi word for
thunder, Tupan-a scary, though innocuous entity-Anchieta took
advantage of this association and extended it to the figure of
Mary, now Tupansy, literally 'thunder's mother'. Commenting on an
even more curious example, the literary critic Alfredo Bosi pointed
out that for the term 'angel' Anchieta created the word karaibebe,
literally 'flying prophet'. Karai, however, can mean both white man
and the native Santidade, or holi- ness, a singer-prophet who goes
from tribe to tribe announcing the Land without Evil. Bosi
concludes: 'What would the Indians think of coupling karai to the
idea of flying expressed in bebe? Of their own nomad and
clairvoyant shamans, now provided with wings? Or of winged
Portuguese?'20
Anchieta mastered the creation of myths-in the Barthesian
sense-by not denying but distorting the beliefs of the Tupi by
removing them from one system and inserting them in another. He did
not have any problem with acknowledging the existence of a
supernatural being, whom the Tupi called Anhangd-a playful entity,
whose tricks could sometimes approach pure evil. Instead, Anchieta
used the opportunity to introduce the Devil and a new kind of fear
into the lives of the natives by emphasizing some aspects of
Anhangd's personality while ignoring others. Likewise, he ignored
inconvenient or embarrassing parallels, such as the analogy between
cannibalism and the Eucharist: the doctrine of transubstantiation
states that the believer eats and drinks the actual flesh and blood
of Jesus Christ during the Communion-something perceptively noted
by the HuguenotJean de Lery.
Anchieta's plays also incorporated Iberian and native dances, in
some cases a mix- ture of both. In a play prepared for the day of
the Virgin's Assumption, six Indians, playing the role of savages
newly arrived from the jungle, are asked to dance the machat-
ins-the Portuguese word for the Spanish matachin (mattaccino in
Italy and matassins in
8 The late 16th-c. Portuguese cancioneiros of Elvas and Belem
present musical versions of Venid a suspirar, and Luis de Bricefo
printed a setting of Mil suspiros in his 1626 guitar book.
Francisco de Salinas and Antonio Cabez6n registered the music of
Quien te me enojd Isabel, whereas MAira Nero de Tarpeya appears in
16th-c. versions byJuan Bermudo, Luis Venegas de Henestrosa, and
Mateo Flecha. 20, Alfredo Bosi, Dialdtica da colonizafao (Sao
Paulo, 1992), 65-6.
7
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Fcint&c.
Taile haulc.
Eltocadc.
Rcucrs hault.
PL. 3. Les Matassins, from Thoinot Arbeau, Orchesographie
(Lengres, 1589), fo. 98r
France; see P1. 3). The natives probably replaced the swords and
shields of the Euro- pean choreography with their own clubs-the
tacapes-and tapir-skinned shields, like those described by Thevet
and Lery (see P1. 4). The choreography could maintain some features
of the machatins-according to Anchieta-but it would require some
modifica- tion in order to represent Amerindian rather than
European combats. In another example of a composite dance in a 1585
report, Anchieta describes Indian boys dancing in the Portuguese
fashion-maybe afolia or a chacota-and playing drums and vihuelas,
while keeping their feather costumes and adornments.21
Even so, the interaction promoted by Anchieta should not fool
us. The Jesuits' main goal was not the creation of a mixed society
in which colonists and natives would live and work side by side.
From the beginning, missionaries regarded colonists as a bad
21 'They teach them [the native children] to sing and they have
their ensemble [capila] of voices and flutes for their
feasts, and they perform their dances in the Portuguese fashion,
very graciously with small drums and vihuelas, as if they were
Portuguese boys, and when they perform these dances they place on
their heads some sort of adornment made of bird feathers of various
colours, and in this manner they also make their bows and they
feather and paint their body.' Anchieta, 'Enformacion de los
collegios y casas de la Companhia del Brasil', Evora, Biblioteca
PIblica, codex CXVI/ 1- 33, fo. 39', quoted in Paulo Castagna,
'Fontes bibliograficas para o estudo da pratica musical no Brasil
nos seculos XVI e XVII' (MA thesis, University of Sao Paulo, 1991),
ii. 223.
8
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PL. 4. The Tupinamba in combat, fromJean de Lery, Histoire d'un
voyage (Geneva, 1580), 231
influence and contacts between them and the natives were
restricted to the context of devotional plays, feasts, and
processions, or when colonists borrowed natives from the Jesuits in
order to perform some work. Civil authorities did not see
interaction as a good thing either. As early as 1583, legislators
in Sao Paulo-notorious for the enslavement of natives-issued a
warning against 'Christians who [were] caught in Indian villages
drinking and dancing in their manner'.22 With so many Guarani
slaves in Sao Paulo, what bothered legislators was not the contact
per se, but the conditions in which such
22 19Jan. 1583. Atas da Cdmara da Villa de S. Paulo 1596-1622
(Sao Paulo, 1915), i. 200. I thank Paulo Castagna for bringing this
source to my attention.
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contact took place: in native villages, far from urban centres,
natives and colonists would get together and have fun as equals.
Judging by the number of prohibitions of gatherings issued in the
following decades, that practice was very common, to the dis- may
of both secular and religious authorities. One of the reports
stated that in those bailes people were committing 'many deadly
sins and insolence against the service of God and the common
good'.23
The danger of losing control had already been foreseen in 1553
by a representative of the papal authority. Two months after his
arrival in Bahia, Bishop Pero Fernandes Sardinha complained in a
letter to the Superior of theJesuits in Lisbon that the mission-
aries were adopting some pagan costumes. He mentioned Father
Salvador Rodriguez, who 'played, danced, and jumped with them' in
order to be in their good graces. More- over, some Portuguese
orphan boys brought from Lisbon were now playing along with the
natives, using their musical instruments and singing like them,
praising the Virgin Mary with native melodies. But what shocked him
most was the fact that they even had their hair cut like the native
boys. Sardinha argued that the Jesuits' tactics were not working as
planned: instead of converting, the natives were becoming more
proud of their practices. After all, theJesuits not only approved
their practices but also seemed to be imitating them. Sardinha
finished by explaining to the Superior that he had not been sent
there 'to make Christians pagan, but to accustom the pagans to the
Christians', and that would be possible only if he 'plucked out the
old man from the roots, with his deeds, and clad him with the new
man created according to God'.24
Sardinha thus exposed theJesuits' strategy of approaching the
natives by respecting and even assimilating some of their customs.
He understood that they intended to replace them later with
European habits, but he found that tactic too dangerous. Indeed, by
incorporating Tupi habits and expanding the meanings of their
mythology, theJesuits were unconsciously encouraging syncretism,
which would result in organized forms of resistance several times
in the following decades.
In the late sixteenth century the santidades emerged as a
heretical movement targeted by the Inquisition on its first visit
to Brazil, in 1591. In the course of several hearings, the father
visitor discovered that a group of mixed-race (mamelucos) and
Portuguese colo- nists had declared themselves to be under the
guidance of some Tupi shamans, the karai, who were proclaiming the
day in which Christian law would be corrected, and the natives
would become lords and the Portuguese slaves.25 The Inquisition was
able to ter- minate the heretical outbreak in the city of Salvador,
but its actions were less than effective in other regions, as
aJesuit visiting the interior of Bahia in 1602 reported:
Approaching the fence's doors, a voice was soon heard throughout
the village, saying: 'Here comes the Great Father, come everybody
to welcome him' . . . They all went out to welcome him with
diligence, and he started singing gibberish, of which we understood
nothing, nor do I believe they understand it themselves. And as he
went on speaking, the others answered him in the manner of priests
who pray in choir. I also went three or four steps out of the
house. He was like someone who teaches the doctrine, mixing in a
thousand nonsensical things, saying things like Santa Maria,
tupama, remireco, which means Holy Mary, wife of God, and other
similar absurdities. He was on his knees, with his eyes looking
heavenward, and his hands elevated and open, as a clergyman who
conducts the Mass ... They use the cross, but with little
reverence, and they have other ceremonies in the manner of the
Church. They have a sort of clergymen,
23 21 Oct. 1623. Quoted in Castagna, 'Fontes bibliograficas',
iii. 55. 24 Monumenta Brasiliae I (Rome, 1956), 358-60. Translated
and quoted by Thomas D. Culley and Clement G.
McNaspy, 'Music and the EarlyJesuits', Archivum historicum
Societatis Iesu, 40 (1971), 213-45 at 236. 25 The term Mameluco
refers to children of Portuguese males and Tupi females.
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whom they oblige to keep chaste, and if they fail, they soon
cast them out. As for images, I did not see more than one of wax,
in the shape of a fox.26
Some of these karai had been exposed to Catholic teachings since
childhood; a few of them were even raised in Jesuit schools. And
now, while mocking some Catholic beliefs, rites, and gestures, they
were incorporating and giving new meanings to others-the actual
'absorption of the sacred', to use Oswald de Andrade's words. Even
though he did not explore the symbolic aspects of cannibalism in
the sixteenth century, it seems that Andrade's concept of cultural
anthropophagy was already at work centuries before he conceived the
metaphor.27
As for Sardinha's fears, they were proved right after all, but
he did not live to see their outcome. In 1562 he was eaten by the
Caete natives-a branch of the Tupi. 'The poor guy was actually
named Sardine', punned Haroldo de Campos.28 Oswald de Andrade dated
his Manifesto antropofago '1928, year 374 of the swallowing of
Bishop Sardinha'. For him this was the truly memorable year, and
not 1500, when Brazilian history began. Sardinha, the one who
wished to prevent the Jesuits from incorporating elements of the
Tupi culture, was himself incorporated-in corpore-into their
stomachs. Moreover, the event also confirms the rule that the
cannibals ate only those prisoners who resisted assimilation-others
were simply killed. To deserve to be eaten they had to maintain
their difference to the end; that otherness was exactly what the
cannibal wanted.
For the Caete, it was not relevant that in 1558 Governor Mem de
Sa ruled that 'no confederate Indian should dare to eat human
flesh, or wage any war without his permis- sion'.29 But that would
soon change. In a few years, civil and religious authorities were
able to terminate cannibalism in the territories under their
control-most of the coastal region. Not willing to comply with the
new political and religious system imposed by the Portuguese, many
branches of the Tupi fled to the hinterland, finding refuge in the
distant Amazon, where groups such as the Arawete, Kamayura,
Kawahib, and Parakana still thrive today, though cannibalism is
only part of their mythology or a distant memory (which is
sometimes the same). The Tupinambta-the main branch of the
sixteenth- century Tupi-remained on the coast, subjected to
Portuguese law and the Catholic religion. It would take some
generations, but their distinct culture eventually disap- peared.
Their villages became Brazilian villages, their daughters married
Portuguese colonists. Yet, even though identifying themselves more
with the colonizer, their off- spring would not forget their Tupi
mother's songs, stories, amulets, and medicines.
Of course, the process of assimilating the Tupinamba and other
groups was not as smooth and painless as it might appear.
Missionaries soon realized that when natives were not satisfied
with the terms of their relationship they would simply run away,
back
26 'Chegando as portas da cerca, correu logo pela aldeia uma voz
que dizia: Vem o pai grande, sai todos a recebe-lo,
dizendo isto pelo mesmo principal. Sairam-no todos a receber cor
diligencia, e ele comecou a entoar uma aravia, de que nada Ihe
entendemos, nem cuido que eles mesmos a entendem, e isto falando
ele e respondendo-lhe os outros a maneira de clerigos que rezam
c6ro. Eu tambem sai de casa tres ou quatro passos. Ele estava como
quem ensina a dout- rina, misturando mil desbarates, como era dizer
Santa Maria, tupama, remireco, que quere dizer Santa Maria, mulher
de Deus, e outros desprop6sitos semelhantes. Estava posto de
joelhos com os olhos no c6u e as maos levantadas e abertas como
sacerdote que diz missa.... Usam da cruz, mas com pouca reverencia
e teem outras cerim6nias ao modo das da igraja. Teem modo de
sacerdotes, aos quais obrigam a guardar castidade, na qual se
faltam, os depoem logo do oficio. Imagem nao Ihes vi mais que uma
de cera de figura de raposa.' Fernao Guerreiro, Relafao annual da
coisas quefizeram os Padres da Companhia de Jesus ... 1600 a 1603
(Lisbon, 1930), 380-2. Similar events were reported in the 1620s
and 1630s by Antonio Ruiz de Montoya in the distant Guayra Missions
(in today's State of Parana, southern Brazil).
27 For a detailed study of the santidades and other syncretic
movements in Colonial Brazil see Ronaldo Vainfas, A heresia dos
indios: Catolicismo e rebeldia no Brasil colonial (Sao Paulo, 1995)
and Laura de Mello e Souza, Inferno atldntico: Demonologia e
colonizafao (Sao Paulo, 1993).
28 Interview with Haroldo de Campos, 'Concrete Poetry and
Beyond', 44. 21 Simao de Vasconcelos, Cronica da Companhia deJesus
no Brasil (1663), ed. Serafim Leite (Petr6polis, 1977), ii. 34.
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-
to the jungle. A more coercive approach would have resulted in
the dismantling of the villages under their control. In fact, most
of the so-called Indian revolts during the colo- nial period were
not aimed at the missionaries. Instead, they reacted against the
expan- sionist urge of colonists, which often translated into the
killing of natives and enslavement of their women and
children.30
Even so, why was it so easy for the Tupinamba to forget a
practice so fundamental to their culture as cannibalism? Pointing
to Claude Levi-Strauss's thoughts on cannibalism as an unstable and
extreme form of identification with the other-the opposite side of
the spectrum being indifference or incommunicability-the
anthropologist Eduardo Viveiros de Castro argues that by giving up
that practice, the Tupinamba have lost an essential dimension of
their society: their 'identification with the enemy'. He sees the
Tupinamba as a culture in a perennial state of social
incompleteness and thus open- ness-existing essentially through
their enemies. When the Europeans replaced their traditional
enemies, new values had to be incorporated, superseding those that
used to be interiorized through the devouring of their former
opposites.3'
IV Myths play an explanatory and contextualizing role in many
South American cultures. They help them understand their place in
the universe and how they relate to other liv- ing beings. They
also fix the boundaries of what is and what is not acceptable in
their highly categorized world. Still, boundaries can be transposed
or dealt with through some ritual intervention. Claude Levi-Strauss
has shown how the Tupi-Guarani andJe regard the possession of
culinary fire as the single most important event, marking the
beginning of their culture.32 Once in control of fire, people are
able to transform the nature of things. Lery had a glimpse of that
concept when a Tupi told him about their enemies, the Ouetaca, whom
they regarded as real barbarians because they did not cook their
enemies before eating them; the Tupi could not think of a more
uncivilized act than eating raw meat.
The early Tupi always associated cannibalism with cooking, and
thus with fire. Pass- ing through fire would be equivalent to a
cultural transformation, from raw to cooked, from the natural to
the cultural. Not only that, it was part of a cycle-kill-cook-eat-
that could not be broken without serious consequences. Moreover, by
eating their enemy they would do him a favour, preventing his body
from rotting in the cold earth. Likewise, boundaries between nature
and culture could be trespassed, or dealt with, through the
recycling of otherness. In that sense, the cooking and eating of
prisoners would be akin to the reworking of their cultural
products.
The anthropologists Beth Conklin and Aparecida Vilaga have shown
that cannibal- ism in the Wari culture of the Amazon embodied
symbolic concepts deeper than merely acquiring a name, or
assimilating the enemy's bravery-concepts usually associated with
the Tupinamba. They had a complex system of beliefs, in which the
consumption of enemies killed or captured in combat ('outside'
cannibalism) and the consumption of a member of their own group
('inside' cannibalism) were related to the ever present con- cept
ofjam, which could be translated as the spirit, soul, image, or
essence of creatures.
30 Likewise, landowners in 17th-c. Brazil allowed black slaves
to work for themselves once in a while, if they had the strength
(some even managed to buy their freedom) and let them worship their
gods and enjoy themselves in dances and gatherings in order to
avoid 'greater evils', such as murdering their masters or plotting
rebellions. Even so, slave rebel- lions did happen every now and
then during the colonial period, always reminding the civil and
religious authorities of the dangers of enforcing too coercive
policies.
3] Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, A inconstancia da alma selvagem
(Sao Paulo, 2002), 220, 241, 263. 32 Claude Levi-Strauss, Le cru et
le cuit (Paris, 1964).
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Killing, cooking, and eating changes the jam of things. At each
step of this cycle, preda- tors can become prey, friends become
enemies, and dead relatives can come back to life. It places all
living beings in an eternal and balanced cycle of eating and being
eaten.
Until four or five decades ago the Wari still waged revenge wars
that ended up in cannibal rituals. But the Wari used to have many
enemies who were not cannibals. As an elder Wari told Vilaca, when
they found the corpse of a friend killed by the enemy but still
intact in the forest, they brought it back to their tribe and ate
it themselves-or at least a little bit of it, if it was too rotten,
for the important thing was to preserve the symbolism of the act.33
As death transforms the Wari into unknown others, a relative that
was only buried would be kept alive indefinitely as an enemy.
Likewise, for the early Tupi a dead enemy was a kind of
relative. After being cap- tured, the assimilation of the enemy
into the group began long before he was devoured; living with them
for about a year as an equal, he was even given a wife. Comparing
them with the Arawete-a modern-day Amazonian Tupi group-Viveiros de
Castro sees the early Tupi need for absorbing the other as a way of
renovating and revitalizing their society: 'Gods, enemies,
Europeans were figures of potential affinity, modalities of an
otherness that attracted and should be attracted; an otherness
without which the world would sink into indifference and
paralysis.'34
Functioning as a revitalizing force, cannibalism neutralized
otherness and suppressed boundaries. A type of communion took
place, in which both the killed and the killer become a little like
their opposites. Nowhere is that confusion of selves more evident
that in the Arawete songs of the dead, performed during their cauim
feasts. Viveiros de Castro explains that these are all supposed to
be sung by the enemy, through the mouth of his killer: 'the vic-
tim talks about himself and his killer-who is the one who "speaks",
that is, the one who sings the dead enemy's speech-as an enemy.
Through his enemy, the Arawete killer sees himself as the enemy.'
Viveiros de Castro has transcribed one of these songs by Yakati-ro,
an Arawete who supposedly 'learned' it from a Parakana victim
before 1976:
'I die', said the late Moiwito, said my prey, said the late
Koiarawi. In his ample courtyard, 'Eeh!'-said the Towaho. 'Here is
my prisoner, in the big bird's courtyard'.
Viveiros de Castro points out that the victim who mourns in the
first verse, Moiwito, was an Arawete, killed by a Parakana and
later avenged by Yakati-ro. Both are pictured here through the
point of view of the Parakana victim. Moreover, the word Towaho-
which refers to ancient enemies of the Arawete and is used as a
substitute for the word 'enemy'-replaces Yakati-ro himself here.
Viveiros de Castro explains that 'from the point of view of the
Parakana victim, his killer is a Towaho: an enemy. Yakati-ro, the
singer-killer, speaks about himself speaking the words of his
victim, which is a quotation of what he would have said.' The
anthropologist concludes: 'who speaks in such a song? who is the
killer, who is the enemy?'35
33 Vilaga, Comendo como gente, 217. :4 Viveiros de Castro, A
inconstancia da alma selvagem, 207, 268. Viveiros de Castro points
to some Arawete gods, the
Mai; associated with both cannibalism and skin shedding, which
is a sign or instrument of renovation and immortality in several
contemporary Tupi societies.
35 Ibid. 275-7.
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v
In the 1970s, anthropologist Anthony Seeger lived with the Suya,
of the Je group-a community not associated with literal forms of
cannibalism. He recounts that the Suya learnt many songs from other
societies and still sing them, sometimes without under- standing
the words. They sing songs from at least ten different societies
with whom they had interacted over the past 200 years of migration
and during the last few decades in Xingu Park (nowadays they even
sing some American folksongs that Seeger taught them). Seeger shows
how their enthusiasm for the outsiders' songs is cultural and not
simply a result of migration: the introduction of songs should be
understood as part of the creation of their own history-the songs
and their performance create both past and present and show the
parallels between them. Another important reason is that know-
ledge is power. By incorporating songs, they incorporate the power
and the knowledge of other groups for the benefit of their own
community.36 Seeger also points out that the phenomenon is not
isolated, for some Amazon groups not only know songs but often
entire ceremonies from three, four, five, or more different
groups.37
Echoing the Tupinamba enthusiasm for the culture of the
stranger, the Suya practice of incorporating bits of rituals and
songs-cannibalizing cultural products, so to speak-matches many
Brazilian religious practices, from the santidades to the
twentieth- century Umbanda, that 'triumph of religious kitsch', as
Umberto Eco has described it.38 Approaching the model of what some
would call bricolage, the Suya deal with other- ness by giving new
meanings to it-learning, incorporating, and recycling-and that is
how they keep their cultural individuality. Whereas they benefit
from the contact and are able to neutralize its adverse effects,
they are not interested in changing, possessing, or wiping out the
other.39
The early Tupi wanted the Europeans because of their otherness,
which for Viveiros de Castro was a means of self-transfiguration, a
'symbol of the reunion of what had been lost in the origin of
culture'.40 The strange realm that the Jesuits created-neither
Iberian nor Tupi-might appear close to performing that
reconciliation, fulfilling an 'abiding dream' of abolishing
cultural boundaries, which for Sergio Bellei would become an
outstanding feature of Brazilian culture.4' However, we should
remember that those strategies were part of a global project of
religious and political indoctrina- tion. Anchieta's use of native
mythology, infusing it with new meanings, was aimed at gaining
ideological control over the people who originated those myths. It
was to them only that the newly invented Catholic-Tupi cosmology
would make sense. But we should not be naive. The Tupi were well
aware of that strategy. We know that because they did similar
things with Catholic beliefs. Indeed, they were successful to the
point of converting whites and mixed-race settlers in Bahia to the
santidades-even some land- owners, as shown by the Inquisition
hearings.
6 Anthony Seeger, 'When Music Makes History', in Ethnomusicology
and Modem Music History (Urbana, Ill., 1991), 33. 37 Anthony
Seeger, Why Suya Sing: A Musical Anthropology of an Amazonian
People (Cambridge, 1987). 38 Umberto Eco, Travels in Hyperreality:
Essays (San Diego, 1990), 103. 39 If that non-confrontational way
of dealing with the other helped the Suya culture to flourish for
at least two centu-
ries, the lack of prolonged contacts with 'civilized' society
should have played a role as well. The late anthropologist Darcy
Ribeiro, who devised the concept of ethnic transfiguration, has
pointed out that in most cases contact and integra- tion has proved
disastrous for native cultures. Ribeiro explains that native
cultures resist assimilation and keep their iden- tity not by
confronting the more powerful invader, which would result in their
annihilation, but by change. It is only through change that they
can survive in a new, hostile environment. Darcy Ribeiro, 0 povo
brasileiro (Sao Paulo, 1995), 257-65. 4o Viveiros de Castro, A
inconstdncia da alma selvagem, 206.
41 Bellei, 'Brazilian Anthropophagy Revisited', 93-5.
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Evidently, when Jesuits learned the language, oratory, music,
dance, cuisine, and many other aspects of native cultures-in South
America, Asia, or Africa-that too was done for the benefit of their
community and the empowerment of their ideology. And by doing so
they changed themselves. This is not the place to detail all the
political and philosophical issues in play around the time of their
banishment, but theJesuits and the world around them changed so
much, and their interests diverged so considerably from those of
European governments and the Catholic Church itself, that in the
span of ten years after 1759 they were expelled from Portugal,
France, Spain, Naples, Sicily, Genoa, Venice, Malta, and Parma. In
1773, after all negotiations had failed, Pope Clement XIV
abolished-albeit temporarily-the Society ofJesus.
Native cultures and those peoples brought as slaves to the
Americas have learnt the importance of negotiation and adjustment
for their survival. More often than not, they had to learn from
their oppressors and to master their ways and weapons in order to
challenge them successfully. If in the process they became a little
like them, it was a two- way street, as the Jesuit experience has
shown. It is in this context of mutual curiosity and seduction-or a
dual game of pretence-that one could place the shaping of the
Latin-American rationale that the poet and literary critic Haroldo
de Campos defined as 'anthropophagic reason': the masticating,
digesting, and rewriting of the outsider.42 In the end, we all take
part in that big banquet depicted in the Wari view of the world:
once we start eating prey, we enter an unbreakable cycle. It is
only a question of time until we become prey ourselves.
ABSTRACT
The earliest examples of musical interactions between Europe and
Brazil, as well as the first reports of musical practices of the
Brazilian natives, are, in one way or another, related to
cannibalism. That practice was a way of recycling otherness: the
cooking and eating of prisoners and the reworking of their cultural
products express the cannibal's interest in the other; they serve
as mechanisms to assimilate otherness and transform the natural
into the cultural. In the twentieth century, artistic and musical
avant-gardes in Brazil developed the idea of 'cultural
cannibalism', urging a critical ingestion of Euro- pean culture and
the reworking of that tradition in Brazilian terms, assuming a sort
of national unconscious in which the cannibal mind is still at
work, in the masticating, digesting, and rewriting of the outsider.
This concept, sometimes defined as 'anthro- pophagic reason', is
brought to bear on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and is
used to compare the symbolism of human-eating practices and the
desire for absorbing otherness, including music, in contemporary
Amazonian societies.
42 Ibid. 44.
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Article Contentsp. 1p. 2p. 3p. 4p. 5p. 6p. 7p. 8p. 9p. 10p. 11p.
12p. 13p. 14p. 15
Issue Table of ContentsMusic & Letters, Vol. 87, No. 1
(Jan., 2006), pp. 1-185Front Matter [pp. 182 - 183]Of Cannibals and
The Recycling of Otherness [pp. 1 - 15]'Late', Last, and Least: On
Being Beethoven's Quartet in F Major, op. 135 [pp. 16 -
51]Musicology and Critical Theory: The Case of Wagner, Adorno, and
Horkheimer [pp. 52 - 71]Review-ArticleRecent Approaches to
Experimental Music Theatre and Contemporary Opera [pp. 72 - 81]
Reviews of Booksuntitled [pp. 82 - 85]untitled [pp. 85 -
88]untitled [pp. 88 - 90]untitled [pp. 90 - 93]untitled [pp. 93 -
96]untitled [pp. 96 - 98]untitled [pp. 98 - 101]untitled [pp. 101 -
104]untitled [pp. 104 - 107]untitled [pp. 107 - 109]untitled [pp.
109 - 112]untitled [pp. 112 - 113]untitled [pp. 113 - 115]untitled
[pp. 115 - 118]untitled [pp. 118 - 120]untitled [pp. 120 -
123]untitled [pp. 123 - 126]untitled [pp. 126 - 128]untitled [pp.
128 - 132]untitled [pp. 132 - 136]untitled [pp. 136 - 141]untitled
[pp. 141 - 147]untitled [pp. 147 - 153]untitled [pp. 153 -
157]untitled [pp. 157 - 161]untitled [pp. 161 - 163]untitled [pp.
163 - 166]
Reviews of Musicuntitled [pp. 167 - 171]untitled [pp. 171 -
173]untitled [pp. 173 - 176]untitled [pp. 176 - 179]untitled [pp.
179 - 180]
CorrespondenceCharles Avison [p. 181]Grants for Venetian
Research [p. 181]
Books Received [pp. 184 - 185]Back Matter