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Anthropol. Sci. 103(1), 1-22, 1995

Cannibalism in the Prehistoric American Southwest:

Occurrence, Taphonomy, Explanation,

and Suggestions for Standardized World Definition

CHRISTY G. TURNER II1 AND JACQUELINE A. TURNER2

1 Department of Anthropology, Arizona State University,

Tempe, AZ 85287-2402, U.S.A.

2 2208 Campo Alegre, Tempe, AZ 85281, U.S.A.

Received February 21, 1994

•ôGH•ô Abstract•ôGS•ô Intentionally-damaged human skeletal remains indicating cannibalism

and/or violence have been found scattered on room floors and deposited in pits

in more than 40 archeological sites in Arizona, Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico.

Most of the bone assemblages were in Anasazi sites. Using five standardized

taphonomic criteria (perimortem cut marks, intentional breakage, burning, anvil/

hammerstone abrasions, and many missing vertebrae), 32 assemblages meet our

minimal requirement for proposing cannibalism. In the 32 cannibalized series, the

minimal number of individuals (MNI) ranges from 1 to 35. The average MNI is

9.2 per site. The total MNI is 295. All ages and both sexes are represented. The

earliest grouping of sites with evidence of cannibalism date around A.D. 900; the

latest single site, A.D. 1700. The average date for the 32 sites is ca. A.D. 1100. Two

proximate explanations involve social pathology and/or Mesoamerican influence.

Prehistoric Southwest cannibalism has been explained by starvation (3 sites),

social pathology (several sites), and recently, as a violent form of institutionalized

social control associated with the post-A.D. 900 rise of the highly complex Chacoan

social and religious center in New Mexico, its regional road system, and the linked

outlier multi-storied Great House communities that were built elsewhere in New

Mexico and also in Colorado, Arizona, and Utah. There is no identifiable direct

connection with cannibalism in Mexico. When considered with the sites evidenc

ingextensive violence, Southwest cannibalism appears to be part of a socially

- pathological and chaotic development that began in the Anasazi area, possibly

triggered by Mesoamerican influences such as Mexican traders.

•ôGH•ô Key Words•ôGS•ô: cannibalism, taphonomy, SW U.S.A., bioarcheology

INTRODUCTION

The subject of human cannibalism has long fascinated laypersons and scholars

alike, especially anthropologists, for both scientific and horrific reasons. In the past,

calling a group of people cannibalistic was either an intentional means of debasing

them, or it was heedless and based on incomplete evidence. However, recent careful

research has shown without question that cannibalism occurs in wild non-human

primates (Goodall, 1977; Nishida and Kankawa, 1985; Norikoshi, 1982), and many



2 TURNER AND TURNER

other vertebrate species (Elgar and Crespi, 1993). Cannibalism has been legally

proven with circumstantial evidence or confession by some socially pathological

serial killers (McClain et al., 1986; Sloane, 1992). Cannibalism is now soundly

recognized by modern worldwide ethnographic work or by careful re-analysis of

older fieldwork (Barber, 1992; Brown and Tuzin, 1983; Freuchen and Salomonsen,

1958; Harris, 1987; Lumholtz, 1979; Sahlins, 1983; Sanday, 1986). Cannibalism has

been identified through historical studies of various civilizations (Chagng, 1990),

accounts of contemporary events (Burton and Chiang 1993; Liu, 1993; Sanchez,

1970); and bioarcheological research on prehistoric human remains from all over

the world (Brothwell, 1961; Suzuki, 1966; Villa, 1992a, 1992b; Villa et al., 1986,

1987, 1988; White, 1987; and many others). Despite an abundant literature on the

topic of cannibalism, it has most often been treated or exemplified by isolated

episodes. Regional treatment of the topic and standardized taphonomic tests for

proposing cannibalism have so far been developed only in the American Southwest.

In the American Southwest prehistoric human skeletal remains have been found

in four contextual settings: (1) as formal burials (Carle, 1941; Hagberg, 1939;

Robinson and Sprague, 1965), (2) as results of accident or trauma (Brues, 1946;

Martin, 1929; Ravesloot, 1988), (3) as disturbed burials and isolated bones, and (4)

as episodic events suggesting violence and/or cannibalism (see Table 1 for

references). The vast majority of the many thousands of prehistoric Indian skeletons

recovered during the 100 years of archeological activity in the American Southwest

represent formal and considerate (mindful of the dead) burials. Inhumation was the

major burial type among the plateau Anasazi, cremation characterized the desert

Hohokam, and both inhumation and cremation were practiced by the mountain

Mogollon people. Throughout the Southwest the most common burial type was a

single person interred in a flexed position with some form of grave offering

(Stanislawski, 1963). Multiple and secondary burials were extremely rare. In no

instances can the precise cause of death be determined. See Cordell (1984) for

Southwest culture area maps.

Much less common are skeletons where the bone or archeological context

indicates an accidental or violent death, such as an individual trapped in a burned

room, or individuals with weapon wounds (Turner et al., 1993). Until recently,

conflict and warfare were given little attention in the study of the evolution of South

westcultures (Haas, 1990; Haas and Creamer, 1993; Hurst and Turner, 1993;

Mackey and Green, 1979). There are no clear-cut examples of Southwest skeletal re

mainsindicating human sacrifice, although decapitation and taking of trophy heads as

well as scalping were practiced as early as Basketmaker II times (200 B.C. o A.D. 00),

presumably associated with conflict (Kidder and Gurnsey, 1919; Wilcox and Haas,

1989). Disturbed burials and isolated human bones and teeth are found in many

Southwest archeological sites. They are seldom studied from a taphonomic perspective.



Cannibalism 3

The fourth class of skeletons is very rare and has physical characteristics that

differ completely from skeletons associated with natural or traumatic death. These

characteristics are believed to have resulted from acts of cannibalism, the subject

of this paper.

TAPHONOMIC IDENTIFICATION OF CANNIBALISM

Southwest cannibalism has been hypothesized by several workers when a

minimum number of certain types of human-induced bone damage occur in a

skeletal series (Figs. 1-6). These features are breakage, cutting, anvil or hammerstone

abrasions, burning, missing vertebrae, and fragment polishing (Turner and Turner,

1992). Figure 1 shows the severely fragmented condition of a representative skeletal

series (Polacca Wash) thought to have been cannibalized. The perimortem (at or

around the time of death) bone breakage is intentional (Fig. 2), usually followed

Fig. 1. Completed exposure of the Polacca Wash charnel deposit, northeastern Arizona. There is no

indication of any articulation. The bone element distribution has a wholly random appearance.

The basal sands beneath the bone bed show no signs of fire or previous human activity. This

is one of the largest assemblages. (Museum of Northern Arizona Archive photograph by Roger

Kelley, March, 1964).



4 TURNER AND TURNER

Fig. 2. Tibial fragments from the Leroux Wash charnel pit, northeastern Arizona. This is the

characteristic appearance of perimortem bone damage in Southwest sites having the taphonomic

signature of cannibalism. Note that the more easily crushed proximal and distal ends of these

long bone fragments are missing. Width of figure is 63.5cm. (CGT neg. 7-15-93:20).

Fig. 3. Polacca Wash child's rib with perimortem cut marks. Length of rib fragment is 4.5cm. (CGT

neg. 7-16-93:35).



Cannibalism 5

by butchering as indicated by cut marks in Fig. 3. Percussion breakage of animal

and human bone in archeological sites can almost always be identified by spiral or

non-stepped smooth fracture lines similar to those seen in broken glass or plastic.

Lyman (1994, pp. 315-338) discusses bone breakage in great detail. Much breakage

occurs after muscle and other tissues have been removed, otherwise, the anvil or

hammerstone abrasions shown in Fig. 4 could not occur, especially on the bones

of the heavily fleshed upper arms and legs, and of the back. Anvil abrasions were

first recognized for Southwest human taphonomy in 1983.

Perimortem cut marks made with stone knives or sharp stone flakes have long

been informally recognized on Southwest animal bones as indications of butchering.

Turner and Morris (1970) are among the earliest published papers to illustrate cut

human bone. Cut marks are usually v-shaped in cross-section, and within a cut mark,

shelfing or irregularities can be recognized with a dissecting microscope.

Burned bone is another key feature of Southwest cannibalism. Some of the

burning seems to represent roasting because overlying muscle prevented the burning

of the rest of the bone. In some cases, bone fragments were discarded in a nearby

fire, as the re-fitted pieces in Fig. 5 clearly show. Burning can be difficult to

recognize in the intial phase, but with time and heat, charring, charcoaling, and

eventually calcining occur and each is easy to identify by color changes alone.

Fig. 4. Anvil abrasions on isolated adolescent femur, Trench L, Wupatki Ruin, northeastern Arizona.

Bone breakage is post-mortem and unrelated to perimortem abrasions (CGT neg. 7-16-93:20).



6 TURNER AND TURNER

Fig. 5. Detail of perimortem midshaft break of House of Tragedy, Burial 1, left femur, reassembled

with burned shaft (lower) and unburned smaller fragment (upper) showing that breakage

occurred before burning. Width of bone showing in photograph is 3.8cm. House of Tragedy

is a few km from Wupatki Ruin (CGT neg. 7-16-93:31).

Fig. 6. Many missing and severely damaged vertebrae characterize the taphonomic signature of

cannibalism, as shown by these examples from Polacca Wash (CGT neg. 3-68:29).



Cannibalism 7

Figure 6 shows that missing or highly damaged vertebrae make up another part

of the taphonomic signature of cannibalism. Missing vertebrae were a mystery from

the very beginning of Southwest human taphonomy studies (Turner and Morris,

1970). As with the long bones, which seemingly had been cracked open to extract

the marrow, so too were the vertebrae smashed to extract their oily content by

boiling (Turner and Turner, 1992). Vertebrae crushing was finally identified when

one human vertebra from Canyon Butte 3 was found with anvil abrasions. Since

then, vertebrae crushing has been identified in several sites in Southwest Colorado

and New Mexico.

Southwest skeletal series believed to have been cannibalized may have an

additional taphonomic feature depending on the availability of cooking vessels.

Bone boiling for fat or oil extraction, a common practice with game animals, can

be further identified by minutely polished areas on the tips of bone fragments. White

(1992) calls this pot-polishing. He has shown by experimentation that polishing does

occur when bone fragments are stirred in pottery vessels.

These six minimal taphonomic features (perimortem breakage, cutting, anvil

abrasions, burning, missing vertebrae, and polishing) also occur in game animal

bone refuse, providing a powerful analogy for interpreting their occurrence in human

skeletal remains as due to the processing of humans for food (Dice, 1993; Turner

and Turner, 1990; Villa, 1992a; White, 1992). While it is obvious that the six

minimal features could not have occurred naturally, and must have resulted from

intentional human acts, there is no known Southwest ethnographic example of such

extensive human body processing for any reason, be it mortuary, ritual, socially

pathological, or cannibalistic. However, the ethnographic record should not be

considered definitive because it also lacks any account of a mass burial, a

phenomenon that has been discovered by archeological and physical anthropological

research. As will be shown, the distributional and contextual evidence rules out the

possibility that the perimortem damage resulted solely from an unknown form of

prehistoric mortuary behavior that was never documented ethnographically.

CAN THE APPARENT SOUTHWEST CANNIBALISM BE EXPLAINED?

The distribution of the well-studied American Southwest skeletal series indicating

cannibalism, and all of the less well- or unstudied skeletal series where cannibalism

was claimed to have occurred are found in the classic Four Corners region of the

American Southwest. This distribution reveals two important facts. First, sites with

cannibalized remains are not randomly distributed. They occur only in, or very near,

the Anasazi culture area. Second, there are too many of these cannibalized Anasazi

series to be the result of famine or social pathology when there are none known

for certain elsewhere in the prehistoric Southwest.

Table 1 provides some basic features for these sites. Thus, there are at least 32



8 TURNER AND TURNER



Cannibalism 9



10 TURNER AND TURNER



Cannibalism 11Table 1. (cont'd)



12 TURNER ND URNER

sites evidencing cannibalism, and more when claims for violence are included. The

damaged bones have been found as deposits on room or kiva floors or buried in

charnel pits within rooms, outside of rooms, and away from habitation sites

altogether. In the 32 sites with probable cannibalism, the minimal number of

recognizable individuals ranges from 1 to 35, with the mean number of individuals

in these 32 sites being 9.2 per site. The total number of seemingly cannibalized

individuals is 295. All ages and both sexes are represented. The earliest grouping

of sites with the taphonomic signature of cannibalism date around A.D.900; the latest,

A.D. 1700. The average date for the 32 sites is around A.D. 1100.

Most of the sites with apparent cannibalism are small, isolated and defenseless.

Many are within a day's walk of large post-A.D. 900 Anasazi pueblos called Chaco

outliers, or are within Chaco Canyon itself, even in at least one of the Great Houses.

Thus, the distributional data indicate that what appears to be episodes of prehistoric

cannibalism were not randomly distributed in the Southwest as would be expected

for naturally-caused events such as famine or drought.

A few of these prehistoric episodes could be viewed as consequences of special

mortuary or ritual behavior since some skeletal series have been found in kivas,

those distinctive underground rooms presumably constructed for religious activities

like the kivas of contemporary Pueblo Indians. However, we doubt if the skeletal

remains represent any sort of mortuary or ritual behavior because the bones are

scattered on the kiva floors, there are many missing skeletal elements, cooking is

evident, and there are no associated offerings or other artifacts. These taphonomic

and contextual conditions are more suggestive that the kivas served as dumps for

the residue of body processing that occurred within or outside but nearby, instead

of as places for the ritual destruction of one or more individuals as in Mexico where

processed human remains are associated with skull racks or temples (Kelley, 1978;

Martinez and Gonzalez, 1991; Pijoan and Pastrana, 1985; Pijoan and Mansilla,

1990; Sugiyama, 1991).

If the taphonomic evidence for cannibalism is not enough to distinguish these

charnel deposits from ritualized mortuary practices, then certainly the context and

location are decisively in favor of cannibalism over ritual mortuary behavior. Rural

rather than urban is the feeling we get for the provenience of most of the

cannibalized series.

What might have caused these apparent acts of violence and cannibalism? Three

possibilities are most likely-famine, social pathology, and institutionalized violent

social control. Since there is at present no sure signs of ceremonial treatment in the

Southwest skeletal remains, we are not able to propose ritual cannibalism, as was

practiced in the Valley of Mexico by the Toltecs and Aztecs (Broda and Matos,

1987; Brown, 1984; Demarest, 1984; Duran, 1964; Matos, 1984; Romain and

Alberto, 1987; Storey, 1992; Weaver, 1993; Wilkerson, 1984).



Cannibalism 13

Because no cannibalized human remains have been identified for the Mogollon

and Hohokam areas, we doubt that famine or drought was the sole cause of the

Southwest cannibalism. Likewise, social pathology looses some of its explanatory

appeal given the Chacoan linkage. Violent social control, possibly initiated by

socially pathological individuals, is an increasingly attractive idea, especially as

additional cases of Chaco-linked cannibalism claims are confirmed by taphonomic

analysis. For instance, Pepper (1920) suggested that burned and broken bones found

at the Chaco Canyon Great House called Penasco Blanco resulted from cannibalism.

We have recently located these bones excavated in the 1890s, studied them, and

agree with Pepper's cannibalism proposal.

Despite the lack of evidence for ritual in the Anasazi cannibalized remains, might

there still have been a Mesoamerican connection? Answering this depends on how

well the Chaco-cannibalism link holds up in future studies, and on whether it can

be demonstrated that the rapid growth of the Chaco system of Great Houses and

roads was triggered by Mesoamerican influences if not Mesoamerican colonists

(Cordell, 1984; Kelley and Kelley, 1975; Lekson,1986; Mathien, 1986; Riley, 1987,

1989; Vivian, 1990; Washburn, 1980; Wilcox, 1986; Windes, 1984; Woodbury,

1979). Few Southwesternists doubt that there was Mexican influence on the cultural

development in the Southwest. Maize was introduced early, and later there was trade

in turquoise, macaws, shell, copper bells, and probably slaves, cotton cloth, and

other valuables (Cordell, 1984; Harbottle and Weigand, 1992; Matson, 1991). With

these physical items must also have come a torrent of Mesoamerican ideas and

concepts. The Aztecs certainly used public displays of human sacrifice and

cannibalism to intimidate neighboring tribes (Hassig, 1988; Ortiz, 1978; Weaver,

1993), so what worked in the Valley of Mexico could just as well have enhanced

the amount and regularity of tribute in the Chacoan sphere of influence. There are

at least two sites between the Valley of Mexico and the U.S.-Mexico border that

have produced skeletal remains that may have been cannibalized-Alta Vista in

Zacatecas (Pickering, 1985), and the Villa de Reyes, San Luis Potosi (Pijoan and

Mansilla, 1990).

MESOAMERICAN INFLUENCE

One of the most interesting models for suggesting Mesoamerican influence on

the development of Southwest culture has been the pochteca trader idea, advocated

by the late Charles C. Di Peso (1974). The idea has been difficult to demonstrate,

and while archeologists have searched for pochteca burials, until recently none has

been convincingly identified (Akins and Schelberg, 1984; Frisbie, 1978; Kelley,

1986; Nelson, 1986; Pepper, 1909; Reyman, 1978). Although the term pochteca is

strictly-speaking inappropriate because it refers to a specialized class within Aztec

society that traded exclusively to the south of the Valley of Mexico (P. Weigand,




personal communication, Oct. 29, 1993), nevertheless, there must have been

prehistoric central Mexican traders, religious and military entrepreneurs, miners,

pilgrims, and other sorts of explorers and adventurers in and out of the religious

- military government circles who traveled and explored northward from central

Mexico. We propose that at least two such travelers have been found and unearthed

in prehistoric Arizona archeological sites. We identify these Mesoamericans on the

basis of their notched teeth (Fig. 7). Tooth modification is a well known Mesoamerican

culture element, but not a feature of prehistoric Southwest Indians. The prehistoric

Mexican cemetery at Guasave, Sinaloa, excavated by Gordon Ekholm (1942), is the

most northerly site in Mexico where crania regularly have dental modifications. The

oldest (1750 B.P.) known example of dental modification north of the Valley of

Mexico was found in Nuevo Leon (Powell and Powell, 1992). Modified teeth have

not been reported for crania of the large and Mesoamerican-like Chihuahua site of

Casas Grandes (Benfer, 1968), nor have they been reported in neighboring Sonora

(Pickering and Foster, 1994).

Moreover, tooth notching is absent in the U.S. culture areas adjacent to the

Southwest-California, Great Basin, and Plains. Hence, the two examples of

Fig. 7. Notched upper anterior teeth of an adult male buried at the Grand Canal Hohokam site,

Phoenix, central Arizona. Dental modification is not a characteristic of prehistoric Southwest

Indians, suggesting this man originated in Mexico where tooth modification was practiced.

Cause of death could not be determined here or for any of the human remains in this report.

Courtesy of Soil Systems, Inc., Phoenix (CGT neg. 4-89:28).



Cannibalism 15

Southwest tooth notching can only represent individuals who were either from

Mesoamerica, or had been there during part of their lives and underwent the

operation for notching. Unfortunately, it is not possible to identify the exact

morphogenetic affinity of these individuals because of their incompleteness.

There are many other cultural features found in the Southwest that have been

attributed to Mesoamerican influences, pottery being the most obvious early trait.

Trade in marine shells from the Gulf of California was well developed between

northwestern Mexico and the Southwest, but shell, as with other trade items could

simply pass from community to community without necessarily requiring a long

distancecarrier or trader. The occurrence of two individuals with notched teeth

suggests that long-distance traders or travelers on some sort of mission, were making

the journey from at least that region of the northern frontier of Mesoamerica where

dental modification was practiced. For the moment, that would appear to be in west

Mexico where prehistoric human sacrifice, cannibalism, and dental modification

have been identified (Pickering and Foster, 1994).

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, we believe that the minimal six taphonomic features used to

identify Southwest cannibalism herein are as definitive as circumstantial evidence

can ever be. We emphasize that there are other qualities associated with the cannibal

signature, especially good preservation, but the key six must be present before

cannibalism can even be suggested. The relatively large number of Southwest sites

evidencing probable cannibalism, and the concentration of these sites in and

relatively near Chaco Great Houses and outliers, leads to the hypothesis that part

of the explanation for Anasazi cannibalism is tied to whatever explanation is finally

worked out for the development of the Chaco Great House, road, and outlier

sociopolitical system. Our identification of possible west Mexican travelers in

prehistoric Arizona burials leads us to agree with those scholars who favor a

measurable Mexican influence on the development of the Chacoan phenomena. The

Aztec and earlier Toltec use of ritual human sacrifice and cannibalism for social

control, as well as for religious and ideological functions, could have worked just

as well for the same duel purposes in the Anasazi area as they did in Mesoamerica.

To show that the Anasazi had been influenced by Mexican cannibalism practices,

more sets of perimortem-damaged human skeletal remains from prehistoric sites

between the Anasazi area and the Valley of Mexico need to be located, described,

compared and discussed.

In sum, minimal taphonomic criteria are herein identified that we feel must be

met before cannibalism can be proposed. These criteria are based on both inductive

and deductive considerations. In actuality, the taphonomic signature of human

cannibalism matches that of game animal food remains. Our approach emphasizes



16 TURNER ND URNER

the need for contextual evaluation, not only within a site but within a region. This

regional approach is an attempt to recognize temporal and spatial patterning that

may help penetrate the barrier of proximate explanation. Ultimate explanations are

not presently on the theoretical horizon.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We thank Carmen Pijoan Aguade for inviting us to participate in the session Un

Enfoque Interdisciplinario de los Sacrificios Humanos y el Canibalismo, which she

excellently organized for the XIII International Congress of Anthropological and

Ethnological Sciences, Mexico City, July 29 to August 5, 1993. Data for this study

were collected over many years, most recently with aid from the Department of

Anthropology, Arizona State University; and the National Geographic Society.

Permission for our taphonomic examinations was granted by Ian Tattersall, Jaymie

L. Brauer, American Museum of Natural History; Donald Ortner and Dennis

Stanford, U.S. National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution;

Alexander J. Lindsay, Jr., David Wilcox, Dana Hartman, Philip Thompson, Michael

J. Fox, Museum of Northern Arizona; David A. Breternitz, University of Colorado

(Dolores Project); Stanley Rhine, Maxwell Museum, University of New Mexico;

H. Walcott Toll, Museum of New Mexico; Jack Smith, Mesa Verde National Park;

San Juan County Museum Organization, New Mexico; Rose Tyson, San Diego

Museum of Man; and Laurence Hammock, CASAS, Cortez, Colorado. The

illustrated notched teeth were found by Gerald A. Bair in excavations directed by

Cory D. Breternitz, Soil Systems, Inc., Phoenix, Arizona.

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