Cadpr human security and entrepreneurial employment in the greater horn of africa cp

Dr

2011

International conference on

"State of Africa: Challenges and

Opportunities for Sustainable Development

and Peace" Centre for African Development

Policy Research, Western Michigan State

Human Security and Entrepreneurial Employment in

the Greater Horn of Africa

BT Costantinos, PhD School of Graduate Studies, Department of Public Management and Policy, College of Management, Information and Economic

Sciences, Addis Ababa University

Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page ii

Abstract A major contributing factor to the appalling situation of the youth in Africa is that there is and has

been a shallow understanding of, and a feeble grip on, the essential components that constitute the required human qualities for development, and the intensive and comprehensive nature of their de-velopment and utilisation processes. Human security, a post-Cold War concept, is a multi-disciplinary understanding of security involving a number of research fields, which equates security with people rather than territories, with development rather than arms; ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear for all persons is the best path to tackle the problem of global insecurity refers to an emerg-ing paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities that arise from unemployment and lack of en-trepreneurship.

There is simply no alternative to defining the scope of the state and the establishment of sound institutional capacity for real-time strategy development, sensitivity analysis, policy coordination, and attention to the details of implementation of entrepreneurial employment. Hence, public and private sector employment generation schemes underpin the need for community commitment (targeting, rationalising and effecting public works schemes) to the success of public works initiated. Participa-tion implies local commitment, decisions, innovativeness, resource contribution and legitimate social capital to preside on the collective will and decisions of community, who, at the end, determine the requisite basis that participation to happen. The foci of the initiative are grounded on a firm concep-tual base for remunerated safety nets in developing methodology for comprehensive self-assessment of the population and analyses of the operational capabilities: objectives, inputs, outputs, effects and impact of employment-support projects. In addition, it concerns outlining proposals for capacity de-velopment on mechanism for participation that can assure sustainability including building the rules and institutions of finance and the market and legal empowerment of the poor that seeks to generate new policy recommendations that will reduce poverty through secure, enforceable property and la-bour rights, within an enabling environment that expands legal business opportunity and access to justice.

Key words: employment, entrepreneurship, human security

Contents Introduction…1 Paradigmatic notion of human security…2

• Analytical dimensions to entrepreneurial development…2 • Employment and Human Security …2 • Social capital as a foundation for employment …3

Sates turn rogue, the disenchantment and The Jasmine Revolution …4

Democracy is a rare commodity here …5

Building the Developmental State in Ethiopia…7

Employment Dynamics and Social Harmony… 8

Public and private sector-led entrepreneurial development…10 • Employment Generating Safety Nets (EGSN) …10 • Transforming emergency aid to employment in post-conflict nations…10 • The state and its responsibility in priming human qualities…11 • The State: Real-time State strategy development…12 • Economic liberalisation …12 • Knowledge management and Communities of Practice…12 • Entrepreneurship development…12 • Credit and capital markets…13 • Mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment…13

Conclusion…14 References and endnotes…11

1. Introduction From Darfur to the jungles of the River Zaire, from the Eritrean plateau to South Su-

dan, from trouble Somalia to the genocidal communities of Rwanda and Burundi, from the violent cities and borders of Kenya to Northern Uganda; new faces and forces of vul-nerability and poverty haunt the Greater Horn of Africa. Conflicts, corruption, disasters, poverty and pandemics now threaten the sub-region with a calamity unforeseen even during the Great African Famine of the 1980s. While many proposals for remedial action have been formulated for such vulnerability and poverty that haunt the sub-region, real commitment to collaborative processes at the inter-organisational level has always been limited. Mobilising the action required has also remained a daunting challenge, as many practical and structural constraints militate against commitment by individual groups to inter-organisational initiatives nationally and region-ally. The tragedy which took such a heavy toll of life over the past years has highlighted the fundamental weakness of the peace, security and development strategies. Many con-ventional and preconceived notions have been questioned and new ideas proposed. Ef-forts have also been made to improve one’s understanding of vulnerabilities, to estimate the risks resulting there from more accurately and to make adequate preventive meas-ures against insecurity, ahead of time. In this sense, the traditional role of humanitarian and development organisations has been harshly, even cruelly, tested. The need for collective learning about responses, and the responsibility to those whose suffering provided the basis for that learning will never be more urgent than it is now. Unfortunately, such lessons, which may be learned through the shocks adminis-tered by an uncompromising reality, are rarely translated quickly into personal or organ-isational memories and the inherent will to change. The reasons for this are sometimes rooted in human inertia, weakness, and self-interest. They are equally often the products of a genuine confusion about how to act most effectively in an environment that seems to be growing more complex. To every human problem in Africa, there is always a solution that is smart, simple and immoral. Important stakeholders tend to have a linear way of thinking that is inadequate to unravel the many complex inter-relationships underlying people’s insecurity. It is neither popular nor scientific. The need for the fundamental change on how the global community deals with the internecine crises must change since places such as Darfur, Somalia, Northern Uganda, to name a few, have become a new in-signia of human ‘bestiality’. As a region of young people; whose visions of human development and human secu-rity are defined by the tenacity to achieve the Compact defined by the Millennium Devel-opment Goals, the youth are right to aspire to forms of transformational development in terms of equity, a healthy population, an educated, fully engaged and employed youth with a solid family structure. Nonetheless, the reality is of one of marginalisation, de-manding radical developmental and demographic reconfiguration of our nations. The later breeds despondency, desperation, intolerance, and of course belligerence; so much so that political forces in every corner have mobilised the youth for violent ends, often to the detriment of their very own livelihoods.

The unfolding human tragedy, its impact on human development and its conse-quences on politics are indeed too ghastly to contemplate. Whereas, the challenge simply stated, underpins the need to connect to the energies of the youth, they have instead, for so many years were encouraged to look to outsiders to provide the means and processes of change. They have been discouraged from mobilising for local actions and for their own development, finding themselves in positions of unequal power, making it very tempting for many in politics to dictate conditions and terms of relationships on them.

The purpose and the contents of this presentation is to propose means that are de-signed to develop strategies for strengthening the capacity to mobilise nations and civil societies to direct policies and programmes to address the compelling and evolving im-plications of unemployment and human insecurity; so that it does not further reverse human and social capital development in the sub-Region.

Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 2

2. Paradigmatic discourse in employment generation and human security The overwhelming majority of citizens are preoccupied by the need for sheer survival

most eking out a daily existence; often, at a very high price for the lack of entrepreneur-ship and productive employment. Indeed many pundits assert that the impact of crush-ing poverty is simply too overwhelming to provide a fertile ground for nourishing liveli-hood security, let alone, a pluralist society. (Costantinos, BT., 2004) 2.1. Analytical dimensions to entrepreneurial development

It is easy to follow the current trend within the international community and ad-vocate entrepreneurial employment as a desirable form of development paradigm. Nor is it difficult to make normative judgements about how nations should behave if entrepreneurial employment is to grow into a positive agent of change. But it is not so easy to conceptualise entrepreneurial employment as a working process, which is balanced against strategy, to determine what makes for real, as opposed to vacuously formal process. As a way of contributing to the overcoming or lessening of these dif-ficulties we may theorise entrepreneurial employment as the dynamic interaction of strategy and process. It is possible to see entrepreneurial employment as the playing out of objective and critical standards, rules and concepts of economic, social and political conduct in the goals and activities of all participants, those of public of-ficials who make and administer the rules as well as those of ordinary citizens. The issue here is not simply one of application of rules to particular activities. Nor is it one of dissolving agent-catered strategies of entrepreneurial employment into objec-tive principles and norms. It is rather the production or articulation of process ele-ments and forms within and through the strategic (and non-strategic) activities of various participants.

Highlighting the mutually constitutive and regulative articulation of strategy and process, we shift the centre of analysis away from the two as separate formations that enter only external relations with each other. This shift of analytical focus serves to emphasise the critical point that the task of broadly structuring entrepreneurial employment as a global political-economic system is more important than that of promoting it within the specific programme of a particular nation. The making of broadly inclusive entrepreneurial employment should consist of an articulation of process and agency which can be sustained in its structures or systems by any politi-cal party or government operating within it. As a result, current discussions and analyses of entrepreneurial employment are generally marked by several limitations:

• a tendency to narrow entrepreneurial employment to the terms and categories of immediate, not very well considered, political and social action, a naive realism, as it were; and inattention to problems of articulation or production of global sys-tems and process within local politics rather than simply as formal or abstract possibilities;

• a nearly exclusive concern in certain institutional perspectives on entrepreneurial employment with generic attributes and characteristics of social, economic, cul-tural and political organisations and consequent neglect of analysis in terms of specific strategies and performances of organisations in processes of transition to entrepreneurial employment; and ambiguity as to whether civil society is the agent or object of global change and concerning the role of the state;

• inadequate treatment of the role of transnational companies and the Bretton Wood Institutions and of relations between global and indigenous aspects or di-mensions of entrepreneurial employment;

2.2. Employment and Human Security Human security, a post-Cold War concept, is a multi-disciplinary understanding

of security involving a number of research fields, including development studies, in-ternational relations, strategic studies and human rights. The 1994 HDR, a milestone publication in the field of human security, introduces a new concept of human secu-rity, which equates security with people rather than territories, with development


rather than arms; ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear for all per-sons is the best path to tackle the problem of global insecurity refers to an emerging paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities whose proponents challenge the notion of national security by arguing that the proper referent for security should be the individual rather.

It examines both the national and the global concerns of human security and seeks to deal with these concerns through a new paradigm of human development, capturing the potential peace dividend, a new form of development co-operation and a restructured system of global institutions. Increasing human security entails: in-vesting in entrepreneurial employment; engaging policy makers to address the emerging peace dividend; enlarging the concept of development co-operation so that it includes all flows, not just aid; and establishing an Economic Security Council. (UNDP, 1994) Human security holds that a people-centred view of security is necessary for global stability as committed by the 2005 World Summit outcome document to discussing and defining the notion of human security. (UN, 2005)

Freedom from fear vs. freedom from want: While the “HDR originally argued that human security requires attention to

both freedoms from fear and from want; divisions have gradually emerged over the proper scope of that protection and over the appropriate mechanisms for respond-ing to these threats. The Freedom from Fear School seeks to limit the practice of human security to protecting individuals from violent conflicts. This approach ar-gues that limiting the focus to violence is a realistic and manageable approach to-wards human security. Emergency assistance, conflict prevention and resolution, peace-building are the main concerns of this approach. On the other hand, accord-ing to UNDP 1994, Freedom from Want School focuses on the basic idea that un-employment and insecurity stem violence, poverty, inequality, and diseases insepa-rable concepts in addressing the root of human insecurity. It expands the focus be-yond violence with emphasis on development and security goals. In reality both should serve as an important impetus to global action.

2.3. Social capital as a foundation for employment and human security: There is a vast and growing, if recent, literature on associational life in the sub-

region. Much of this literature is an important and much needed corrective to the afro-pessimism prevailing in policy circles in the West. Having despaired of re-vamping the supposedly derelict state, researchers and some policy makers have averted their gaze to social movements and groups, optimistic that these, if re-invigorated, may organically lead to stronger and more democratic states in the con-tinent. Whereas these movements were once perceived as the touchstone of democ-ratic transition and consolidation, their brief has been widened.

Researchers see them as the harbingers of development and the solution to the deep poverty that afflicts Africa. The questions is given the predatory nature of the state, can these movements carry the large brief cut out for them, focussing deci-sively on the state as a continuing variable in the de-institutionalisation of social capital? Social capital is crucial to employment and human security deepening but sounds a more sceptical note and deprecates the carnival air surrounding much of the debate on its midwifery of human security; because the complexities of conflict ridden associational life in Africa are less neat and seamier, than much of the litera-ture cares to admit. Admittedly, the issues usually raised are broad domain of en-quiries; however, given the human desperation, an attempt must be made to answer them as a pre-requisite to providing an understanding to the unfolding insecurity and struggles for the expansion of democratic space.

In its initial application, little distinction was done to differentiate civil society from society. If anything, it was perceived as a way of conceiving society when the latter is politically active. To some, society by nature is in a state of perpetual war-fare; hence, it is the task of the state to impose order. Nevertheless, what emerges


out of this position is the establishment of order through near total subjection of individual to unlimited power. Conversely, there is a school of thought that seeks equilibrium between the unlimited power of the state and individual rights. It is here that the idea of a constitutional state comes to the fore. (Keane, J., 1988a) It posits that it is the state’s responsibility to settle conflict in the society; it does not, in this sense, occupy a position opposite to that of the society, but is if anything compliant.

Society becomes civil when it seeks to define and establish legitimate political authority. Notably, the processes of establishing norms that define legitimacy are also an aspect of “civil society”. To crown this, is the process by which the dominant class create and protects its hegemonic grip on the state, while allowing the same to be presented to subordinate classes as legitimate.i Conventionally, civil society is de-fined spatially as the political space between the household and the state. It takes a more organisational and instrumentalist view and thus sees civil society in terms of an arena of negotiation and organisation. It exists outside of the formal political arena even though it can be drawn in when there is a political crisis. (Keller, E., 1997)

3. Sates turn rogue, the disenchantment and The Jasmine Revolution 3.1. Genesis and the campaign for democracy

Egypt, by far the most populous Arab country has long been known as a centre of stability in a volatile region, but that masked malignant problems which erupted in popular demonstrations against rulers who monopolised political power through a mixture of constitutional manipulation, repression and rigged elections, cronyism, and the backing of powerful foreign allies. The main drivers of the unrest have been poverty, rising prices, social exclusion, anger over corruption and personal en-richment among the political elite, and a demographic bulge of young people un-able to find work. After dozens of deaths at the hands of the security forces, the ral-lying cries were the people want the fall of the regime. There followed several days of carnival-like protests centred on Cairo's Tahrir (Liberation) Square, effectively celebrations of the newfound freedom and mutual respect among protesters, culmi-nating in the march of the million. Mubarek’s rapport with the US that was under-pinned by a peace treaty with Israel was standard-bearer of the Arab cause and bil-lions of dollars of US military aid that permitted him a free hand to engage with Is-rael, unhindered by deep public concern on Israel's excesses.

The protests have included people from all sectors of society, but at the forefront have been young, tech-savvy Egyptians who have never known another ruler of their country. The army has always been the key power in a highly fluid, opaque and dan-gerous and contrast to the security police, it had pledged not to use violence to quell a near-universally peaceful protests.

3.2. Arab Revolution and the Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s Index

The Shoe-thrower’s Index is based on a set of indicators thought to feed unrest and political instability. After assigning weights to each indicator and crunching the numbers, the Economist arrived at the chart below of Arab countries’ vulnerability to revolution. The index produces some interesting results. Tunisia scores lower than might be expected based on actual events. While an index intended to shed light on future developments shouldn’t be constructed to fit the past, such curious diver-gences invite further consideration and attempts to experiment with other prospec-tive indicators. The Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s chart is based on the following indi-cators and weightings. (35% – Population share under age 25, 15% – Number of years in power, 15% – Corruption index (TI), 15% – Lack-of-democracy index (EIU), 10% – GDP per person, 5% – Censorship index (Freedom House), 5% – Absolute number of young <25).

Mubarak’s 30-year reign and Tunisia’s Ben Ali’s 23-year rule were certainly big factors in their unceremonious ousters. The biggest contribution by far (35% against the next highest weighting of 15%) is assigned to the percent of a country’s popula-


tion under the age of 25. Rather than just a large presence of passionate youth, the key driver here seems to be the lack of jobs for young workers and their feelings about the shortage of employment opportunities and life prospects. Income inequal-ity can breed resentment and discontent and signal economic difficulties, uneven development and government policy shortcomings. While the middle class has been a key force behind Egypt’s revolution, the large number of Egyptians who live on the poverty line is a further sign of the country’s economic problems and source of frus-tration with government policies. 18.5% of Egypt lived on $2 a day or less at PPP.

% Pop. Under 25 (35%) Years in Power (15%) Corruption (15%) Democracy (10%)

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Algeria 49 84 29.2 12 29 4.3 105 60 9.0 125 78 18.8 Bahrain 35 60 21.1 12 29 4.3 48 27 4.1 122 76 18.3 Egypt 51 88 30.7 30 71 10.7 98 56 8.4 138 86 12.9 Iraq 58 100 35.0 5 12 1.8 175 100 15.0 111 69 10.4 Jordan 54 93 32.6 12 29 4.3 50 29 4.3 117 73 11.0 Kuwait 37 63 22.1 5 12 1.8 54 31 4.6 114 71 10.7 Lebanon 42 73 25.4 0 0 0.0 127 73 10.9 86 54 8.1 Libya 49 84 29.2 42 100 15.0 146 83 12.5 158 99 14.8 Mauritania 57 97 34.0 2 5 0.7 143 82 12.3 115 72 10.8 Morocco 47 81 28.3 12 29 4.3 85 49 7.3 116 73 10.9 Oman 49 84 29.2 41 98 14.6 41 23 3.5 143 89 13.4 Qatar 28 48 16.8 16 38 5.7 19 11 1.6 137 86 12.8 Saudi Arabia 54 93 32.6 6 14 2.1 50 29 4.3 160 100 15 Sudan 58 100 35.0 22 52 7.9 172 98 14.7 151 94 14.2 Syria 56 96 33.6 11 26 3.9 127 73 10.9 152 95 14.3 Tunisia 43 74 25.9 0 0 0.0 59 34 5.1 144 90 13.5 UAE 34 59 20.6 7 17 2.5 28 16 2.4 148 93 13.9 Yemen 64 110 38.4 33 79 11.8 146 83 12.5 146 91 13.7

The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Shoe-thrower’s chart of The Arab League nations

The role of Social Media:

The internet, facebook, twitter, and other social media and mobile cellular phone access played important roles in inciting and organizing the protests that led to revo-lution in Tunisia and Egypt. Many Egyptians consider Wael Ghonim, a Google execu-tive in Egypt who created a facebook page that attracted millions of visitors, to be one of the unofficial leaders of the anti-Mubarak movement.

Ghonim set up the page in the name of Khaled Said, a young businessman who died in police cus-tody in Egypt’s second largest city, Alexandria, in June 2010. During the recent uprising, the chant we are all Khaled Said could be heard ringing through Tahrir Square in Cairo. Unrest and revolution in Tunisia grew out of facebook postings of the Tuni-sian government mistreating and shooting at its own people. Mohammed Bouazizi, a young fruit vendor helped jump start the revolution by lighting himself on fire in front of the official offices. The revolution probably wouldn’t have taken place without the video and pictures exchanged through facebook, where internet and mobile cellular access is at least as good in the majority of Arab countries in the index.

4. Democracy is a rare commodity here… Suddenly the world was looking at a successful popular Arab revolution, one that

had never happened before. There had been revolutions in the Arab world since it be-came independent of foreign colonial powers – the Young Officers Revolution in Egypt in 1952, revolutions in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Sudan – but they were all military coups,

Arab Mobile and Internet Users % Country Internet Mobile Algeria 12 93 Bahrain 52 186 Egypt 17 51 Jordan 27 91 Iraq 1 57 Libya 5 78 Morocco 33 72 Saudi Arabia 31 145 Sudan 10 29 Syria 17 34 Tunisia 27 83 Yemen 1.6 16 Global Sherpa, 2011, World Bank


planned and executed by officers, even though they later said they were for the good of the people. What happened in Tunisia was different. It was started by the people, not the leaders, and their spontaneous protest seemed to have snowballed on its own – unless evidence of a hidden hand is brought forward. (Zvi Mazel, 2011)

Nevertheless, the underdevelopment of civil society in Africa and the incapacities of institutions within it are seen as major barriers to political, social, and economic reform. The activities of some social institutions may have the salutary effect of bringing into transparency the work of the state, and of opening-up state institutions and practices to public suiting. Rather than offering agents and arena of transitions to democracy, civil societies are generally seen as objects and problems of reform; because of low levels of educational, economic, technological, professional, and cultural development. On account of this view, the state assumes a large role in political, social, and economic reform. It is assigned the task of nothing less than cultivating civil society. The state is not pushed to the background as society activates itself and leads the struggle for reform. Rather, the former acts on the latter, promotes, and manages the participation of individuals and groups in political, social, and economic reform.

There are, then, two divergent representations of civil society accompanied by somewhat conflicting conceptions of the role of the state in the African passage to democracy. The perception of society as producer of the spontaneous interests, demands and resources of change, to some degree, conflicts with the view of civil societies as weakly developed social and structures in need of cultivation and support by the state and the conception of the state as creator of the enabling environment for free democratic activities diverges from the view of the state as a political educator, mobiliser, and democratiser of civil society. (Costantinos BT., 1993)

The centre stage the State takes in here has bred developmentalism that is part of the now problematic theory of modernity and which habitually traces and variously recommends the transition from the traditional or anarchic to the modern and the rational in its projects -- desired conditions, which can be achieved through technical solutions. It is a theory, which is being widely challenged across the spectrum of the physical and social sciences; providing a further legitimisation of the process of accommodation with protracted crisis. Aid is transformed by development workers into an opportunity for modernisation; at an historic period, which beggars the endeavour, when Africa appears to have moved from a period of state formation and conflict between States, to state disintegration, internal conflict and the emergence of unorthodox fundamentalist and ethno-nationalist regimes.

Even the nature of war appears to have changed where ideologically orientated wars of liberation have given way to conflicts more defined in terms of the struggle for

Index of democratisation in the Arab League (Complied from various sources including the EIU)


material survival. State sponsored ethnic structured resource wars, violent war lordism, parallel economies, and fundamentalist regimes have appeared in their stead. There is little doubt that there is disillusionment with the ruling parties among the broad spectrum of people who had very high expectation from states. However, the challenge is to find a way forward by developing structures and mechanics that will not only resolve the immediate conflicts but also lay a solid foundation upon which enduring democracy will thrive. (Costantinos, BT., 1997,a).

5. Building the Developmental State in Ethiopia 5.1. With few exceptions, African countries have not made a meaningful economic

transformation. 39 African countries are classified as members of a bottom billion club of countries, structurally insecure and structurally unaccountable – security and accountability are undersupplied public goods. Hence, Livelihood Security of which entrepreneurship and employment generation is central requires a plural set of organisations which promote and protect rules of peaceful political participation and competition.

5.2. A DS is defined as “a state that puts development as the top priority of policy, and is able to design effective instruments to promote such a goal”. 5.2.1. The instruments should include the forging of new formal institutions, the

weaving of formal and informal networks of collaboration and the utilization of new opportunities for trade and profitable production”

5.2.2. A DS is thus understood as an interventionist state that identifies priorities, develops strategies, set targets, facilitates coordination among various sectors and stakeholders, monitor achievement of goals and can establish clear eco-nomic and social objectives, and influence the direction and pace of develop-ment.

5.2.3. Characterization: An effective DS should have political will and the necessary capacity to articulate and implement policies to expand human capabilities, enhance equity and promote economic and social transformation.

5.3. The legal empowerment of the poor; access to justice; entrepreneurial rights; prop-erty rights and labour rights require 5.3.1. Promoting high-level, sustained, inclusive and clean economic growth that

creates decent jobs, wealth and withstand shocks 5.3.2. A process of continuous technological innovation, industrial upgrading and

diversification, improvements in infrastructure and institutional arrange-ments and policies: fiscal, monetary, exchange rate, capital flows and trade policies, constitute the context for wealth creation and accountable state that can

Establish and enforce rules that guide societal behavior; Manage personnel and resources to ensure accountability and efficien-

cy in service delivery; Make technical decisions and implement them; raise revenues needed for development goals; political will and mandate to perform required functions; Policies must be derived from a consultative process that ensure active

engagement of other societal actors in policy design and not manipu-lated by technocratic/ socio-political elite;

Ensure existence of competent and neutral bureaucracy; Establish complementarities among social and economic policies, go-

vernance system; 5.3.3. Enhancing the state’s role in transformation: The role of the state is in

achieving rapid and sustained economic growth and development combined with deep structural transformation that must be channeled through a dis-ciplined planning approach…


5.3.4. Building Developmental States: The above role is best performed by states that are both developmental and democratic that should build the transformative institutions such as:

A constitution, the rule of law, independent judiciary, representative political institutions, effective regulatory institutions good laws and property rights enforcement,

Competent professional bureaucracy whose recruitment and ad-vancement are based strictly on merit,

A developmentalist coalition among committed political leadership, the bureaucracy, private sector and civil society around common na-tional development goals;

5.3.5. Avoiding the pitfalls of state intervention: The entire state apparatus can be captured by elites or powerful special interest groups. Unchecked in-tervention, which is beyond the level needed to correct market failure, weak integrity may lead to rent seeking, breeding waste and inefficiency, inappro-priate behavior of corrupt regulatory agencies. He state may focus on three groups: committed political leadership, Autonomous & professional bureau-cracy, Participation of key stakeholders, particularly civil society and the me-dia, which have oversight responsibility. The DS also has policy instruments to eliminate, or at least limit, exposure to these risks;

Enhancing stakeholder participation: Establish democratic delibera-tive institutions at all levels of decision-making, empower these insti-tutions to promote stakeholder ownership of development, enhanced citizen oversight over government activities for ensuring transparency, and sharing of information...Use the market as a supplementary means of maintaining efficiency and motivating economic agents;

Empower the bureaucracy to transparently determine the extent and allocation of rents, and the terms and conditions for their allocation and elimination,

Establish competition policy and enforce competition law against anti-competitive behavior by public and private producers.

Ensure that the bureaucracy has both the autonomy and capacity to respond quickly to changing local and global situations

Forge close, interactive and synergic relations between the bureaucra-cy and the private sector

Establish and empower regulatory agencies to set and enforce product quality standards for all producers,

6. Employment Dynamics and Social Harmony

6.1. The Universal Declaration of Rights More than sixty years ago, the human community proclaimed a bold and revolu-

tionary vision of the future, The Universal Declaration of Rights; where the youth will engage collectively as result of the responsible action of politically mature citi-zens acting in the framework of a free society. As we stand on the watershed of the old and new Millennia, demands for greater democratic space and youth participa-tion in Horn of Africa have increased the accountability of state actors. This is a tall order that would revolutionise approaches to self-directed employment based de-velopment that only a new paradigm shift and commitment to new organising prin-ciples can achieve. Hence, the need to focus on practical strategies for employment generation schemes that have transformed hitherto underemployed economies into forces of livelihood sustainability and human security. While the degree of awareness on the challenges has improved over the past few years, the tendency for governments to treat these challenges as yet another routine


issue that needs to be tackled through five-year development plans is tantalising. The fact remains, however, that these challenges will increasingly claim the liveli-hoods of many families and the economic backbone of many nations; retarding hu-man development to a level where it becomes impossible to reverse the trend in much less time than the development cycles of States. These are further complicated by fear of the unknown, traditional power dynamics, lack of experience or aware-ness of collective action, poor local leadership and the lack of energy, time and will-ingness to devote to activities other than basic subsistence.

6.2. African youth policy

An ambitious African youth policy of 2004 zeroes on enabling the youth to play an active role in building a democratic society and good governance, as well as in social and economic development. It further aims to deliver a democratically ori-ented, knowledgeable and skilled, organised and disciplined enterprising youth generation. Nevertheless, the low levels of opportunities for productive employ-ment only serve to amplify the nation’s penury. This is not with out its politico-ethical consequences. It is echoed in the politicisation of violent and fearless youth and the mass diasporisation that now crowded Western capitals, as a source of skilled human capital. Failure to utilise such a lynch-pin factor of production is not acceptable. Radical policy and strategic measures to boast the private sector’s role and capacity need to be launched with vigour to develop the management and func-tionings of the labour. Whilst several policies have had positive results in recent years, these can be further supplemented by inter alia by promoting international labour standards related to the Employment Policy Convention of 1964 and its elaborations in further policy recommendations, supplementary notes and proviso.

ADF IV emphasised that the youth present the vision of a social order seeking to have a voice in societies whose basic structures are not conducive to listening to young voices. Nevertheless, the reality is that today's youth no longer accept or re-spect those structures and increasingly demand a voice of their own. African youth are energetic, and increasingly, seeking alternatives. (UNECA, ADF IV) Hence, they are seeking their own alternatives; because of which many are in the Diaspora is technically advanced. Through creative programmes and linkages, our million strong Diaspora can be a force of change in Horn of Africa. FIELD underpinned “the fact that the Diaspora offers an exceptional synergy: the problem-solving perspective that comes with distance and the intense commitment that comes with a sense of deep closeness and belonging. Oh yes, it also includes a lot of men and women with world-class competence in their respective fields: business, medicine, law, acade-mia, athletics, and the arts. Many have also made a lot of money. They hold so much potential for the future of this country; which will only become a reality if we move forward in a spirit of partnership. (FIELD, 2005)

6.3. Social and political consequences of unemployment Unemployment, the Arab Revolution and the Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s Index:

In a captivating 60 Minutes segment, it was reported on how unrest and revolu-tion in Tunisia grew out of facebook postings of the Tunisian government mistreat-ing and shooting at its own people. Mohammed Bouazizi, a young fruit vendor in the town of Sidi Bouzid, helped jump start the revolution by lighting himself on fire in front of the offices of an official who slapped him and tried to take away his liveli-hood by confiscating a scale Bouazizi used to weigh fruit. His infraction, not having a license, reportedly applies to most every other fruit vendor even though Bouazizi was the one singled out. The Shoe-thrower’s Index was hence based on a set of indicators thought to feed unrest and political instability. After assigning weights to each indi-cator and crunching the numbers, the Economist arrived at the chart below of Arab countries’ vulnerability to revolution. The index produces some interesting results. Tunisia scores lower than might be expected based on actual events. While an index intended to shed light on future developments shouldn’t be constructed to fit the


past, such curious divergences invite further consideration and attempts to experi-ment with other prospective indicators. The Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s chart is based on the following indicators and weightings. (35%–Population share under age 25, 15% – Number of years in power, 15% – Corruption index (TI), 15% – Lack-of-democracy index (EIU), 10% – GDP per person, 5% – Censorship index (Freedom House), 5% – Absolute number of young <25).

7. Public and private sector employment generating schemes 7.1. Employment Generating Safety Nets (EGSN)

The EGSN conceptual arguments have been developed, perhaps to a point where one may consider them dispensable for a public work' study; but one may also look at the opportunity to look into the dialectic of safety net-based-development as fire fighters of the long-term. It should be noted that this paper is neither a project de-sign nor an evaluation of one; as every project must be designed independently re-sponding to the local vision, needs and development.

7.2. Transforming emergency aid to employment in post-conflict nations:

The famines of the past few decades have indeed been a cruel test in Horn of Af-rica. While the outpouring sympathy and generous response of the international community have been phenomenal, the actions of the firemen of international dis-asters had brought to light some serious doubts about the ability of interventions to reduce peoples' vulnerability. Today, the crises assumes new dimensions as chang-ing production relations, spurred by socio-economic adjustments (that will set the requisite basis for growth but may result in short-term economic contraction, ad-versely affecting social cushions, employment, and lowering investment levels) set the pace of livelihood security. The demand for some important attitudinal shifts among thinkers and policy makers and the challenges of designing concepts and models that will help harmonise the human dimension in development has never been more acute. Inspired by a new orthodoxy that has evolved with the upsurge of professionalism on such emerging ideals; the eighties have provided a fertile ground for the discourse on the subject of human vulnerabilities. The debate that ensued regarding on emergency aid is long, trying and, at times, counter productive. On a positive note it has

• output aspect (it could stimulate production without creating inflation), • distribution aspect (enable specific poverty focused programmes), • stabilisation aspect (assist in setting up price stabilisation locally), • additionally aspect (it is additional to regular aid managed)

It is against this backgrounder that EGSN and employment loans have been designed to offset the disincentive aspects. The protocol for such a study has there-fore been formulated to deal specifically with tools for participatory planning;

• Assess strengths and weaknesses of participatory planning methods in use; • Develop proposals regarding appropriate methods to be used in the future on

employment-support projects, both for planning, monitoring and evaluation;

• Carry out assessments to identify who are the employment and livelihood in-secure, how do they vary over time? How can a high degree of participation and sustainability be assured? Is there seasonal competition between em-ployment need and agricultural activities? What are the complementary measures required to enhance employment? What institutional problems should M&E try to answer?

Major research questions have been more articulated with the following foci:

• Assessment of motivational needs of communities, implementation institu-tions, and identification of seasonality of labour and productivity;

• Insecurity ranking; assessment of the poorest and self-targeting - through be-low market level wages - or administrative means and

• Monitoring issues related to the employment-based safety net approach -- is the scheme effective in preventing chronic and/or transitory insecurity? Does


it contribute to reducing vulnerability in the longer term? Are existing sys-tems of early Warning appropriate? What are the monitoring data require-ments and most appropriate methods of data collection?

Public -EGSN are packages characterised by less than the average earned wages, hence the need for community commitment (targeting, rationalising and effect-ing public works schemes) to the success of public works initiated. Participation implies local commitment, decisions, innovativeness, resource contribution and le-gitimate social capital to preside on the collective will and decisions of community, who, at the end, determine the requisite basis that participation to happen. The foci of the initiative are grounded on a firm conceptual base for remunerated safety nets in developing methodology for comprehensive self-assessment of the population and analyses of the operational capabilities: objectives, inputs, outputs, effects and impact of employment-support projects. In addition, it concerns outlining proposals for ca-pacity development on mechanism for participation that can assure sustainability.

Among the key functions to be performed during the planning and design phases is a comprehensive self-assessment of the population and rigorous analyses of the management, programming and operational capabilities of the organisational struc-tures. EGSN can substantively contribute to participatory development even if their designs deceivingly seem limited. The main objectives of EGSN are to serve as under-employment cushions; while assisting the development of public works schemes. They avail communities the opportunity for working in their own development and render resources required for emergency unnecessary. The strategy is a set of long-term choices that programme leaders make in terms of goals, services, policies and action plans. It is, bound to succeed as it meets the region’s long-term objectives.

Community organisational structure and processes here refer to the relationships that are established both by the development contracts with beneficiaries and more importantly the command and reporting chains within the project: relationships in the allocation of authority and responsibility, reporting and the mechanisms for inte-grating the different components of the project. The motivational and attitudinal as-pects: With evolving changes in the policy environment, investment in local capacity building and peoples' participation, the potential for sustainability of assets created under safety nets can be enhanced. The operational understanding of participation must be carefully seen as a process of self empowerment, a transformation in the so-cial milieu, policy dialogue, and organisational culture within the structures of project management in particular and governance at the national level. Sustainability of as-sets created and replicability will always depend on what use value people will find in the asset itself. Sustainability is enhanced when people find unity of purpose to main-tain the assets created - a sense of social cohesion;

• Using the internally available resources to better advantage, • Introducing technologies that would increase viability of these resources, • Introduce external resources where the security situation is too grave to be able to

sustain itself on internal management or where the need for the external input is temporary in order to increase the level of productivity to the point where internal management can take over successfully.

7.3. The State’s responsibility is priming human qualities: A major contributing factor to the appalling situation is that there is and has been a shallow understand-ing of, and a feeble grip on, the essential components that constitute the required human qualities for development, and the intensive and comprehensive na-ture of their development and utilisation processes. As such, important components and commitment required to build and use a quality labour force for accelerating and sustaining growth are not properly addressed in the education, training and productivity programmes. Nations have failed to produce and retain the necessary pool of self-confident, healthy, knowledgeable and skilled labour force, with re-sourcefulness with a sense of purpose, work ethics, vision, integrity and direction.


Pronouncements have been made regarding employment and career develop-ment programmes in m ay forums. Yet, like many other policy efforts, these have not yielded the desired results. Human capital flight from the region has reached high proportions leaving behind an ill-prepared labour force. Skills, knowledge and positive work habits continued to be in short supply. School systems are in sham-bles in most countries. Strong private sector leadership at all levels of society is es-sential for an effective auguring of quality labour market. It is essential that their ef-forts should be complemented by the full and active participation of civil society.

7.4. Real-time State strategy development: There is simply no alternative to defin-ing the scope of the state and the establishment of sound institutional capacity for real-time strategy development, sensitivity analysis, policy coordination, and atten-tion to the details of implementation of entrepreneurial employment. Strategic ob-jectives must be clearly defined and specific measures made consistent with overall polices of a good national economic management. Provision of incentives to entre-preneurs must be subject to periodic review, continuation and expansion, condi-tional upon performance criteria established in advance.

7.5. Economic liberalisation: Full or partial liberalisation of units providing services results in a competitive, multi-channel environment and private sector involvement in provision of major infrastructure and concession arrangements that will provide more employment. The relevance is not augured on the revenue government gener-ates from the proceeds, although the macroeconomic perspective is important. Thus, programmes ought to be assessed by looking at the extent to which the stated objectives have been achieved. The announcement of divestiture will make for some stability in investment calculations by potential buyers of enterprises or of shares, delineating options of divestiture,ii that achieves improvement in microeconomic ef-ficiency to:

• Achieve higher allocative and productive efficiency: has a normative ra-tionale relating to the microeconomic perspective to increase allocative effi-ciency in increasing aggregate surplus, lowering prices and efficient use of re-sources.

• Strengthen the role of the private sector in the economy - has a normative rationale and relate to the microeconomic perspective -- the creation of well-functioning markets and an investor-friendly environment in the economy.

• Improve the public sector's financial health to free resources for alloca-tion in priority areas usually related to social policy. These are related to pub-lic sector finance, the reduction of borrowing requirements and potential real-location of expenditure towards social policy areas. (Sheshinski Eytan, 1998)

7.6. Knowledge management and Communities of Practice: Evidence of suffi-cient knowledge and information about the business sector is another indica-tor. Progress in information systems on micro-economic behaviour including labour market networks, and the specific requirements of technology transfer and adapta-tion are all preconditions for sound policy and strategy analysis, formulation and management. Planning and policy-making are characterised by on-going dialogue between government and different groups of economic actors and by regular ex-change of electronic data and information on specific needs and requirements in-cluding the critical area of technology transfer and development. Further, commu-nities of practice and a coherent and coordinated approach between different gov-ernment agencies in their dealings with the business community; flexibility in re-sponse to changing circumstances; attention to detail in the objectives agreed upon; and emphasis on achieving high levels of performance must be developed.

7.7. Entrepreneurship development: Entrepreneurs that are expected to employ the vast army of labour and that operate on a small-to intermediate-scale usually exhibit fairly sophisticated organisational skills. Nevertheless, as their businesses grow along the small-to intermediate-scale continuum, they often face constraints


such as limited managerial capabilities; difficulties with technology transfer and ad-aptation; and, as in the case of informal sector micro-entrepreneurs, inadequate or inappropriate public provision of enterprise-level support. If entrepreneurship is to become the vehicle of growth, ‘graduation’ of informal sector micro-enterprises to better endowed establishments and higher levels of value-added and economic di-versification is to be achieved, it is clear that the deficit of skills that are necessary to establish a range of capabilities on the managerial side must surmounted. (Costanti-nos, BT., 2004)

7.8. Credit and capital markets: An efficient and a development-oriented private sector provide the nourishment, which markets require to grow and function effec-tively. Markets themselves provide the credit ingredients, which the private sector requires to grow, expand and contribute to development. Thus, there is a reciprocal and mutually productive relationship between the private sector and credit and capi-tal markets. Responsibility for their implementation has been assigned to stake-holders at all levels. States should incorporate the requirements of establishing capi-tal markets and strengthening the private sector in the list of macro-economic re-form and employment programmes priorities. The banking system must be func-tioning as efficiently as planned - taking care of the money market and hence credit market needs of private sectors. Consequential growth response of the latter should give a boost to capital markets which in turn provide capital for entrepreneurial em-ployment.iii Employment loans: Central banks in many countries have created in-centives to private commercial and merchant banks to provide employment loans of various dimensions. The most popular has been the loans provided to provide more employees to business. Businesses would hire workers as apprentices hired under these conditions will gain experience and knowledge in a very short period of time and enter the labour market more easily. Businesses’ is extra labour hand, interest free loans that are repaid with a grace period and a balance of loans that can be util-ised for other priorities.iv

7.9. Mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment: While the concept of mainstreaming has been with us for decades, its applica-

tion to the area of entrepreneurial employment is more recent and represents somewhat uncharted waters. Mainstreaming, within this context, is an essential ap-proach for expanding multi-sectoral responses to entrepreneurial employment. Mainstreaming of entrepreneurial employment is not an intervention per se. It con-stitutes a range of practical strategies for scaling up responses and addressing the developmental impacts globally and regionally. Through mainstreaming, govern-ment sectors, NGOs, private sector entities, etc., can both meet the needs of their own workplace environment, as well as apply their comparative advantage to sup-port specific aspects of national entrepreneurial employment responses.

As with other approaches to this challenge, understanding of mainstreaming is still evolving. This document provides a set of basic principles designed to enable those working at the different levels and aspects of entrepreneurial employment policy and practice to begin using mainstreaming processes for expansion and ac-celeration of entrepreneurial employment responses. Based on current experience and aimed at guiding mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment at different lev-els, five simple principles have emerged that attempt to provide a comprehensive framework to analyse where and when to introduce and implement entrepreneurial employment mainstreaming. • Entry points: underscores the importance of developing a clearly defined and fo-

cused entry point or theme for mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment in order to maintain the critical focus necessary to make an impact.

• Frameworks: national policies or strategic frameworks should be the frame of ref-erence and efforts should be located within existing structures.

• Advocacy: advocacy, sensitisation, and capacity building should place mainstream employment in a better position as it cannot develop of its own accord.


• Partnership: highlights the importance of developing strategic partnerships based upon comparative advantage, cost effectiveness, and collaboration.

Figure 1: Strategic Mainstreaming Process

• Domains: the need to maintain a distinction between two domains in main-streaming: the internal domain or workplace, where staff risks and vulner-abilities are addressed; and the external domain, where the institution under-takes entrepreneurial employment interventions based on its mandate and capacities in support of local or national strategic efforts. The internal or workplace domain: Mainstreaming here focuses attention on the opportu-nities within a sector or programme, where the challenge of entrepreneurial employment is addressed by consciously formulating policies that inform day-to-day practice, thus contributing to the protection of the workforce and the deepening understanding of the multi-dimensional impact. The external or target community domain: In the external domain, entrepreneurial em-ployment is mainstreamed into the core mandate, activities, and business of the sector, institution, or project based on available capacities. Entrepreneu-rial employment becomes part of the interaction between these organisations and their communities. Strategies informed by the organisation’s understand-ing and internalisation of entrepreneurial employment issues will tend to in-fluence what is done externally.

8. Conclusion The paper has discussed public sector human qualities for development, real-time

strategy development, divestiture, employment generating safety nets and loans, food aid in security-challenged nations on the one hand and private sector-led knowledge man-agement, entrepreneurship development, credit and capital markets and employment that will in turn be a harbinger of peace and development.

Indeed, there is no more compelling raison d'être nor a mission-objective so utterly entrenched in the preservation and, even advancement of human-kind, than good gov-ernance and leadership that can lead a social league to relate cogently to an epidemic of ignorance and hence under-employment that has spun out of control. Hence, we assert that, the widespread incidence of poverty is directly attributable to basic weaknesses of social and political leadership, rules of the game and political institutions. One would submit that states have greatly expanded in the last few decades, especially in terms of the number of public employees and the share of public consumption in the government budget. Nevertheless, this growth has not usually been accompanied by a concomitant

Situation Analysis

National and regional Stra-tegic Frameworks

National and regional opera-tional Plans Sustained Implementation of

Activities

Monitoring, Strategic Information Management

Evaluation

Decentralised management

Institutional arrange-ments

Response Analysis


improvement in the capacity of its leaders to provide the vision and the ability of the state to extend authority throughout the territory to deliver public services. With few excep-tions, nations have failed to win popular legitimacy-possessing relatively few authentic, social organisations that can articulate and aggregate social interests and civic leadership on education remain generally non-existent or at best, weak or underdeveloped.

The central hypothesis in employment for human security development is that the relative strength of political organisations determines the rules of the political game that are installed. It requires a plural set of political organisations which promote and protect rules of peaceful political participation and competition. To-gether, institutions (plural organisations plus rules of accountability) en-sure control of the state executive. In taking an institutional perspective, we as-sume that actors in the political system express preferences through organisations and that these organisations vary in strength according to their resource base.

Legal empowerment of the poor seeks to generate new policy recommendations that will reduce poverty through secure, enforceable property and labour rights, within an enabling environment that expands legal business opportunity and access to justice. Hence, the discussion questions that arise here for the conferences are

Access to justice: What reforms are necessary to develop transparent legal and in-stitutional arrangements in which the poor have confidence, can access justice, and which will generally contribute to a culture of fairness, equity and rule of law? How can dispute resolution mechanisms support poor people’s access to rights in afford-able and locally appropriate ways? How can improved public administration contrib-ute to transparency and accountability, and increase public trust in the formal eco-nomic system?

Property rights: How can countries create an inclusive enabling system of rights, obligations and enforcements surrounding the right to property and other assets that addresses the interests of marginalized groups?

Labour rights: How can a decent work agenda be advanced, both within the infor-mal and formal economies? How can the costs of working informally, or “decent work deficits,” be reduced? How can labour laws protect the rights of the poor without im-peding economic growth and business competitiveness?

Entrepreneurship rights: How can the entrepreneurial innovation and creativity in the informal economy be channelled into the creation of decent jobs within the formal economy? How can opportunities for establishing businesses be enhanced so that the poor face fewer barriers to involvement in the formal economic system? What are the specific needs and problems faced by those who conduct business in the informal economy? How do complex business regulations or inefficient institutions prevent the poor from creating businesses or otherwise engaging in economic activi-ties in the formal sector? What incentives can be created to increase access to finance and credit? How can the poor, as key stakeholders, be directly involved in the reform process?

Developmental states How can such a developmental state emerge? What would be its characteristics

and functions? Is developmental state model recommended for all African coun-tries?

Did the developmental state concept evolve into solid development theory so far? Is it different from top down development theories? Who determines public in-terests in a developmental state? How are they articulated and aggregated?

Does the developmental state concept contradict with the thesis that LDCs should first establish G3 patterned on G4 paths to bring about development?

How do we ensure that it can effectively guide economic transformation and de-velopment? How can we ensure that it is accountable and that it acts in the inter-est of its citizens?

Does the developmental state concept apply for Ethiopia? Which of the features of developmental states does Ethiopia have?


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i It is where individuals attempt to constitute themselves in arrangements through which they can express

themselves and advance their interests. It thus comprises a set of non-governmental organisations, institutions, associations (formal and informal) authority structures, and collective activities, which group the mass of popula-tion together in different ways. Nevertheless, organisational and instrumental definitions tend to ignore relational aspects of civil society. Thus, for instance, although state and civil society are separate from each other, they are also in several ways dependant on one another at times even mutually reinforcing.

ii Examples are full divestiture at one stretch; full divestiture in tranches; partial divestiture, with majority or minority equity being held by the government for a long time;; partial divestiture, with management being en-trusted to private hands irrespective of the size of the government’s equity holding; management / employee buy-outs; transformation into a cooperative society; and sale of assets accompanying or leading to liquidation

iii Emergence and Viability of Capital Markets: A Synopsis of the Study, BT Costantinos, PhD Team Leader, a Consultancy Report to UNECA, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

iv Nigeria, Presidential commission to define the agenda for the transition to civilian rule, (1999) Final Report to the President, Abuja