Business Archives Sources and History

Business ArchivesSourcesandHistoryNumber 92November 2006

BUSINESSARCHIVESCOUNCILCHARITY NO. 313336

ISSN 0007-6538

NU

MB

ER92

BUSIN

ESS AR

CH

IVES

NO

VEM

BER

2006

BUSINESS ARCHIVES COUNCILCorporate Patrons

The work of the Business Archives Council is supported by subscriptions and donationsfrom its corporate, institutional and individual members. The Council is especially gratefulto its Corporate Patrons, who have generously agreed to support the Council at significantlymore than the basic level of subscription:

Deepstore, HSBC Holdings plc, ING Bank NV (London), Liverpool University Centre forArchive Studies, News International plc, The Rothschild Archive, and R Twining & Co.

Major BenefactorsThe Business Archives Council is also grateful to the following major benefactors for theirsupport for current and previous work:

Academic sponsorship

Economic History Society (1995-2000), University of the West of England (1995-2000).

Advisory Service

Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts (1974-1997), J Sainsbury plc (1996-2000).

Annual Conference accommodation

British Bankers Association (2001), Cable & Wireless plc (1998), Channel 4 Television(2000), John Lewis Partnership (2005), Lloyds TSB (2004), The Newsroom – Guardian andObserver Archive and Visitor Centre (2003), Rio Tinto plc (2003).

Meetings and training accommodation

The Boots Company plc (1998-2000), Lloyds TSB (2006), NatWest Group (1998-1999),News International plc (1998-2000), Rio Tinto plc (2003-2005), Royal Commission onHistorical Manuscripts (1974-2003), R Twining & Co (1974-2000).

Surveys of business archives

British Railways Board, survey of records for the Railway Heritage Committee (1997-1999); Economic and Social Research Council, company archives survey (1980-1985); TheWellcome Trust, surveys of records of the pharmaceutical industry (1995-1997) andveterinary medicine (1998- 2001).

Wadsworth Prize for Business History reception

Bank of England (1996 & 2004), Bank of Scotland (1995), HSBC Holdings plc (2003), INGBarings (1997), Institution of Electrical Engineers (2001), John Lewis Partnership (2005),Lloyds TSB Group plc (1999), Midland Bank plc (1994), NM Rothschild & Sons Limited(2000), Prudential Corporation (1998).

Business ArchivesSourcesandHistoryNumber 92November 2006

edited byMike Anson

reviews editorRoy Edwards

Published by

BUSINESSARCHIVESCOUNCILCHARITY NO. 313336

THE BUSINESS ARCHIVESCOUNCIL

The objects of the Council are to promote the preservation of business records of historicalimportance, to supply advice and information on the administration and management of botharchives and modern records, and to encourage interest in the history of business in Britain.

The Council’s publishing programme includes Business Archives, which is publishedhalf yearly, and a Newsletter which appears quarterly. Business Archives. Principles andPractice covers technical aspects of managing archives and modern records. BusinessArchives. Sources and History considers business archives as source material for historians.Other Council publications include Managing Business Archives and A Guide to Tracing theHistory of a Business. In recent years surveys of the archives of brewing, banking andshipbuilding have been published, as has a survey of the archives of 1,000 of the oldestregistered companies in Britain.

The Council is a registered charity and derives much of its income from the annualsubscriptions of its members. These include business organisations, libraries and otherinstitutions, and individual archivists, records managers, business people and historians. Anannual conference gives members the opportunity to meet, as well as to hear papers onthemes of current interest. For details about membership and about the work of the Councilgenerally, please write to the Business Archives Council, c/o Karen Sampson, Lloyds TSBGroup Archives, 5th Floor, Princess House, 1 Suffolk Lane, London, EC4R 0AX or visithttp://www.businessarchivescouncil.org.uk

Prospective articles (authors should apply for notes for contributors in the first instance)together with comments on Business Archives are welcome and should be sent either to DrMike Anson, Editor, Business Archives. Sources and History, Secretary's Department, Bankof England, Threadneedle Street, London, EC2R 8AH, email [email protected], or to Valerie Johnson, Editor, Business Archives. Principles andPractice, BP History, Faculty of History, University of Cambridge, West Road, Cambridge,CB3 9EF, email [email protected]

The views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of the Business ArchivesCouncil or of the Editor. No responsibility for loss occasioned to any person acting orrefraining from action as a result of the material in this journal can be accepted by the

Business Archives Council or by the Editor or by the writers of the articles.

© 2006 Business Archives Council and Contributors

Printed by Manor Creative,Units 7 & 8, Edison Road, Highfield Industrial Estate, Hampden Park,

Eastbourne, East Sussex BN23 6PT

BUSINESSARCHIVESCOUNCILCHARITY NO. 313336

Revealing her assets: liberating the Victorianbusinesswoman from the sourcesAlison C. Kay 1

J. & P. Coats in Europe before 1914Dong-Woon Kim 17

An overview of the archives of the Royal AutomobileClubLouise King 33

Prosecuting zeal and humane benevolence: the Bank ofEngland, Freshfields solicitors and forged Bank noteconvicts 1797-1824Deidre Palk 41

The Bank of England note outside London, 1797-1821Hiroki Shin 55

Bibliography in business history 2005Compiled by Richard A Hawkins 69

Business records deposited in 2005Compiled by Mike Anson 91

Business ArchivesSourcesandHistory

Contents

Number 92November 2006

BUSINESSARCHIVESCOUNCILCHARITY NO. 313336

MARSHALL J. BASTABLE,Arms and the state. Sir William Armstrong and the remaking ofBritish naval power, 1854-1914Mike Anson 129JULIAN GREAVES,Industrial reorganisation and government policy in interwarBritainRoy Edwards 131

PAMELA HUNTER,Veterinary medicine. A guide to historical sourcesKatey Logan 132

Reviews

Number 92November 2006

REVEALING HER ASSETS: LIBERATING THEVICTORIAN BUSINESSWOMAN FROM THE

SOURCES

ALISON C. KAYKing’s College London

IntroductionSources are echoes of the past, never unbiased. They reflect the ideals ofthe societies, groups and individuals who created them. The historicalactors and actions that live on within them, repeating for the eyes of thehistorian, are caught in a play - a performance censored purposefully andun-purposefully by the desire for control over representation andperception. Scholars seeking to reveal the reality of Victorian lives knowthis only too well. The rhetoric is often so convincing and persuasive, theempirical chronicling so extensive and detailed, that it is difficult to avoidbeing swept along through a gallery of ideal images – including theseparation of business and home and the confinement of women in thelatter as non-working wives or daughters, unsullied by the cut and thrust ofthe marketplace. This is particularly true for studies of the economicagency of women. Historians need to tease out the links between sources toreveal the stories left untold by the formal records, statistics, diaries andpapers. Although the businesswoman may not have been the ‘ideal’ womanin the eyes of the Victorians, a surplus of females over males, especially inthe middle-classes, forced them to acknowledge that some of these womenneeded to work. Efforts were made to define ‘suitable’ employments andamong these setting up a little enterprise was regarded as conferring certaincrucial benefits. A female proprietor could secure an income andindependence across her lifetime, weave it around her domesticcommitments and rest upon its mantle in her old age.1

The Victorian lower middle-class was a group heavily characterised byan interest in small business and yet the bulk of evidence on theirexperience is drawn from accounts that originate elsewhere and not fromsmall business sources. Just as historians have been wary of middle-classaccounts of the working-class, so too must we be wary of similar accountsof the lower middle-class.2 This is not to say that advice books and novelswritten by the upper middle-class should be disregarded. On the contrary,

1

they tell us a great deal about aspirations and ideals. However, reality isoften somewhat different. If the novels of the period were our only sourcewe would find little or no evidence of women above the working-classengaged in work, let alone business, until very late in the century. We aretold that virtually all women, consciously or unconsciously, desired onlyone career - marriage. The alternatives presented are few and, amongheroines, either spring from or lead to disaster. This powerful imagery andprescription has in the past been too readily accepted at face value byhistorians leading to conclusions such as that of Wanda Neff, who in her1929 book entitled Victorian Working Women wrote that ‘by the eighteenthcentury the triumph of the useless woman was complete’4. Other sourcessuch as the census, trade directories, newspapers and trade cards reveal thatthere were significant numbers of women in business well into theVictorian period. Nonetheless, these sources present us with a useful butvery limited picture of the businesswoman. Our view of her business assets,the range of her activities, her household and consequently her domesticcircumstances and network of support, is obscured by the limitations of thesources themselves.

Business was very much a public sphere activity and acknowledgingwomen’s involvement brought the more idealistic commentator into directconflict with the prescribed role of women. As a consequence, there was atendency to insist that women would only enter into business in the mostdire of circumstances and this was usually presented as widowhood. Thenotion that the businesswoman was synonymous with the reluctant widowwas frequently voiced. This stereotype of the businesswoman wasencouraged by writers such as J.D. Milne, whose analysis of the 1851census occupational tables concluded, with little evidence but muchprofessed experience, that:

...the individuals returned in this table are almost entirelywidows, who on the death of their husbands have continuedbusiness for the support of themselves and their families.Glancing over the list of occupations, and referring toexperience, the reader can corroborate this. These women-bakers,grocers, shop-keepers, general-dealers, innkeepers, keepers oflodgings, are, for the most part, widows of small tradesmen.5

Milne takes little account of their age, yet not all widows were middle-agedor old. Nor does he consider whether they had in fact continued in theirdeceased husband’s business or sold it off and set up as a grocer, dealer orso on as an alternative. This information could not be obtained from the

2

census – it simply tells us that widows were in business, not about thehistory of these businesses or their proprietors. The link betweenwidowhood and business was assumed and rested heavily on assumptionsabout what women could do and should do, not what they actually did.

The strength of such contemporary rhetoric has had an enormousimpact on the study of women in business by historians, and examples ofwomen who fitted the stereotypes of care-taking widows have frequentlybeen plucked from the archives. Yet their actual prevalence is little tested,largely due to an acceptance until recently that the law acted as a barrier toentry into business for all but the widow. However, arguments relying onthe legal framework as a barrier to entry are misrepresentative not only intheir emphasis on a homogeneous experience for the married woman,which in reality was far more varied and complex, but also in their failureto address the relatively free legal position of single women, as well aswidows. Although scholars increasingly acknowledge that the law was notas great a hindrance as previously thought, it is still often assumed thatthose women that did enter into business were restricted to typical‘feminine trades’. We need to move away from this tendency in theliterature to be dismissive of such ventures. To be dismissive, is todisregard not only the skill that was demanded within these trades but alsothe independence that they provided their female masters.

So, we know that women could engage in business in the nineteenthcentury. We also know that this was seen as suitable work by manyVictorian commentators. However, stereotypes remain strong and revealingthe full diversity and extent of these women’s enterprises is challenging. Instudies of businesswomen active in earlier centuries, historians haveresorted to looking for shadows of their economic endeavours inadvertising, general government statistics, and trade directories. All thesesources have their benefits and provide us with valuable snapshots ofwomen that operated in the public sphere. However, there are seriousshortcomings for each of these sources and consequently for any studybased solely upon them. For example, in the case of newspaperadvertisements, it was expensive for a proprietor to place a newspaperadvertisement until well into the nineteenth century, rendering the costsprohibitive to a large part of the small business and self-employedpopulation. Therefore, this source can provide us with interesting examplesbut this kind of evidence will remain anecdotal unless put into context bymore empirical studies. Similarly, trade directories were biased in theircompilation and coverage and the census descriptions and classifications

3

even more so. Hence, any study of Victorian businesswomen must bynecessity be innovative in its use of sources if it is to reveal the womenhidden by the limitations of many sources.

Insuring her assetsIt is increasingly recognised that fire insurance policies are of value in areasof historical enquiry beyond the history of the insurance business. Thearchives of the insurance industry are amongst the oldest and largestcollections of business records in Great Britain. As insurance becamewidespread, particularly from the second half of the eighteenth centuryonwards, economic and social change was clearly reflected in the historyand archives of the industry.6 Surviving fire registers document ownership,construction and the value of businesses in the form of stock, utensils,fixtures and goods in trust - much more detailed information than isavailable in sources traditionally used for the study of women in business.Although not the oldest class of insurance, fire business was the earliesttype of insurance to achieve corporate status. However, it was not until theHand-in-Hand in 1696 that a lasting fire insurance business was founded.7

This was followed by the Sun Fire Office in 1710, the Union in 1714, theWestminster in 1717, the London in 1720, and the Royal Exchange in 1720.Together these constituted the first major wave of British fire insurance.Agents appointed by the Sun Fire were responsible for the ordering of newbusiness, the collection of premiums, and the presentation of receipts to thehead office. By 1786 there were as many as 123 agents, including a spinsterand two widows.8 Women were not uncommonly recruited. Indeed, in 1807it was grudgingly admitted that Mrs Buchanan, their Glasgow agent, was‘very active and as attentive to the business as a female can possibly beexpected to be’9. Agents generally ran their agencies as a second line totheir major occupation, usually some form of business activity. By thenineteenth century this included retailers, merchants, commission agents,teachers, surveyors of taxes, clerks in various professions including banks,estate agencies, railway and canal offices and so on.

As in other insurance companies, the Sun Fire classified risk accordingto the established formula of Common Insurance, Hazardous Insurance, andDoubly Hazardous Insurance. The first category covered brick and stonebuildings not used for hazardous trades. The second covered timber andplaster buildings or brick and stone buildings housing hazardous trades.The final category covered timber and plaster buildings used for hazardoustrades and all premises of sugar bakers, distillers, china and glass

4

manufacturers and other dangerous trades. This classification system wasgenerally followed until the late nineteenth century.10 In addition, after1825, a continuous stream of information about all classes of risk passedbetween the fire offices, ultimately culminating in the formation of a fireinsurance tariff or cartel. From the 1850s these ‘tariff offices’ werepublishing specifications and tariffs for warehouses and for corn, flax,woollen and cotton mills. By 1860, the offices had formed area committees,with twice yearly general meetings for all offices concerned in the tariffs.The sharing of expertise and underwriting experience effectivelystandardised fire insurance services.

The Sun Fire policy registers are held in the Guildhall Library, London.They represent the head office compilations of orders for new insurancebusiness and augmented renewals from all branches and agencies.11 Therehas been limited use of these records, which is surprising given the key rolethe Sun Fire played in the London insurance market. As Jenkins has noted:

Of the many fire insurance records that survive undoubtedly ofmost interest are those relating to the Sun Fire Office, bothbecause of their comprehensiveness and because of thedominance of that company. Even in 1830, with all the newformations and competitive pressures, the Sun was still almosttwice as large, measured by premium income, as any otheroffice…12

Along with the Phoenix (est.1782) and the Royal Exchange (est.1720), theSun Fire dominated the fire insurance industry. At the start of the nineteenthcentury, its gross premium income at over £100,000 per annum wasconsiderably larger than the fire business incomes of its rivals. The SunFire’s secretary estimated in 1802 that his own office covered sumsamounting to £79 million, compared to the Phoenix’s £56.9 million and theRoyal Exchange’s £36.9 million.13 When it carried out a review of itsindustrial risks, the Sun Fire found that it had on its books property relatingto such diverse trades as ‘gingerbread bakers, bedstead upholders, oarmakers, tallow melters and chandlers, lamp-black manufacturers andbrushmakers’. Likewise it insured all types of shops and offices, theatres,churches, cloth halls, town halls, inns and brewhouses, schools andlibraries.14 The head office policy registers hold a vast amount ofinformation about these different properties and their contents. Details ofowners, tenants, partners, executors and occupations and places ofresidence are frequently recorded. Property contents, including livestock,libraries of books, clothing and wearing apparel, business and industrial

5

stock, and machinery are specified. Many policies contain physical detailsof buildings insured, including numbers of storeys and rooms, andconstruction materials. Uses of property are also recorded, as well as detailsof heating and lighting methods and means of power. There are also ofcourse the valuations of property and their contents for insurancepurposes.15

The fire policy registers of the Sun Fire can be used to extract far moredetailed information on women’s businesses than found in trade directories,the census, or newspapers. The registers are comprised of two un-indexed,hand-scribed series. The first contains 600,000 policies from all geographiclocations taken out before 1793. From 1793 separate registers weremaintained for London and the provinces, again un-indexed and hand-scribed. The surviving collection of this second series of policy registersends in 1863 but contains over 1.3 million policies. This author used theserecords to establish a data-set of London businesswomen with whichfurther record linkage could be undertaken both with the trade directoriesand the census, hence sample years were selected and all the policies takenout by women in these years were extracted. The sample years werechosen, subject to complete sets of volumes, to permit record linkage withthe censuses of 1851 and 1861. In addition, in order to assess whether therewere any radical differences in mid-nineteenth century women’s businesspolicies from those in the preceding century, two mid-eighteenth centurysample dates were also selected, again subject to surviving volumes – 1747and 1761. A five per cent sample of men’s policies for each sample yearwas also collected. The resulting complete year samples of both men’s andwomen’s policies were: 3,396, 7,157, 10,303 and 12,584 for 1747, 1761,1851 and 1861 respectively. A brief overview of the findings of this study ispresented here.16

As consumers of fire insurance for both business and personal assets,women kept pace with the insurance industry’s massive expansion. Thenumber of Sun Fire policies held by women increased from 126 in 1747 to1,230 by 1861. In the mid-nineteenth century women held around ten percent of all the Sun Fire’s London fire insurance policies. As regardsbusiness assets, there was a fivefold increase in the number of women’spolicies covering stock, utensils and fixtures across the sample dates. In themid-nineteenth century, some 20 per cent of London women's policies withthe Sun Fire listed a business and covered stock, utensils and fixtures(n=202 and 251). Even this figure is an underestimate of the true proportionof female policyholders engaged in business activities because many

6

businesses required little in the way of stock, utensils and assets separatefrom the fixtures, fittings and personal belongings of a woman’s household.For example, lodging house keeping and school keeping. Similarly, thosewomen who rented out accommodation, whilst captured here in the totaldata-set of female policyholders, are not included in the 20 per cent whoheld a policy covering business assets, unless that is they also had anadditional separate enterprise.17

Turning to the value of women’s businesses, it is unlikely, Cockerelland Green have argued, that the valuations presented in the policy registersrepresent overvaluations. The tension between the insurers desire formaximum available premiums but not over-evaluated payouts and thepolicyholders’ reluctance to pay excess premiums but desire to avoid lossby under-evaluation ensured that valuations were ordinarily realistic.18 Theminimum value of a business policy held by a woman fell across theperiod, as it also did for male policyholders, reflecting the increasingaccessibility of fire insurance. However, although the proportion of policiesvalued at below £100 increased at a similar rate for both men and womenacross the period, the actual proportion of women’s policies falling into thiscategory, 28 per cent in 1861, was higher than that for male insurers.Similarly, although the highest value policy held by a woman increasedfrom £1,400 in 1747 to £10,250 in 1861, this was 50 per cent lower thanthe highest value men’s policy. The proportion of men’s business policiesvalued at above £3,000 had reached 16 per cent by the mid-nineteenthcentury. In contrast, the corresponding proportion of women’s policies was1.6 per cent. Nonetheless, by 1861, almost 60 per cent of the businesspolicies held by women could be described as reasonably substantial for theperiod and were valued at between £100 and £499, with an additional 14per cent covering values greater than this.

Clearly the value of business assets was influenced by the gender of theproprietor. Women’s business assets, at least those insured with the SunFire Office, were lower in value than those of their male counterparts.There are a number of possible explanations for this. It could be argued thatit is a reflection of women’s lesser access to investment capital or, thatwomen operated in different sectors to men requiring lower capitalinvestment. However, a closer inspection of the lower value policies heldby women reveals that they are not clustered into one particular sector.Therefore, without discounting this explanation at this stage, we shouldconsider alternatives. The variation in the value of assets may be areflection of differing aspirations and motives for male and female business

7

proprietors. Rather than a ‘failure’ of female proprietors to expand theirstock, utensils and fixtures, could we not instead be seeing a choice on thepart of many women in business to keep their ventures small and flexible inorder to respond quickly to changes in the market and their owncircumstances? In addition, there may have been a need or preference onthe part of many businesswomen to put their profits into the familial purserather than ploughing them back into their business. As long as a businessprovided an income, independence and respectability in the community,size was not necessarily important. Indeed, one might argue that growing alarger business would have removed the suitability of operating a littleenterprise in the eyes of contemporaries. Also, women in business mayhave preferred to invest any gains in an alternative form of incomegeneration such as the rental property market or less active forms ofinvestment such as bonds, stocks and shares. Nonetheless, the varyingvalues of women’s business policies indicate that the motives, intentionsand successes of women in business were not homogeneous.

To what extent was their gender an influential variable in determiningthe nature of their business? The Sun Fire policies reveal a shift over timein the sectors in which women’s businesses were most commonly located.The proportion of women’s policies relating to traditional ‘male’ productiontrades, for example coach-building and ironmongery, underwent a steady,proportional decline across the period. Nonetheless, accounting for some 19per cent of London women's business policies in 1851 and around 13 percent in 1861, the proportion of women operating in such trades remainedsignificant. A quarter of women policyholders at mid-century wereinvolved in the food, drink and hospitality sector (e.g. farmer, greengrocer,eating-house keeper). Although such activities have remained popular forwomen, by the nineteenth century they were increasingly over-shadowedby the textile and clothing related trades, which accounted for almost 40 percent of policies by 1861. However, it would be reckless to interpret this asproof that to ‘Stitch’ did become the defining activity of thebusinesswoman. On closer inspection, many of these trades were in factretail rather than manufacturing enterprises. In addition, many of the food,drink and hospitality trades had a heavy retailing component (e.g. leatherseller, haberdasher, dealer in baby linen) and a further quarter of women’sbusiness policies related to other types of retailing (non food, drink ortextiles e.g. florist, music seller, stationer). In short, the Sun Fire registerssuggest that by the nineteenth century women in business, at least inLondon, were very much operating at the retail end of the supply chain.19

8

Although gender influenced small business just as it did paidemployment, it is clear from the insurance records that female proprietorswere nonetheless able to choose from a growing range of businessopportunities. The number of distinct trades female policyholders wereengaged in more than doubled over the period, increasing from 23 in 1747to 107 by 1861. However, while the number of different trade typesexpanded, this influenced concentration levels very little. Around half of allwomen’s business policies could be grouped into just ten trades in thenineteenth century sample dates. Although the clustering in these populartrades may seem intense, the level of concentration is actually less densethan in the eighteenth century - 70 per cent in 1747 and 61 per cent in 1761.Clustering in popular trades suggests not just that some trades were easierto enter than others, but also that women probably followed the example ofother women who had already been successful, and that they reacted tomarket trends and opportunities. Importantly, the Sun Fire registers revealthat women in business were not restricted to the needle trades and to‘Stitch' was not their only option. However, it is the case that themanufacture, sale and laundry of food, drink, textiles and other personaland household accessories figured large in their entrepreneurial endeavours.In this sense, it can be said that women’s business ventures in Londonroughly followed trends in women’s work in the capital. According to thecensus, and not including domestic servants, almost 40 per cent of‘employed’ women aged 20 or over in 1851 were persons engaged in‘entertaining, clothing, & performing personal offices for man’(n=128,049).20 However, the Sun Fire registers also reveal that the sourcestraditionally relied on to tell us about the make-up of a business communityare heavily gendered. For example, only a third of all the female insurers ofbusiness assets with the Sun Fire in 1851 and 1861 (n=202 and 247) couldbe located in the London Post Office Directory. The linkage of thosewomen engaged in the ten most popular trades faired only marginally betterat 35 and 46 per cent. This low linkage rate will partly be due to thefrequency with which people moved in this time period, especially in urbanareas. However, it is also likely that many women’s businesses simply didnot make it into the trade directories, either because they were too small,too local, too new or perhaps, as with many men’s businesses, they weretoo short-lived. Not only do traditional sources under-represent the truelevel of economic agency of women in the early to mid Victorian period,they present us with a skewed picture that leans heavily towards the needletrades.

9

In fairness, although offering a more broadly representative startingpoint for the study of the businesswoman and revealing more about herassets than other traditional sources, the Sun Fire records have theirshortcomings too. They tell us a great deal about those proprietors whoinsured stock, utensils and fixtures, however they tell us less about thesmall enterprises women carried on using only the private assets they had attheir disposal. Such women had little advantage in declaring on theirpolicies how effectively they were utilising their assets, as this may haveresulted in higher insurance premiums. Nonetheless, the insurance recordssucceed in many areas where the directories fail us when used in isolation.Averseness to risk ensured that it was in a woman’s interests to insure herassets, however seemingly insignificant. Given that business was an avenueof income generation for women who found themselves unsupported byothers, security against loss was essential for them. Furthermore, womenwere not excluded by their gender from the opportunity to insure. As longas they paid their premiums their money was as good to the insurancecompany as any man’s. Thus the Sun Fire records provide us with a moredetailed and developed picture of the businesswomen – one that betterrepresents the diversity of their enterprises.

Marriage of home and businessThis is not enough. Little is known about the households of businesswomenand yet it was in the home, where the business of making a living andkeeping family and reputation intact was centred, and that the web ofresponsibilities, promises, favours, allegiances and contacts began to bespun. Just as their businesses were usually small and carried on from withintheir home, the inhabitants of their household were connected to theirbusiness activities. Children, siblings, cousins, servants, and employees allhad their part to play in ensuring the success of the business and thenetwork that it fed into. Furthermore, through the myriad of occupants inthe proprietor’s household, connections between one household networkand another were forged, thus fuelling larger, local networks. Recordlinkage between the Sun Fire policies and the census returns can reveal thehousehold of the female business proprietor, including such information aswhether she was the household head, the size of the household, theproprietor’s marital status and age; whether she resided with siblings orchildren; and if live-in servants, employees, boarders and lodgers resided inthe household. Beyond the case study, this is a particularly new approach tothe understanding of the experience of the businesswoman in this period of

10

history, as other sources such as newspaper advertisements and tradedirectories provide only limited information on the home life of femaleproprietors. By examining the household records of businesswomen we canalso test some of the stereotypes of women in business put forward bycontemporaries and supported by anecdotal evidence – for example, thedominance of the reluctant widow.

As there was some evidence of trade clustering among thebusinesswomen of the Sun Fire records, those engaged in the ten mostpopular trades (n=224) were linked with the census returns using the nameand address given on the insurance policy. In addition, for comparativepurposes, the households of women engaged in production trades, whichwould have been seen as more masculine, were also selected for linkage(n=51). Collectively this constituted 62 per cent of the total number offemale proprietors identified in the Sun Fire registers for 1851/1861. Thislinkage resulted in an admittedly small (n=156) but detailed sample ofbusinesswomen's households at mid-century in London. The average sizeof these households was 4.3 residents and in over 80 per cent of cases, thelinked female proprietor was also the head of the household. It is notsurprising that such a large proportion of female proprietors should behousehold heads. After all, if the assumption holds that the majority ofwomen in business were unsupported by other parties, then it is notsurprising that they headed their own household.

Studies focussing specifically on female-headed households that can beused for comparative purposes here are not plentiful. The limited datagathered has been part of larger studies on general household structure,directed by different research questions to those addressed here.Nonetheless, there are six studies (all based on census samples) from whichwe can extract comparative data. For London there is Chaplin’s generalsample (n=765)21, Lee’s Irish sample (n=132)22 and Clarke’s Bethnal Greensample (n=139)23 of female headed households. In addition, Fraser providesa sample of female headed households in Cardiff (n=131)24 and Anderson asample of female headed Preston households (n=221).25 Finally, Gordonand Nair’s research provides a small sample of middle-class Glasgowhouseholds headed by women (n=53).26 It is this latter sample that mostclosely matches the population of this study.

The conclusions drawn from such a limited comparison are necessarilytentative and are only briefly presented in this paper.27 The late age at whichwomen could be found operating businesses of varying types is particularlystriking, suggesting that women might be active in business until quite late

11

in their lifecycle (and in this period of course there was no mandatoryretirement or pension). Overall, the mean age for all the linked proprietorswas 49.5. Widows did make up a substantial proportion of the linked SunFire proprietors. They constituted 64 per cent of the popular tradeproprietors and 78 per cent of the production trade proprietors. The barriersto entry in the latter in terms of training, experience and often capital,would have been more difficult to overcome for unmarried women withoutprior exposure to the business. However, even among the production tradeproprietors the proportion of widows was lower than in Bethnal Green andPreston, although similar to that for Irish female-headed households andthose in Glasgow and Cardiff. It has often been suggested that women inbusiness would be care-takers waiting for their sons to come of age andtake over the reins. Therefore, we would expect to find evidence of youngersons and young adults working alongside their mothers in preparation.However, only five of the older male children of the linked Sun Firepopular trade proprietors were occupied in the same trade as their mother.28

In the production trades, sons seem to have been more useful to mothersbut the linkage reveals a detail missing from the popular imagery. Five ofthe nine sons (including one nephew) who worked alongside their motherswere well past their coming of age, typically aged 30 or over and stilldescribed as an ‘assistant’.29 Therefore, whilst it is clear that widows couldgain the support of their sons in their businesses, the records investigatedhere can not support the argument that the widows were in the maintemporary care-takers.

Interestingly, spinsters were better represented amongst the Sun Fireproprietors than among the other samples of female household heads. Thecombined Sun Fire percentage of 20.5 per cent is comparable to that formiddle-class households in Glasgow but higher than that for all the othersamples. This might partly be a reflection of the significant degree to whichwomen outnumbered men in London.30 These women, like the widows andmarried proprietors were able to draw on the support of the other occupantsin the households over which they largely presided. For example,businesswomen were often able to call on servants. In London generally atthis time, it was estimated that 34 per cent of households had only oneservant and 25 per cent had two.31 Nonetheless, residential domesticservants were present in the households of almost 40 per cent (n=50) of thepopular trade and 22 per cent (n=6) of the production trade proprietors.32

They were much more likely to have servants living in their householdsthan the female household heads in the other studies. Servants were

12

reported in only 3.6 per cent of female-headed households in the BethnalGreen sample and 8 and 19 per cent of the Preston and Cardiff householdsrespectively. This finding supports that of Higgs, which revealed that inmid-nineteenth century Rochdale it was also the shopkeepers, innkeepersand small traders generally who constituted the typical servant employers.33

He found that households headed by retailers in 1851, 1861 and 1871contained between a quarter and a third of all servants.34 Furthermore,domestic service was often under-recorded, since servants were not alwaysreported separately in household returns. Many were relatives, whichcomplicated perceptions of them as workers or family members. Forexample, in 1851, Ellen Town, a 23-year-old spinster was fulfilling the roleof ‘housekeeper’ for her sister, coffee house keeper Julia Town.35 Around athird of the Sun Fire women had residential employees. Employees offeredsimilar networking benefits to servants, indeed it might even be through anetwork of contacts that a proprietor could find suitable candidates.Housing residential staff brought with it certain maternal responsibilities,binding the ties of reciprocity even tighter. In addition, there were oftenother non-residential employees. The census returns occasionally containeda separate note as to the total number of the proprietor's employees.Examples included: the entry for widow Jane Feamont, a chandler, includedthe remark ‘employs 7 men and 3 women’.36 As with servants, it should beacknowledged that there was a trade-off between familial and non-familialemployees in the households of female proprietors. Family memberssometimes took on the role of employee, though their contribution is oftendifficult to trace. In 1861, 41 per cent of older female children wererecorded as being in the same trade as their mother-proprietors, often in therole of ‘assistant’.

ConclusionAssets come in many guises. They may take the traditional form ofbuildings, structures or of the stock, utensils and fixtures in the shop orworkshop. Such assets can be found in the business archives, carefullyestimated and recorded in the insurance records. However, assets can beconceived more broadly as anything that aids, assists and provides an edgein the marketplace. These other forms can be more difficult to capture,record and reveal. Skill, aptitude and opportunity, formal or informal, canall be assets. Similarly the human capital, experience and wisdom offriends, family and household members are all assets, although not so easilyreckoned on a balance sheet. However, until the late nineteenth century

13

such ties between people, familial or otherwise, were an indispensableagency through which to spread risk. Alongside more formal, specificprotection such as fire insurance, ‘network’ protection was vital forVictorian women in business, often engaged in a little enterprise becauseother means of support such as suitable paid employment or marriage wereunavailable to them. Responsible for their own survival in terms of socialposition and economic well-being, the stronger the network of supportthese women were connected to through some manner of reciprocity, thegreater their chances of surviving the impact of economic shocks. Althoughinformal assets of this nature are more difficult to reveal in the archives andsources, they are there. It is no easy task but linking the individualsrecorded in the business archives with their households and families, is thecrucial means by which historians can reveal the businesswoman andliberate her from the stereotypes created by the sources and their too literalacceptance. Business and home in the Victorian period were not alwaysseparate. Many businesses were carried on from within the home and in thissense the home and all within it became a potential asset for the woman inbusiness. Just as the public and private spheres of the Victorianbusinesswoman overlapped, so too must our usage of sources and archives.

The author gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the ESRC.1 For a fuller development of these themes see: A. C. Kay, ‘Small business, self-employment

and women’s work-life choices in nineteenth century London’, in Brown J., Mitch D., & VanLeeuwen, M. (eds), Origins of the modern career (Aldershot, 2004).

2 C. P. Hosgood, ‘The knights of the road. Commercial travellers and the culture of thecommercial room in late-Victorian and Edwardian England’, Victorian Studies, 37:4 (summer,1994), p.520.

3 S. R. Gorsky, ‘Old maids and new women. Alternatives to marriage in English women'snovels, 1847-1915’, Journal of Popular Culture, (summer 1973), p.69.

4 W. F. Neff, Victorian working women. an historical and literary study of women in Britishindustries and professions 1832-1850 (1929), p.186.

5 J. D. Milne, Industrial and social position of women, p.177.6 H. A. L. Cockerell and E. Green, The British Insurance Business (Sheffield, 1994), p.xi.7 Cockerell and Green, The British insurance business, pp.26-28. B. Henham, Hand in Hand:

the story of the Hand in Hand Fire and Life Insurance Society 1696-1996 (1996), pp.9-19.8 Cockerell and Green, The British insurance business, p.29. P. G. M. Dickson, The Sun

Insurance Office 1710-1960 (1960), p.70.9 D. T. Jenkins, ‘The practice of insurance against fire, 1750-1840, and historical research’, in

O. M. Westall (ed.), The historian and the business of insurance (Manchester, 1984), p.24.10 Cockerell and Green, The British insurance business, p.43-44.11 According to Beresford, simple renewals rarely involved the issue of a new policy, annual

renewals were automatic and information was only scrutinised by the company after seven

14

years. M. V. Beresford, ‘Building history from fire insurance records’, Urban HistoryYearbook (1976), p.11.

12 Jenkins, ‘The practice', p.12.13 Dickson, The Sun Insurance Office, p.73.14 Jenkins, ‘The practice’, p.13.15 Jenkins, ‘The practice’, p.14.16 For a more detailed analysis see the author’s DPhil thesis: A.C. Parkinson, ‘Marry-Stitch-Die

or Do Worse’? Female self-employment and small business proprietorship in London 1740-1880 (Unpublished thesis, University of Oxford, 2003).

17 It was not in the interests of women who used private assets to support business activity todeclare their enterprise to the insurance company in case this led to higher premiums. See:A.C. Kay, ‘A little enterprise of her own: Lodging-house keeping and the accommodationbusiness in mid-nineteenth-century London’, The London Journal 28:2, 2003.

18 Cockerell and Green, The British insurance business, p.50.19 See: A. C. Kay, ‘A respectable business: Women, retailing and independence in nineteenth

century London’ in Beachy R., Craig, B. & Owens, A. (eds), Women, business and finance innineteenth-century Europe: rethinking separate spheres (Berg, 2006).

20 Parliamentary Papers. Session 4, 1852-53. Vol. LXXXVIII - Part 1.1852-1853. Census ofGreat Britain 1851. Population Tables, II Ages, Civil Conditions and Birth Place of thePeople. See Occupations of the People, Division 1 - London.

21 D. Chaplin, ‘The structure of London households in 1851’ (unpublished paper, WesternMichigan University, 1975), Table 2. Quoted in L. Hollen Lees, Exiles of Erin. Irish migrantsin Victorian London, (Manchester, 1979), Appendix B, Table A4.

22 L. Hollen Lees, Exiles of Erin. Irish Migrants in Victorian London (Manchester, 1979),Appendix B, Table A4 and pp.130-131, 134-136.

23 M. A. Clarke, Household and family in Bethnal Green, 1851-1871. The effects of social andeconomic change (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986), Tables 2.7, 3.5,3.7, 3.18, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25 and pp.75, 82, 99, 100.

24 C. G. Fraser, The household and family structure of mid-nineteenth century Cardiff incomparative perspective (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales Cardiff, 1988), Tables3.2, 3.5, 4.3, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.15, 7.11 and pp. 84, 136, 261, 272.

25 M. Anderson, Family structure in nineteenth century Lancashire (Cambridge, 1971), Tables10, 13, 17 and pp.43, 46, 47.

26 E. Gordon and G. Nair, ‘The myth of the Victorian patriarchal family’, The History of theFamily 7:1 (2002), tables 2 to 6.

27 For a more detailed presentation of results see: A. C. Kay, ‘Reconstructing the role of thehousehold in businesswomen’s networks of support, London 1851-1861’, IEHA 14th WorldCongress: Session 54 – Women and business networks in industrialising Europe, 1700-1900(Helsinki, 2006).

28 Catherine Rebbeck: FRO, RD 14 HO 107 / 1515 244 (back), Sun Fire 650 / 1658620. MariaKaye: FRO, RD 12 HO 107 / 1494 18 (back), Sun Fire 648 / 1651593. Walter Lock: FRO,RD 20 RG 9/238 8(back), Sun Fire 719 / 196368.

29 John son of Agnes: FRO, RD 15, HO 107/1516 92(back), Sun Fire 649/1649799. Thomas sonof Elizabeth Huntley: FRO, RD 6, HO 107/1475 11(back), Sun Fire 641 / 1649375. JamesDean nephew of Susannah Armstrong: FRO, RD 5, HO 107/1481 247(back), Sun Fire 651 /1653346. Joseph Peter son of Mary Draper: FRO, RD 7, RG 9/68 3(back), Sun Fire 725 /1966021. George son of Mary Ann Tubbs: FRO, RD 24, RG 9/284 185(back), Sun Fire 719 /1955916.

30 Parliamentary Papers. Session 4, November 1852 - 20 August 1853. Volume LXXXVIII -Part 1. 1852-1853 Accounts and Papers. 32nd Volume - Part 1, p.xxvii.

15

31 D. Simonton, A history of European women’s work 1700 to the present (1998), p.102.32 In the case of victuallers and coffee house keepers, the nature of their trades meant that the

duties of servants could cover both the domestic and business needs of the household.Therefore, for these trades ‘servants’ and ‘general purpose servants’ have been counted as‘employees’ in this study, leaving only 'house servants' to make up the figure above.

33 E. Higgs, 'Domestic service and household production' in A. V. John (ed.), Unequalopportunities. Women’s employment in England 1800-1918 (Oxford, 1986), p.135.

34 Ibid. p.135.35 Julia Town: FRO, RD 4 HO 107 / 1483 5 (front), Sun Fire 646 / 1647277.36 Jane Feamont: FRO, RD 25 HO 107 / 1556 709 (back), Sun Fire 640 / 1635545.

16

J. & P. COATS IN EUROPE BEFORE 1914 1

DONG-WOON KIMDepartment of Economics, Dong-Eui University, South Korea

The business of J. & P. Coats (hereafter, JPC), the British cotton threadmanufacturing conglomerate, had been expanding throughout the world by1914. The company carried out some 53 foreign direct investments in 15countries on four continents; it was probably the first among thecontemporary British multinationals. For JPC, the United States and Russiawere two largest markets, but Europe as a whole included nine of thecountries in which JPC was active, and accounted for 36 of the 53 individualinvestments.2 This article details what JPC did in each of these Europeancountries, but before that some general observations on the origins,management, and performance of JPC’s European businesses are explained.

Of JPC’s 36 European direct investments, ten were in Russia, eight inItaly, seven in Belgium, four in Austria, three in Spain, and one each inGermany, Hungary, Portugal and Switzerland. Some of these countries hadcotton manufacturing industries that were well developed in terms of eitherthe quantity of raw cotton consumed or the number of cotton spindles.3 Onthe other hand, about two-thirds of the investments occurred in thecomparatively poorer countries such as Hungary, Italy, Portugal, Russia andSpain. As cotton thread, ranging from the lowest to highest grades, wasmainly used for the making of clothes for ordinary people, the level ofincome seems to have been less important to the industry than the size ofpopulation or the growth stage of cotton manufacturing industries.

In all but one of the cases (Russia, 1886) investment was formanufacture, and all were market-oriented. The investments took placebetween 1886 and 1913, but most of them occurred after JPC amalgamatedits three rivals in 1896. Competition, mixed with market attraction or size,was the primary motive. Tariffs, which were a main cause of investmentsby many other contemporary British companies, directly triggered only oneinvestment (in Spain in 1893). Two of the Russian investments (1889 and1890) were initially prompted by rising tariffs, but the competition from alocal maker was unmistakable, and the seven investments that followedwere motivated by competition.

JPC preferred acquisition to greenfield investments. All the cases in

17

Austria (four), Belgium (seven), Germany (one), Italy (eight), andSwitzerland (one) were carried out through the first means; only those inHungary (one) and Portugal (one) were new factories. Acquisition was alsopreferred in Russia (eight vs. two) and Spain (two vs. one). In either caseJPC was ready to achieve controlling interests, with outright ownership inhalf of all the investments.

JPC had gradually developed an efficient management system in orderto implement aggressive schemes for local manufacture and to look afterthe ever-increasing business interests that ensued. The Board of Directors,and the Special Committee, assisted by various standing or ad hoccommittees, at the Paisley headquarters took charge of overall supervision,while the local management, often joined by directors from JPC, wasresponsible for day-to-day running of the businesses. Contrary toChandler’s formulation of British personal capitalism, the emergingmanagerial hierarchy appears to have resembled the decentralized andmulti-divisional structure (the M-form), despite the fact that it was underowner-control (of the Coats family), characteristic of the earlierentrepreneurial governance system.4 A professional manager, Otto E.Philippi, who was a director in charge of the overseas businesses after1890, played a leading role in the company’s pursuit of internationalproduction.

JPC was prepared to take on local, British or foreign competitors in theindividual markets, frequently acquiring their businesses; sometimes,entering into strategic alliances. In 1896 there were more than 40competitors on the continent in addition to some 20 in Britain, but theywere all considered ‘the weaker brethren’.5 Particularly after the merger of1896, JPC enormously strengthened its position in Europe, as well as athome and in the United States. In Russia and Italy, where JPC had investedmost extensively, the company came to account for some 90 per cent and85 per cent of the markets respectively. There now follow details of whathappened in the individual countries, with the exception of Russia whichhas been analysed in depth elsewhere.6

Austria, Germany, and Hungary With a fairly large population and a developed cotton industry, Austria wasthe second country, after Russia, where JPC began to locally manufacturecotton thread. A total of four investments were carried out throughacquisition between 1893 and 1900. There was one investment each inadjacent Hungary and Germany in the early 1900s.

18

At two Board meetings of JPC held in March 1885, the directors wereseriously considering erecting mills in Austria and Germany. Theimmediate reason was that competition has become more apparent in thesecountries where the Coats thread had been sold, presumably through localagents of the Central Agency, the selling arm of JPC. Moreover, thecountries’ governments intended to raise the existing tariffs whichaccounted for some 20 per cent of the price of imported cotton thread. Thesituation appeared more urgent in Austria, so the directors were of theopinion that: ‘it [is] necessary to build [a mill in the country]… as it [is]absolutely necessary to be on a footing of equality with the Austrian makersin order to be able to sell at their prices’. The Board was determined to putthrough its scheme for local manufacture even if the two governments didnot take the prohibitive measure. Also, Archibald Coats, the Chairman, wasready to enter into negotiations over product prices with Mr Salcher ofMattius Salcher & Son, a Viennese-based manufacturer that presented athreat to JPC. However, by August 1885, it had become clear that tariffswould not rise any further, and JPC had abandoned its earlier determinationto carry out the Austrian and German projects.7

These two markets appear to have remained fairly quiet over theensuing years, presumably because of some sort of arrangement over pricesbetween JPC, Salcher, and other competitors. It was in 1891 that JPC wasagain alarmed by keen competition in the Austrian market where pricereductions, made against Salcher in particular, caused the company to makea loss of some £18,000. A committee of four directors (Archibald Coats,Thomas Coats, William Coats and Otto Philippi) considered acquiring alocal business owned by a Mr Heyak who offered to sell to JPC for £6,000because he could not meet his engagements with the company. Thecommittee was allowed to spend a sum of £15,000, including workingcapital, on the deal but, as explained later, this second opportunity to securemanufacturing facilities in Austria was overwhelmed in May 1892 by amore urgent scheme for erecting a mill in Spain where tariffs had increasedenormously.8 Two months later, however, Mr Howaith, the GeneralManager of JPC, was dispatched to Austria and Hungary on a mission toexamine the possibility of acquiring or establishing a mill for twistingcoarser numbers of thread; by May 1893, one in Austria had beenpurchased at 86,500 florins.9

Larger facilities became available later that year when JPC acquiredSalcher’s Harland Works with the intention of ‘[putting] an end to thecompetition [with the Salchers]’. On the other hand, when the Austrian

19

competitor was confronted by financial difficulties, the British companylent it fl.200,000 gold with Salchers putting up its remaining business, theWagstadt Works, as a guarantee. The Harland Works was soon reorganisedas the Harland Company, locally managed in Vienna, presumably by thethree members of the Salcher family (Alfred, Carl, and Joseph), who quittheir family business to join the British side. The Harland Company made atrade agreement with a local competitor, Grohman & Co., in mid-1894, butthis lasted only for one month. Later that year, the subsidiary was providedwith a sum of £100,000 by the parent company, and after July 1895Harland took the place of the Central Agency to become responsible for thesale of the Coats thread in the Austrian market. For its part, the remainingSalcher business was banned from selling other makers’ products similar tothose of the Harland Company; instead, it received a five-yearcompensation, to be paid by the Central Agency, of two per cent beyond thebest terms allowed to other houses in Austria. In late 1896, JPC attemptedto purchase the remaining Salcher business, but without success.10

In early 1898, JPC made its third manufacturing investment in Austriawhen it brought a controlling interest in the business of George Richter(later, Salcher & Richter), and took over the Wilhelmsburger Zwirnfabrickworks. Within a couple of years, another local competitor, Krupp, Brass &Co., had been acquired. Between January 1897 and July 1898, the HarlandCompany had made an unsuccessful attempt to buy this business. Then inJuly 1899, Krupp, Brass offered to sell itself to Harland; Salcher & Richtercarried on negotiations, concluding the deal at some £50,000 by June1900.11 That year, the Harland Company paid its highest ever dividend of19 per cent, this having increased sharply from 3.33 per cent in 1895 to 12per cent in 1898.12 On the other hand, a German manufacturer calledAuckermann, who was very active in Germany and Russia, became atroublesome competitor in Austria from the early 1900s. Another majorGerman concern also started to manufacture cotton thread in Austria in1907. JPC effectively dealt with this German competition by sometimesreducing prices of its thread, and sometimes advancing them aggressively.13

In 1906 there was some strike action at the Wilhelmsburg mills and thisresulted in an increase in both wages, and the price of the Coats thread.Fortunately, however, the increase ‘had not curtailed sales and proved tohave been well timed’.14 Two years later, this Austrian business wasconverted into a private limited company with the capital, of two millionkronen (£83,333) owned by six subscribers – JPC, Clark & Co., JamesChadwick & Brothers, Joseph Salcher of the Harland Company, George

20

Richter, and E.A. Philippi, son of Otto E. Philippi and director of JPC from1907. The last three constituted the local management, but Richter diedwithin months. On Salcher’s suggestion, the Paisley headquarters set up atemporary committee of three directors to examine a scheme for combiningthe limited company with the Harland Company, something which wouldprobably lessen the existing tax burden. By June 1909, the Vienna ProbateCourt had permitted the transfer of the Wilhemsburg mills and property tothe Harland Company.15

In the meantime, the Coats thread began to be manufactured inHungary and Germany during the early 1900s. In Hungary, the HungarianThread Company was founded in Pressburg in 1901. In order for the projectto appear as a ‘national event’, JPC and its three subsidiaries made carefulfinancial arrangements: the capital of 900,000 kronen coming jointly fromJPC and Clark & Co. (50 per cent) and Salcher & Richter (50 per cent, butborrowed from JPC).16

For the German market, which was much larger than either the Austrianor the Hungarian market in terms of either the size of population or thegrowth stage of cotton manufacturing industries, JPC had planned to builda local mill in 1885. The British company then appears to have sincemaintained a stable position in the country so that, when the Germangovernment required the company to publish details of all its worldwidebusinesses in 1898, it was confident enough to be prepared to withdraw themarket.17

JPC considered a second chance to secure production facilities, bytaking over the business of J. Schurer, based in Augsburg, in 1902. A yearlater, the company saw Auckermann, who as we have seen was increasinghis sales in Austria and Russia, declare a high dividend of 25 per cent; alsothe JPC directors were alarmed by a report that ‘[some] German makerswere increasing their business outside [Germany], thereby coming intofrequent collision with [JPC]’. Auckermann suggested that he wouldcurtail his shipping trade and withdraw from the Austrian market if JPCcompensated him. He soon took back his pretensions because the Britishcompany reacted by reducing prices and taking other measures. On theother hand, a Mr Butz of Goeggingen proposed not selling his products atprices lower than the domestic ones outside Germany on condition that he,JPC, and Auckermann agreed to raise their prices inside the country. Suchan agreement does not appear to have been reached, but Butz contributed tosome sort of arrangement between JPC and German makers in early 1904,although Otto Philippi was of the opinion that the arrangement would not

21

last long.18

Sachsische Nahfadenfabrik of Witzschdorf was another troublesomelocal business: it copied trade marks of the Coats thread and sold imitationgoods to shippers. By late 1903, however, this business, whose assets werevalued at £125,000, was offered for sale. Within months, JPC had secured acontrolling interest, with the Deutsche Bank of Dresden as another majorshareholder. By doing so, the company intended to not only get rid of theimmediate annoyances caused by the acquired business, but also, in thelong run, ‘[be] able to exercise greater influence in [its] relations withGerman competitors’.19 Indeed, it was reported to a JPC Board meeting inNovember 1905: ‘The German makers were quiet. Our relations with themwere satisfactory’. That year, the Witzschdorf subsidiary paid a higherdividend than before. A satisfactory situation seems to have continued forthe coming years, which is hinted by two occasions: the British companywas prepared to help Butz restore his fire-damaged in early 1908; and, itwas not interested in Zwirnerei Nahfaden Fabrik of Augsburg, up for sale inearly 1912.21

Spain and PortugalJPC came to engage in local manufacture in Spain in 1893; two moreinvestments followed a decade later. One investment took place inneighbouring Portugal in 1905. Both countries had comparatively smallerpopulation and modest cotton manufacturing industries.

The Coats thread began to be exported to Spain before the 1880s, andthe market then appears to have been stagnant with patchy competition.When a Spanish merchant registered the ‘CHAIN’ brand as his trade markin 1885, JPC, the owner of the brand, reached an amicable settlement withthe merchant. Similarly, the company and its British competitor, Clark &Co., agreed on the price of crochet in 1887.22

Things grew worse for JPC in Spain by the late 1880s; tariffs continuedto rise and this cost JPC at least £7,800 for the coarser numbers (30 andunder) of its cotton thread annually between 1887 and 1891.23 The Britishcompany urgently switched its Spanish policy from export to localmanufacture in 1892, discarding the on-going project to acquire Heyak’smanufacturing business in Austria as explained above. Initially, thecompany planned to secure a small mill, with an expenditure of less than£15,000, and produce the coarser numbers of thread with imported yarn.But, it became clear that local manufacture without local spinning would beof little use, so the company decided to erect a works with both

22

manufacturing and spinning facilities, whose cost was estimated at some£30,000, more than double the original one.24

A factory ground of 12 acres, including a canal, in Torello waspurchased for £2,120 in early 1893, and a limited liability company,Nuevas Hilaturas Del Ter (hereafter NHDT), was formed in Barcelona laterthat year. The new company’s capital was initially one million pesetas(£33,333), but soon jumped to 2.4 million pesetas (£80,000) as Clark & Co.came to invest in the project. Clarks were to take 15-20 per cent of thecapital, with the right to produce a like proportion of products, but were notallowed to take part in control.25 The management consisted of fivedirectors from JPC, and two others, Ricardo Bartioli, and Johs Flechsig,NHDT’s administrator.26

The construction of the Torello factory itself was supervised by theWorks Committee of the Paisley headquarters. The factory was to have amaximum production capacity of 12,000lbs per week, with an operatingcapacity of 8,000lbs, and would be provided with raw cotton by theheadquarters. The initial budget for the project was £30,000, but by July1894 it had jumped to some £76,444, which again increased to £100,542 inMarch 1895, and then to £104,349 a month later. The rising expenditureforced the Paisley headquarters to adopt strict guidelines on any new worksto be built both in Britain and abroad: a qualified architect and engineershould first prepare technical specifications for a proposed works with anestimate of the cost; officials in charge of alterations or additions should beinformed of such information; and, they should have the board’s permissionto spend money.27

An opportunity to secure manufacturing facilities of much larger scalein Spain emerged in 1899, when Mr Fabra of Fabra & Portabella met OttoPhilippi in Glasgow. At a preceding board meeting, Philippi hadrecommended taking over Fabra’s business and, preferably, two othercompetitors, Dewhurst & Co., and Alexander & Co. of Barcelona: the lattercompetitor was the Spanish arm of the English Sewing Cotton Company,the British arch-rival of JPC.28 This idea was not put into practice for someyears and it was May 1903 before a conclusion was reached: Fabra &Portabella, and Alexander & Co., were taken over by JPC and merged intoNHDT, which was then reorganized as Compania Anonima Hilaturas deFabra y Coats (hereafter CAHFC). This new subsidiary’s capital (30million pesetas) was more than 12 times as much as that of the oldsubsidiary at its formation in 1893; of the 15 million pesetas ordinarycapital, 60 per cent came from JPC, 33 per cent from Mr Fabra, and the

23

remaining seven per cent from the English Sewing Cotton Company. Fabrabecame the chairman, and two directors of JPC, Ernest S. Coats and Peter M.Coats, possibly together with some members of Mr Fabra’s former business,also joined the new board, as did the directors of the old subsidiary, with theexception of Flechsig.29 Although it sales continued to decrease, CAHFCappears to have generally been in good running order up to the outbreak ofthe First World War.30

In the meantime, the Portuguese market, where the Coats thread began tobe sold through an agent of the Central Agency, remained calm.31 Howeverseveral months after the formation of CAHFC, the market came to worry theJPC directors: ‘... if the manufacturing concession applied for to thePortuguese Government by persons in Lisbon were granted for 10 years asasked, it would spoil our trade in the country.’32 Local manufacturers andmerchants were petitioning their government for the appearance of ‘national’sewing cotton, though the concession for a monopoly was not granted.33

JPC eventually formed Companhia de Linha Coats & Clark (hereafterCLCC) in January 1905. Sixty per cent of the capital was owned by JPC and10 per cent by the local agent of the Central Agency, Mr Biel. The remaining30 per cent, JPC hoped, would be taken by William Graham & Co. ofGlasgow, which had a number of mills in the country, including a spinningmill in Oporto (now Porto), and would probably provide the infant CLCCwith local managerial know-how. In the end, Graham’s were not interested onthe grounds that it could not control the sale of the Coats thread to be locallymanufactured. Instead, as in Spain, Clark & Co. took part ownership ofCLCC, as the subsidiary’s name implies.34 A new factory was constructed inOporto, and CLCC seems to have gradually secured a strong position in thePortuguese market: competitors were forced to sell their machinery to thecompany, or enter into unfavourable trade agreements. While findingamalgamations with local competitors neither feasible nor desirable, JPCremained aggressive enough: ‘It [is] imperative in our own interest to make itimpossible for them to succeed.’35

Belgium and SwitzerlandBelgium, with fairly small population and modest cotton manufacturingindustries, was the fourth European country in which JPC began localmanufacture. The company implemented, by taking over competitorsbetween 1899 and 1913, seven investments, placing Belgium third inimportance behind Russia and Italy as a destination for JPC investment. TheSwiss example, in 1906, was a spin-off.

24

JPC’s first investment in Belgium was easily accomplished. In late1898, a weak local business, Filature & Filteries Reunies (hereafter FFR) ofAlost, proposed selling itself to the British company. JPC planned either toacquire two-thirds of FFR’s capital or, in case the deal fell through, to erecta new mill, with a budget of some £20,000, in the district where thebusiness was located. By April 1899, FFR had been liquidated andreconstituted with a capital of more than eight million francs, of which JPCsecured 55 per cent. Two FFR directors, Cumont and Van Langenhove,maintained their previous positions, while other were newly appointed bythe parent company.36

FFR carried out JPC’s second investment in the country by acquiring acontrolling interest (£60,000) in a local manufacturing concern of J.Stichelman in March 1900.37 FFR itself had yet to settle down. Its factoryremained in poor working order throughout 1900 so that, it was expected,that year’s profit would be much less than the previous year’s with anestimated dividend rate of 4.75 per cent. What made matters worse, wasthat this subsidiary had been selling its products at random in any marketsrather than with continuous care in selected markets, although the localmanagement later became aware that such a practice would do damage tothe business in the long run. JPC helped FFR by taking over its surplusproduction, and after a couple of years the subsidiary’s balance becamesatisfactory.38

JPC felt keener and keener competition in the Belgian market from late1903; it was ready to take the offensive. The company devised a scheme forbuying several annoying small makers at the same time in 1905. It was alsoprepared to acquire the sewing cotton business of Van den Bossche & DeBodt, which had gone bankrupt because of quarrels between the partners,and was being reorganised. When some local competitors formed asyndicate to produce cotton thread later that year, JPC reacted by reducingprices of its products, seeing the syndicate collapse within months.39 InJune 1906, JPC considered taking over two local businesses at a likely costof, respectively, £50-60,000 and £24,000, but a question was raised: ‘Whatcountry, failing Belgium, might be suitable for manufacturing abroad underfavourable conditions?’ The British company soon bought up a mill inZurich, Switzerland, at £19,000 and had formed a small company,Zwirnerei Stroppel A.G., to supervise it by early 1907.40

By that time, a new local business was selling cotton thread in theBelgian market. Attributing the continuing appearance of new localcompetitors to the existing very low wages, JPC took a hostile measure

25

with a view to raising the barrier to entry in the cotton thread industry: wagesincreased to a considerable extent in April 1907 at the company’s local mills,where a short-lived strike was in progress. This measure seems to haveworked, and no new competitors were thereafter reported to the Board. Onthe other hand, the company had tried in vain for a number of years to controlthe production of Mr. C. Wens, with an annual expenditure of a few hundredpounds.41

Eight years after the takeover of J. Stichelman’s business, JPCimplemented its third and fourth investments in Belgium. FFR and J.Stichelman’s business respectively acquired the sewing cotton and the linenthread business of La Ninorite, whose owner was anxious to sell them, at firstfor £50,000, but later £30,000. These acquisitions seem to have strengthenedJPC’s position in the Belgian market, which remained relatively calm for thecoming years. It was reported at the company’s board meeting of January1912, however, that ‘[The local managing directors] were alarmed at theprospect of not being able to pay any dividend for the year ending 31 Marchand were getting restless on account of so much of the burden of fightingBelgian companies falling upon them.’ As a measure, the Paisleyheadquarters promised to give, when necessary, up to £4,000 as acompensation for part of the loss.42

JPC came to have a firmer business base in the country when it carriedout three investments in 1913. Early that year, the United States Governmentwas about to decrease tariffs drastically, and it was expected that this wouldencourage greater exports of Belgian-made sewing cotton thread to America,the largest market for the Coats thread. JPC planned, through FFR, to takeover five local businesses. By June, however, the company had eventuallyobtained controlling interests in three of them run by, respectively, De Bodt,Van den Bossche, and Fillevie Buggenhant. The first two seem to haveemerged from the liquidated business of Van den Bossche & De Bodt, whichthe British company was prepared to purchase in 1905, as mentioned above.43

ItalyIn Italy with a large population and developed cotton manufacturingindustries, JPC began local manufacture in 1905. Chronologically, this wasthe seventh among the company’s investments for manufacture in the nineEuropean countries, with that of 1889 in Russia as the first. In number, theeight investments in Italy, between 1905 and 1912, were second only toRussia, and all were accomplished through hostile schemes for acquiringlocal businesses.

26

The first opportunity to invest arose in early 1902 when Mr Niemask ofLucca met Otto Philippi in Glasgow to ask whether JPC wished to takeover an Italian sewing cotton company.44 More than two years passedwhen, after meeting with a Baron Cantoni, Philippi recommended localmanufacture to the Board in October 1904: ‘...there [are] some eight or tensewing cotton manufacturers in Italy. Some of [them are] of no accountwhatever, whilst Cantoni who amalgamated with Niemask a number ofyears ago [is] the largest... it would be better not to attempt to bring about acombination of all or of many of the makers to begin with, but rather toobtain a controlling interest in the Cantoni concern’.45

By January 1905 Cantoni’s business, Fabbriche Italiano di FilatiCucirini, based in Lucca, had been handed over to JPC and restructured asCucirini Cantoni Coats (hereafter CCC) with a capital of three million lire(£120,000), of which JPC held 73 per cent.46 Three of the six boardmembers, were directors at the Paisley headquarters. The other three wereItalians: Mr Lombardini (resigned in 1907), the Milanese agent of theCentral Agency, was a managing director and the representative of JPC; A.Carpena another managing director; and, Mr Gnecchi the president.47

CCC, in its old form, made a loss of about £2,000 in 1904, and it wasexpected to worsen in the future. An expenditure of some £60,000 on a newspinning mill and other facilities soon followed, but the subsidiary did notsettle down for a couple of years; its local board’s mismanagement caused astrike in 1907.48 In the meantime, CCC acquired five local competitors onbehalf of its British parent company during 1906. The first of them was thePegli Company, which had maintained a favourable trade agreement withCCC until late 1905. Mr Molinari, presumably the owner, offered CCC hisbusiness for 3.5 million lire, which soon reduced to 2.75 million lire(£110,000). The sum was borrowed from the Paisley headquarters, and itwas estimated that an additional amount of £60,000 would be needed forworking capital and other expenses.49 By July 1906, four other localcompetitors had been taken over: the business of Spada; Reittorio Gilles;Mattencci Menesini & Co.; and, Andreotti & Co. Within six months,another local firm, possibly Viviani & Co., was acquired.50

Because of these acquisitions, JPC came to account for some 85 percent of the Italian market, only a couple of years after beginning localmanufacture in 1905. The British company set up a central office withinCCC in order to supervise the diversified business interests and deal withthe continuing mismanagement of the local board. The office immediatelyabolished the existing irregularities of prices in different districts of the

27

country, and was to regulate prices of products, terms of trade agreements,and the audit of the local subsidiaries.51 In early 1907, CCC increased itsordinary capital to 11.5 million lire (£460,000) with the result that the totalcapital became 12.5 million lire (£500,000). JPC secured 74 per cent of thenew capital.52

In late 1910, Baron Cantoni withdrew 800,000 lire (£32,000) from thefunds of CCC with the intention of floating a firm to liquidate his assets.However, JPC successfully persuaded some of the local directors tocompensate for part of the loss and insisted: ‘The articles of [CCC] must bealtered to allow directors in this country to control the operation.’ TheBritish company soon dispatched James Henderson to the subsidiary: hewas to become an influential figure, not only in the Italian business but alsoin the entire business of JPC after 1918.53

In 1910 the dividend rate of CCC was halved from 7.5 to 4 per cent. Inparticular, the business of Sete Cucirine had been encroaching on CCC’strade by engaging in the sale of mercerised cotton to protect its silkbusiness. Sete Cucirine soon wanted to come to terms with CCC. Itrejected a suggestion that CCC buy a 30 per cent interest in the businessand instead a Sete Cucirine director was invited onto the subsidiary’sboard.54 By early 1912, a local firm, Marcencci (Marcucci ?) Petri & Co.,had been purchased at 475,000 lire (£19,000), while some local businessesintended to embark upon the manufacture of sewing cotton later that year.55

Summary and conclusionAmong the major British multinationals active before 1914, JPC carried outinvestments most widely, in terms of either the number of investments orcountries. More than two investments took place in Russia, Italy, Belgium,Austria and Spain, and one each in Germany, Hungary, Portugal andSwitzerland.56 All the 36 investments were for manufacture, with theexception of the first European investment of 1886 in Russia, and all weremarket-oriented. The majority were implemented after JPC’s amalgamationin 1896, motivated by competition mixed with market attraction, andaccomplished by means of the takeover and with the ownership ofcontrolling interests. The extensive businesses interests were effectivelycontrolled by a family-dominated advanced managerial hierarchy, and theCoats thread eventually surpassed its counterparts in the European markets.In this way, JPC had grown into the largest textile manufacturing concernin the world in terms of capital by 1912; also in Britain, it became thelargest textile business in the 1900s and the largest manufacturing business

28

in the 1910s, both in terms of capital.57 After 1914, JPC appears to havecarried out investments in continental Europe, and around the world, evenmore extensively and aggressively than before.58

1 This work was supported by the Dong-Eui University Grant (2006AA053).2 Dong-Woon Kim, ‘J. & P. Coats as a Multinational before 1914’, Business and Economic

History 26-2 (1997); Dong-Woon Kim, ‘The British Multinational Enterprise in the UnitedStates before 1914: The Case of J. & P. Coats’, Business History Review 72-4 (1998); Dong-Woon Kim, ‘J. & P. Coats in Tsarist Russia, 1889-1917’, Business History Review 69-4(1995). See also, Dong-Woon Kim, ‘Board Minute Books as a Source for the Study of aMultinational Enterprise: The Case Study of J. & P. Coats before 1914’, Business Archives 80(2000).

3 B. R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics 1750-1970 (Abridged ed., 1978), pp.1-11, 251-59.

4 C. Schmitz, The Growth of Big Business in the United States and Western Europe, 1850-1939,(1993), pp.37-40; J. F. Wilson, British Business History 1720-1994 (Manchester, 1995),pp.10-15.

5 Chairman’s speech, annual general meeting of 29 Nov. 1906, ‘J. & P. Coats Limited, MinuteBook No. 2’, Glasgow University Archives, UGD 199/1/1/3.; H. W. Macrosty, The TrustMovement in British Industry: A Study of Business Organisation (1907), pp.127, 129; M.Blair, The Paisley Thread Industry (Paisley, 1907), p.66.

6 Kim, ‘J. & P. Coats in Tsarist Russia, 1889-1917’.7 Board meetings of JPC (hereafter, denoted by their dates), 6 & 18 March, 25 August 1885, ‘J.

& P. Coats Minute Book, 1884-1890’, UGD 199/1/1/1.8 12 & 18 May 1891, ‘J. & P. Coats Limited, Minute Book’ (1890-1903), UGD 199/1/1/2.9 23 July, 30 August 1892, 1 May, 5 June, 9 November 1893.10 9 November, 5 December 1893, 15 January, 28 August 1894, 22 July, 18 November 1895, 13

October 1896, 25 February 1897.11 23 July, 28 August 1894, 28 January, 25 February 1897, 28 April, 28 July 1898, 27 July 1899,

24 January, 29 March, 7 June 1900.12 25 May 1896, 4 May 1899, 3 May 1900, 30 May 1901.13 11 November 1903, 22 February 1906, 16 May 1907, ‘J. & P. Coats Limited, Minute Book

No. 2’ (1903-1918), UGD 199/1/1/3.14 29 March, 14 June, 19 July 1906.15 20 February, 26 March, 18 June, 27 August 1908, 10 June 1909; ‘Investments, J. & P. Coats’,

UGD 199/1/20/4 (hereafter Investments 1).16 5 December 1901, 9 January 1902.17 28 April 1898.18 24 April 1902, Book 2; 19 March, 25 June, 11 November, 17 December 1903, 28 January, 24

March, 28 April 1904.19 10 September, 22 October, 17 December 1903, 28 January, 25 February, 28 April 1904;

‘Investments, J. & P. Coats Ltd.’, UGD 199/1/20/5 (hereafter Investments 2); ‘J.& P. CoatsFinance Committee Minute Book No.1-3’, UGD 199/1/1/21-23.

20 9 November 1905, 14 June 1906.21 23 August 1906, 9 January 1908, 22 February 1912.22 27 October 1885, 22 April 1887.23 20 June 1892.24 12 May, 20 June, 23 July, 12 December 1892.25 30 August, 12 December 1892, 11 July, 9 November 1893, 29 January 1895.

29

26 10 March 1896, Book 2; 23 April 1903.27 11 July 1893, 18 June, 23 July 1894, 29 January, 18 March, 22 April 1895.28 5 June 1893, 4 May 1899.29 8 June 1899, 7 February, 14 March 1901, 6 November, 4 December 1902, 15 January 1903,

Book 2; 12 February, 19 March, 23 April, 28 May 1903; Investments 2.30 25 June 1903, 14 July 1904, 22 February, 27 September 1906, 24 January 1907, 28 April

1910.31 25 August 1904.32 17 December 1903.33 10 September 1903, 28 January, 14 July 1904.34 25 August, 9 November 1904, 26 January, 2 March 1905.35 2 March 1905, 24 January 1907, 26 March 1908, 8 May 1913.36 25 October 1898, 6 January, 6 February, 9 March, 6 April 1899, Book 2; 24 January 1907, 18

January 1912; Investments 1 and 2. Of the total capital (8,454,000 francs), 5,454,000 francswas ordinary capital and the remaining 3.0 million francs preference capital. JPC had 55 percent of the ordinary (3,018,468 francs) and preference capital (1,658,500 francs).

37 22 February, 29 March 1900.38 25 April, 30 May, 26 June 1901; 25 June 1903, 14 June 1906.39 28 January 1904, 24 August, 28 September, 14 December 1905, 18 January, 22 February

1906.40 14 June, 23 August, 27 September, 29 November 1906, 28 February 1907; ‘J.& P. Coats,

Finance Committee Minute Book No.1-3’, UGD 199/1/1/21-23.41 11 April, 16 May, 1 August, 5 December 1907, 20 February 1908, 22 July, 26 August 1909.42 1 & 29 October 1908, 22 July, 26 August 1909, 18 January 1912.43 20 February, 3 April, 8 May, 12 June 1913.44 24 April 1902.45 27 October 1904.46 15 December 1904, 26 January 1905; Investments 2. The capital of three million lire

(£120,000) consisted of ordinary capital of two million (£80,000) and preference capital ofone million lire (£40,000). JPC (73 per cent) took 60 per cent of the ordinary capital (1.2million lire = £48,000) and all the preference capital.

47 27 October, 15 December 1904, 2 March, 9 November 1905, 31 October 1907, 19 January1911, 3 April 1913.

48 6 April 1905, 18 January, 23 August 1906, 1 August 1907.49 9 November, 14 December 1905, 18 January 1906.50 22 February, 29 March, 14 June, 19 July, 23 August 1906, 24 January 1907.51 14 June, 19 July, 23 August 1906.52 25 October 1906; Investments 2. JPC (74 per cent) had 71 per cent of the ordinary capital

(8,198,750 lire = £327,950) and all the preference capital (1 million lire = £40,000).53 3 November, 15 December 1910, 19 January 1911.54 28 April 1910, 30 March, 4 May, 27 July 1911.55 18 January, 3 October 1912; Finance Committee meeting, 22 February 1912, ‘J.& P. Coats

Finance Committee Minute Book No. 2’, UGD 199/1/1/22.56 Before 1914, JPC did not carry out foreign direct investments in Holland and France.

Holland only received a brief mention at a JPC Board meeting on 18 January 1906. JPCfaced greater local competition in France, and there were a number of unsuccessful attemptsat amalgamation or acquisition: 25 June 1903, 29 September, 15 December 1910, 30 March1911, 20 February, 3 April, 12 June 1913. The company paid little attention to NorthernEurope, and no investments were made in Scandinavia.

57 For details, see Dong-Woon Kim, ‘From a Family Partnership to a Corporate Company: J. &

30

P. Coats, Thread Manufacturers’, Textile History 25-2 (1994).58 See, for instance, E. Harris, ‘J. & P. Coats in Poland’ in A. Teichova et al (eds.), Historical

Studies in International Corporate Business (Cambridge, 1989); Dong-Woon Kim, ‘TheBritish Multinational Enterprise in Latin America before 1945: The Case of J. & P. Coats’,Textile History 36-1 (2005).

31

AN OVERVIEW OF THE ARCHIVES OF THEROYAL AUTOMOBILE CLUB

LOUISE KINGFormer Archivist of the Royal Automobile Club

In October 2002 the Royal Automobile Club (RAC) employed its firstarchivist since the Club was established in 1897. This only came aboutbecause in 1997 the RAC celebrated its centenary with a history of the Cluband its part in the motoring history of Britain called The motoring century.1While the author, Piers Brendon, was researching the book he saw theconditions in which the archival material was kept and the lack of acatalogue meant he was reliant on the librarian’s memory. Brendon helpedforge a relationship between the Club and Churchill Archives Centre,Cambridge, of which he was Keeper at the time. The Centre was having afour floor extension built on its strong room (it opened in October 2002)and he knew that it could offer the collection a better temporary home. Itwas agreed that an archivist would be appointed to sort, arrange andcatalogue the material which could then be housed in Cambridge. TheClub hoped to form a national motoring archive around their own archives.

The Archives projectWhile working on the Club’s papers I was, therefore, based at ChurchillArchives Centre but my first task was to gather all of the material. It camein two lots from various pokey cupboards around the clubhouse in PallMall, and two chilly barns in Gloucestershire. Clearing the barns meantusing a combination of planks and scaffolding to take minute books downoff ridiculously high shelves and, as well as being showered with red rot,working around rodents who had died on top of boxes. There was so muchmaterial, and in such awkward places, that only minimal appraisal waspossible prior to the moves.

The sorting took almost 18 months, but many key items were foundduring that time, some of which are detailed here. I also found an RAC-issued fire extinguisher, which had been purchased at auction some yearsbefore. When I shook it I could hear liquid so I contacted a specialistcompany and told them what was in it according to the label. They asked ifI had moved it or jostled it in any way and then told me not to touch it

33

anymore. This extinguisher from the 1960s had travelled on motorwaysand country roads from Gloucestershire to Cambridge, up and down twoflights of stairs and had also been on and off shelves! I learnt that thechemical Carbon Tetrachloride was banned years ago.

Along with other colleges in Cambridge Churchill Archives Centre usesthe CANTAB cataloguing software, conforming to ISAD(G), using UKAT,Getty and NCA rules for indexing, it is set up to hold hierarchical cataloguedescriptions and can produce EAD outputs. This was also used for theRAC catalogue. Whereas the colleges’ catalogues are available on theJanus website the RAC’s is uploaded to the Club’s own website.

Since finishing the project in March 2006 administration of thecollection has been split between the staff at Churchill Archives Centre andthe staff in the Club’s library at Pall Mall. The catalogue is available toboth members and the general public on the Club's website. With priorarrangement with the Club researchers can then see the archives in thereading rooms at Churchill Archives Centre. The contents of the archiveswill perhaps surprise some people and disappoint others. While there is alot of motoring and motor sport material it is not as comprehensive as someresearchers expect because what has survived has depended on the sporadicenthusiasm of staff over the years. On the other hand there are also manypapers relating to the administration of the Club and its events over theyears which strangely people don’t seem to expect.

Frederick Simms and the founding of the ClubThe Automobile Club of Great Britain (and later Ireland) (ACGBI) wasformed in July 1897 by Frederick R. Simms, a talented engineer, who hadpreviously helped form the Motor Car Club. In 1902 he also founded theSociety of Motor Manufacturers and Traders (SMMT).

The archives contain the papers of Simms.2 He had the presence ofmind to present them to the Club in June 1911, a fact recorded in thecommittee minutes of 14 June 1911. Frederick Simms (1863-1944) wasborn and brought up in Hamburg. After serving an engineeringapprenticeship in Germany, Simms acquired some of the foreign patentrights to the petrol engine and tried to exploit them in England. In 1890 hefounded Simms and Co., consulting engineers, and in 1893 founded theDaimler Motor Syndicate. In 1895 he was visited by Harry J. Lawson’ssolicitor who offered him a large sum for the British patent rights toDaimler engines which Simms accepted. Their subsequent collaborationmade Simms a wealthy man, and he advised Lawson on the purchase of

34

other patents and acquired a stake in the ventures. Throughout his lifeSimms was also a prolific inventor. Between 1898 and 1920 he started anumber of companies including the Motor Carriage Supply Company Ltd,Simms Manufacturing Company Ltd, The Simms Magneto Company Ltd,and Simms Motor Units Ltd.

In October 1895 Simms helped Sir David Salomons with the firstBritish motor show, held in Tunbridge Wells. Salomons then founded theSelf-Propelled Traffic Association (SPTA), in December 1895, the idea forwhich he disputed with Simms. Then Simms founded the Motor Car Club,with Lawson, in January 1896 and the two men also organised the‘Emancipation Run’ on 14 November 1896 to celebrate the newLocomotives on Highways Act (the repealing of the ‘Red Flag Act’).Around the same time Simms decided to part with Lawson as the MotorCar Club collapsed. In July 1897, Simms formed the Automobile Club ofGreat Britain with Evelyn Ellis as Chairman, and Charles HarringtonMoore as Secretary. The following month, Salomons registered anotherAutomobile Club of Great Britain. Simms took out an injunction toprevent Salomons from carrying out business under that name, andeventually in October 1897 Salomons admitted he had no case andrelinquished any rights to the name. The core of these papers are the twoboxes of Frederick Simms’ own papers relating to the founding of the Cluband the case against Salomons, but there are some papers which relate tothe other companies in which Simms played a role.3

The original objective was that the ACGBI should be ‘a society for theencouragement of automobilism’. In March 1907 royal patronage wasbestowed upon the Club by King Edward VII and it became the RoyalAutomobile Club (RAC). It took as its example the Automobile Club deFrance (ACF). It was to be ‘essentially a members club’ but had the ACFrules translated, adapted and adopted. It aimed to promote automobilismand ‘social intercourse’, as well as advising governments and promotingresponsible motoring. The Club enjoyed great prestige in the twentiethcentury and continues to do so. Its members have included politicians, forexample, Sir Oswald Mosley, figures from motor sport, for instance, JamesHunt, as well as writers such as Sir Arthur Conan Doyle.

The Gordon Bennett RacesFrom arranging early competitions and meetings of supporters of the newvehicles the Club became the governing body of motor sport in Britain.The archives contain the huge national petition to hold the 1903 Gordon

35

Bennett Race on British soil.4 The Gordon Bennett Race was a predecessorof the modern Grand Prix; although slower there was greater danger andfewer safety precautions in place so that spectators could stand on the roadto take photographs of the approaching cars. Teams were entered bycountries including France, Belgium, Germany, Britain and the UnitedStates. Amongst the rules were that each country could only enter threedrivers, all parts of a vehicle had to be manufactured in the country oforigin and each race had to take place on roads over a distance of 550-650km. The automobile club of the winning car had to take responsibility forthe organisation of the following year's race. In 1902 Selwyn F. Edge wonfor Britain in his Napier car, which meant that Britain had to organise therace the following year. This was problem since at that time racing onpublic roads was illegal in Britain. The volume in the archives contains thepetition and signatures presented to Parliament to support a change in thelaw, so that racing could be held on public roads, i.e. the Gordon BennettRace, in Ireland. It states that the petition comes from the ACGBI, theautomobile industry, the County Councils of Ireland, Urban SanitaryAuthorities, Mayors and Corporations, and Railway Companies of Ireland.It then sets out, in ten points, why the Bill should be passed, followed bypages filled with signatures. This volume is supported by photographs andmaps from the event, as well as photographs of Selwyn F. Edge, and the1905 eliminating trials in France.5 The trials for the British cars were heldon the Isle of Man. The 1903 race in Ireland was also significant as it wasthe first to be held on a circuit as opposed to town-to-town.

The ClubhousesAfter initially being housed in Whitehall and Piccadilly, a palatialEdwardian clubhouse was commissioned and built in Pall Mall on the siteof the old War Office. The new clubhouse was designed by Charles Mewès(1858-1914) and Arthur Davis (1878-1951) who had built the Ritz Hotel inPiccadilly (1903-1906). When it opened the clubhouse contained 258rooms, including its own post office, a library, a photographic studio, and aPompeian swimming pool. The photographs show the rifle range and thefencing room, which no longer exist, as well as the renowned swimmingpool and the Great Gallery. There is a beautiful album that contains 26photographs of all the rooms in the Pall Mall clubhouse just before itopened to members in 1911. In addition, there are plans, drawings andother photographs of the clubhouse in use.6

In 1913 the estate of Woodcote Park, near Epsom, was bought to serve

36

as the country club and to provide the Club’s golfing society with a courseof its own. When the Club bought Woodcote Park the Palladian housecontained work by Inigo Jones, Zuccanelli, Antonio Verrio, GrinlingGibbons, and Sir Henry Cheere, but the Club set about modernising it andturning it into a country clubhouse. This meant that some original featuresand entire rooms were ripped out in order to install electric lights andupdate the plumbing. The Club chose to sell rather than destroy thecontents and they were advertised as the ‘Woodcote Park Collection’ byHarold G. Lancaster's galleries where it was displayed. In some casesentire rooms were removed and then reconstructed, which turned out to befortunate when Woodcote Park suffered a terrible fire twenty years later.Some of the décor was sold to the Boston Museum that had connections toone of the former owners of the estate. A visitors’ book was kept at thegalleries in London where Lancaster displayed the furniture and rooms thatthe Club had removed from Woodcote Park. Signatures include MargotAsquith, and the Duke of Teck who accompanied his sister Queen Marywhen she viewed the collection.7 The archives also contain plans andinventories of both clubhouses, but there is nothing like the wealth ofmaterial for Woodcote Park that there is for Pall Mall.

The ‘Emancipation Run’ of 1896A request early on in the project was to produce everything about theLondon to Brighton Run as the Club had asked Brendon to look into thetitle of the event. I produced all that I could find and left Brendon to lookthrough the material, only for him to come rushing along a short while laterto tell me that he'd just seen something he'd never seen when researchingthe history of the Club. These were two notebooks containing the hand-written motoring reminiscences of Alfred Oscar Bradley.8

In 1896 Bradley went to work as a mechanic for the Daimler MotorCompany. They sent him to the Imperial Institute Exhibition of cars where,in May and June 1896, he had to study the mechanisms of the cars as wellas learn to drive. Bradley endured a lot of hostility in the early days ofmotoring. In 1896 he was one of the first men to drive through the City ofLondon over Tower Bridge - in a 5hp Panhard Bus. He drove past the‘cursing cabbies and coachmen…after taking part in the exhibition of carsat the Imperial Institute’. On top of being threatened by the crowd apoliceman then fined him £5 because he did not have his man walking infront with a red flag!

Bradley had apparently already driven 6,000 miles prior to the

37

Emancipation Run of 1896. He drove his firm’s bus down to Brighton,only stopping to get some candles for his lamps. A newspaper cutting inone of the notebooks reports that in 1957 Bradley was one of only twosurviving participants of the Emancipation Run and, aged 79, he wasplanning to take part again. First held on 14 November 1896, theEmancipation Run was so called because its original purpose had been tocelebrate the motorists’ emancipation from the hated red flag. It is morecommonly known these days as the London to Brighton or the Veteran CarRun.

While employed by Lord Farquhar (Master of the Royal Household)between 1904 and 1909, Bradley drove for King Edward VII in Norfolkand in France. He often had to go and pick up the monarch’s car when thelatter had broken down. While a chauffeur for Lord Farquhar, Bradley wassummoned for failing to produce his licence when requested and similarlyLord Farquhar for aiding and abetting him. The car had been stopped by apoliceman who had asked to see the licence and Lord Farquhar had toldBradley to go on with ‘Never mind him!’. His defence was that he was in ahurry to get to town and ‘was annoyed’. Both were fined and ordered topay costs. Bradley also writes about driving for Rudyard Kipling (aroundSussex), Andrew Carnegie, and King George V.

The motoring servicesIn the original planning of the ACGBI in 1901 a Motor Car Union wasestablished because it was realised that not everyone who was interested inthe motoring movement (later associate members) would also wish tobecome members of the social club (full members). The Motor Car Union'sactivities included establishing and maintaining uniformed scouts on theroads of England and Wales in 1901, erecting warning signs, dealing withmotor vehicle legislation, tests, trials and exhibitions, hotels, repairers,defence of motor users, and competitors. In 1908, however, the Motor CarUnion severed its connections and thereafter maintained an independentexistence until its eventual takeover by the Automobile Association(established in 1905) in 1910. When the Motor Car Union left the RAC,the Club set up the Associate Section to take over the work of the Union.There was a struggle with the Union for the support of the provincial clubsof which the majority joined with the RAC. Membership of the AssociateSection reached over 10,000 in the first year. The earliest services offeredwere touring services and technical and legal assistance. As part of thereorganisation of the Club, in 1979, the Associate Section became a

38

separate company called RAC Motoring Services Ltd. The RAC is stillBritain’s oldest motoring organisation despite being sold by its parent club(which now prefers to be called by its full name to avoid confusion with themotoring services) to Lex Service in 1998. It was then sold again in 2005to Aviva.

The Club hoped to make it possible for motorists to pass throughcustoms frontiers simply on presentation of a recognised card. The RACTouring Department was developed with the purpose of preparing touristsbefore they left home. The tourists were told of the different motoringlaws, and the Club helped to ensure that a driver’s documents met withlocal requirements. The Touring Department was formed in 1904 and oneof its functions was to provide route information within Britain tomembers.9 A member could request a route and they would be issued witha typed itinerary which would include information about the towns theywould pass through. If necessary they could be provided with a route thatavoided hills where possible! By 1957 the Club had 29 Port Offices atshipping ports and airports in Britain. In April 1978 the provision ofitineraries was discontinued for all routes and they were instead providedon a marked map. Among the British and foreign itineraries that wereproduced between 1908 and 1997 there is a 1912 touring itinerary forCorsica that describes ‘the natives’ as ‘courteous to foreigners’.10 Itincludes a letter telling the member how they have arranged for his car tobe transported home on a freight container ship.

Sir Alfred WatkinThere is a remarkable collection of early motoring photographs fromaround the turn of the last century, including an album that shows memberSir Alfred Mellor Watkin (1846-1914) at the wheel of his car, and wearing adonkey’s head.11 Sir Alfred became a railway engine driver in 1865, andlater a locomotive superintendent on the South Eastern Railway. In hisearly years Sir Alfred enjoyed mechanical pursuits especially the workingof locomotive engines and motor car driving. The photographs also showSir Alfred Watkin and others (including pets) in various early cars. Thecars show both AA and RAC badges.

The Archives nowThe material now fills over 1,300 archive boxes. Since the launch, at PallMall in November 2005, having the catalogue available online has alreadyraised public awareness of these archives. There are some key images

39

online, to interest the passing browser, alongside the catalogue for the moreserious researcher with a specific interest. If there had been a cataloguewhen Brendon was researching the history of the Club he wouldn't havemissed the valuable memoirs kept by Bradley in the Emancipation Run of1896. The hopes of a national motoring archive have not yet come toanything, but if they ever should the archives of the Royal AutomobileClub are now in a strong position to form excellent foundations.

The catalogue is available at www.royalautomobileclub.co.uk1 Brendon, Piers, The motoring century: the Royal Automobile Club, (1997).2 ACQ 1.3 ACQ 1/1/1; ACQ 1/2-1/7.4 RAC 3/1/2/1.5 RAC 3/1/2; RAC 3/1/2/2; RAC 3/1/2/10. 6 RAC 5/2/1/1; RAC 5/2/1-3.7 RAC 5/3/2/4.8 ACQ 9/1 and ACQ 9/2.9 RAC 2/4.10 RAC 2/4/2.11 ACQ 8/1.

40

PROSECUTING ZEAL AND HUMANEBENEVOLENCE: THE BANK OF ENGLAND,

FRESHFIELDS SOLICITORS AND FORGED BANKNOTE CONVICTS 1797-18241

DEIRDRE PALK

For the first 50 years of its existence the Bank of England had onlyoccasional need for the services of a solicitor. However, in 1743, at a timeof increasing prosperity for the Bank, when it had to deal with cases offraud and forgery, it appointed as its ‘attorney or solicitor’ Samuel Dodd ofthe law firm which came to be known as Freshfields, well-known andrespected in the City of London in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,and today internationally renowned.2 From that date, Freshfields can claima continuing history in the practice of law in the City of London. Theyhave acted for the Bank over that entire period. The appointment of one ormore of the partners as ‘attorney or solicitor’ to the Bank of England was asignificant thread running through their history.3 Although the major partof Freshfields’ records was lost in the Blitz, their history from the earlyeighteenth century until 1983 was compiled using the records of their majorinstitutional clients, private papers of the men and the families for whomthey acted, papers of members of the firm and the archives of the Bank ofEngland.4 The records in the Bank archives consist of papers created andreceived by Freshfields in the course of their work for the Bank.5

This essay focuses on a surprising feature of the handling by the Bankof England and its solicitors of the forgery epidemic between 1797 and1824, revealed in those papers. The forgery epidemic was occasioned bythe suspension of payments of cash (gold) by the Bank and the issue, forthe first time, of low-value paper money. Ample evidence exists in theBank archives of the harsh, cold, efficient and single-minded pursuit ofthose involved in forgery, in circulating and possessing forged notes, apursuit which led to the death of many men and women on the gallows, orto horrifying voyages and lengthy exile to the penal colonies in Australiafor many more. The combined strength of the Bank and its solicitors - theirorganisation and huge financial and professional resources, coupled withthe solicitors’ speedily growing expertise in policing, management ofnetworks of informers, manipulation of the judicial system, coercion of the

41

accused and ability generously to reward those who aided theseendeavours, is clearly demonstrated. The precise, cool minutes of thespecially appointed Committee for Law Suits, composed of the Governorand five other Bank directors with one of the solicitors,6 and Freshfields’miscellaneous papers and correspondence provide evidence of a crushing,competent and assured policing and prosecuting machine with little use formercy amongst its discretionary decision-making tools.7 However, the sameminute books and an extensive collection of letters mainly written byconvicted prisoners for delivery to the solicitors present an extraordinarypicture of charity and kindness, and humane and considerate dealings withthose who had so mercilessly been pursued.8 The charity and humanity,mainly through pecuniary payments to prisoners, highly gendered in itsapplication, was exercised with the same efficiency, careful deliberationand self-righteousness that was a feature of the prosecution machinery. Onthe other hand, the benevolence and human concern displayed stand instark and remarkable contrast to the utmost severity of the process whichhad landed convicts in the dire conditions in which they found themselvesafter conviction.

IEarly in 1797, the directors of the Bank were seriously concerned about thehigh levels of withdrawals of gold from their reserve caused through panicabout the possibility of a French invasion, and the economic effects of severeagricultural distress. In February 1797, the government, by order in council,prohibited the Bank making any more payments in cash (gold). Thesuspension of cash payments, known as the ‘Restriction’, came into effect inMay 1797 and, renewed at regular intervals by parliament, lasted until 1821.9Low-value paper notes of easily copied design were printed and issued inlieu of gold, as well as tokens and captured Spanish dollars over-stampedwith the head of George III. The appearance of large amounts of papermoney resulted in a huge outbreak of forgery. Poor, ill-educated peoplebegan, for the first time, to handle paper money. They were easy targets forforgers and their agents who used them to sell and circulate (utter) forgednotes. Well-developed networks set themselves up for note forgery andwithin weeks of the suspension of cash payments, the Bank found thatunprecedented numbers of forged notes were being returned to its cashiers.The Bank had previous experience of forgery, but nothing on the scale of thisepidemic and had quickly to put in place a system to manage a massivestruggle against those seen as placing the welfare of the nation in danger.

42

Legislation already on the statute book prescribed the death penalty forforging and uttering bank notes, and the Bank’s actions against offendersled to many executions.10 By 1801 it became clear that the Bank wascatching poor, ignorant and ordinary folk in its net, rather than the forgersthemselves and, through its solicitors, it became prime mover in adding tothe statute book a crime of possession of forged notes, for which thepunishment was transportation for 14 years.11 It was then able tomanipulate the prosecution process to offer a plea-bargain; if a plea ofguilty was entered to a charge of possession with the sure outcome oftransportation, the Bank would not put the capital charge of uttering beforethe court. To those about to face trial, the Bank appeared to be making anoffer of great generosity. It is hardly surprising that the vast majority ofdefendants accepted it, thereafter feeling a moral debt to the Bank for its‘kindness’.

The story of the handling of this long crisis is fascinating and littleknown. A number of its intriguing aspects have been brought to light byRandall McGowen.12 He describes the fear and shock caused in society atthe very existence of a forgery and, at the same time, the horror evoked bythe possibility of people being executed for it; he has explored the effective,extremely well-financed methods used by the Bank’s solicitors for policingforgery, at a time when policing in England was at an early stage ofdevelopment; their system of rewards and encouragements; their networkof agent solicitors in various parts of England, of police officers willing andhopeful of working for them, their patient, meticulous hard work andefficiency in controlling forged note circulation in just about every part ofBritain. Analysis of the way in which, though its solicitors, the Bank‘managed the gallows’ makes chilling reading. Too great a number ofexecutions was to be avoided, but the Bank and its solicitors were notprepared to lose a case; thus the plea-bargain system can be seen as anarrogant manipulation of the judicial system, coercing both judges anddefendants. Criticism of the Bank’s tactics was persistent but ineffective.Undaunted, the Bank continued steadily and regularly in the use of apowerful weapon it had created to control the situation.

The minutes of the Committee for Law Suits, and the variousFreshfields’ papers in the Bank archives, emphasise the pro-active roleplayed by the solicitors in the prosecuting enterprise. Officially it might bestressed, particularly by Joseph Kaye, that the guiding policy was that ofthe Governor and directors of the Bank, but the hand of Kaye waseverywhere to be seen in the decisions. It was with the solicitors that

43

informers, investigators, lawyers, barristers, and, above all, condemnedconvicts communicated. They were fully implicated, often instrumental, insetting and carrying out policy.

IIThe discovery of the obverse of the merciless prosecution dealings issurprising. As the men and women convicted for Bank note crime waitedin prisons up and down the country, some for execution, the vast majorityfor transportation to New South Wales, they wrote copiously to theirprosecutors, addressing their letters to Mr Kaye or Mr Freshfield, to theirchief clerks and, occasionally, directly to the Governor of the Bank himselfor the Chief Cashier. All of these letters and copies of the replies arepreserved in Freshfields’ prison correspondence archives.13 Where replieswere not sent, the letters were often annotated or an entry made in theminute book of the Committee for Law Suits at which the letters weretabled to show the action taken. It is apparent in most cases that thesolicitors took the decision to reply without discussion with the Committee.

In this collection of correspondence there are well over 1,000 pieces -letters from prisoners, copy replies from Freshfields, letters from Freshfieldsto their agents in various parts of the country, informal statements taken byBank investigators from prisoners informing on forgers. Some letters comefrom prisoners who were debtors to the Bank, from people convicted ofother crimes against the Bank (counterfeiting of tokens and dollars) andfrom prisoners convicted of other crimes who felt there was something to begained from giving information of what they had learned in prison aboutforgery networks. However, the majority of the pieces (over 750) are lettersto Freshfields written by or on behalf of prisoners who had uttered forgednotes, condemned to die or awaiting transportation for 14 years havingaccepted to plead guilty to the lesser offence of possession. About 500 ofthese letters were sent from London gaols, mainly Newgate, and from thehulks moored in the Thames at Woolwich Reach. London convict networksbecame well-developed, with a growing understanding of what to ask forand which requests might be successful. Men, and a few women, wrotefrom provincial prisons; the men mainly offering information on forgery. Itwas not until the women from the provinces met up with the London womenon the ships which were to transport them to New South Wales that theyrealised that they had missed the opportunity to engage in ‘correspondence’with their prosecutors which might have brought them benefits. Once on thetransport ships, they too began writing to the Bank solicitors.14

44

The number of letters from or on behalf of women (439) exceededthose from men (326). Some women and men wrote more than one letter, afew were multiple writers carrying on a fascinating written relationshipwith the solicitors. The 439 letters from women came from 189 differentwomen, the 326 from men came from 218 different men. Nevertheless,since women were only 25 per cent of those convicted of forgery offencesagainst the Bank in the Restriction period, it is obvious how much this wasa female activity, perhaps because of the positive responses they received.

The letters vary greatly in handwriting, style, language, orthographyand content. Some are elegant formal petitions scribed by a professionalwriter, some are well-composed, well-written letters from prisoners or theirfriends who were able to write, and some are almost illegible, written onscruffy pieces of paper, using direct colloquial language. Virtually all theletters are polite, careful and grateful, some exuding a sense ofunworthiness, and most demonstrating a strong perception of the unequalrelationship between distressed prisoner and powerful prosecutor.Expressions of this type of sentiment are present particularly in letters fromwomen. They include phrases such as: ‘Receive the contrition of anunfortunate woman ... have compassion on a deluded and misguided female... I was prey to delusive and false persons... I am well aware of yourgoodness towards the unfortunate.’15 Others might go further:

Honoured Sir I begg for to recommend myself to your generosityand goodness having no one for to speak for me, I trust you willnot dispise my humbal petiation, but if you think proper aid andaleviate the Destress of a poor femeal prisner who is nowsuffring for her faults and waiting for to leve her Native Countryfor the long periad of forteen years, at the early age of 19 yearsas I have only atined that age - If this humbel letter will obtainyour notice and you take the troble of ansering it, you will obtainthe constant prayers of a poor destressed transport. If I havewrote you any thing amiss I hope you will forgive it, and atributeit to my Igeronance, trusting on your goodness I beg leve for tosubscribe myself Honoured Sir your ever Humbel and ObedtTransport Jean Wilson.16

The inequality of the relationship between prisoner and prosecutor isalways explicit, but the terms of the women’s requests are clear - forpecuniary relief on which to manage in prison, to reclaim pawned articlesof clothing, ‘a trifle’ for tea and sugar and ‘common necessaries’ as theyboarded ship for a voyage of many months to an unknown place: ‘... i am

45

much distressed i have Four Children out and one in ... iv not a frand toLook to me ... pleas to alow me some Small triefeel to suscport Me an ihave 11 munths to be confined yet i have a very bad State of hulth an thrustyou will be pleas to sand me a triefeel of money’.17

The solicitors and the Committee for Law Suits were left in little doubtas to what was required. In the early years of the Restriction period, neitherthe scale of the forgery problem was anticipated nor the great lengths oftime that prisoners would have to wait in prison for ships to be made readyto sail to New South Wales; nor did the Bank realise that it was going tocatch not the forgers themselves but poorer people, women in particular,who would have little or no means of financial support. So payments of‘half a guinea a week until she is sent away’ were authorised regardless ofthe women’s personal situations. After 1810, payments to those who askedfor them were reduced to seven shillings and sixpence a week; from 1813payments were usually five shillings a week for childless women, sevenshillings and sixpence a week for women with one child in prison withthem, and 10/6d for those with more than one child with them. Towards theend of the Restriction period, it was unusual for single women to receivepayment in prison. During the whole of this episode nearly all womenwere given five pounds on embarkation for New South Wales. This finalpayment was also awarded to those from provincial prisons if they appliedfor it. (It is worth recalling that these prisoners had mostly been convictedon charges of uttering one or two notes of one or two pounds value).

The correspondence between prisoners, especially female prisoners,and the Bank and its solicitors - their ‘generous prosecutors’ - uncovers anunexpected relationship. Financial and moral hope was provided to manyduring long months spent in grim prison conditions before a terrifying longvoyage into the unknown. For many distressed and unsupported prisoners,it provided the sole evidence that they had not been totally forgotten.

IIIMen and women wrote differently and asked for different things. It islikely that their needs were different. Women usually asked for pecuniaryrelief; this they received in abundance. They infrequently offeredinformation in return for favours, nor did they often protest their innocenceor complain that their sentence was too severe. Their letters were generallyshorter and more direct than the men’s, many of which rambled on forseveral pages, telling complicated stories of betrayal, crime, and revenge,or even seeking employment by the Bank as spies and investigators.

46

Unsurprisingly, some men asked for pecuniary relief but met with littlesuccess. Their strategies were much more varied than the women’s.Information on forgers and accomplices was frequently offered; they maderequests for their wives and families to accompany them to Australia, theydemanded the return of money taken from them on their arrest, theyprotested their innocence, asked for alternative sentences, for employmentin the armed services instead of transportation.18 Freshfields used theletters of many men to advantage in trapping and prosecuting peopleinvolved in Bank note forgery and it is apparent that several of theseinformers received rewards, either for themselves or paid to their wives.However, the response in general to men’s requests was much less generousthan the response to women. Men were regarded as more financiallyindependent and more easily able to obtain work in prison and on hulks forwhich they received some remuneration.

The policy of refusing pecuniary relief to men was solid. Their requestswere usually ignored by the solicitors, such as that from two men on boardthe Baring transport ship at Spithead in March 1815: ‘...hoping you will beso good as to forward us the Bounty which is allowed by Govrment forunfortunate men in our situation...’.19 A note might be made in theCommittee for Law Suits minutes to show that a request had been made bymales, requiring no follow up. When two men on the Elizabeth transportship, about to sail in May 1816 wrote insisting that ‘Now Sir as there is fivepounds Allowed by Goverment for each of us ... please to give us thatIndulgence to Procure a few Nessarys’, they immediately received a letterfrom Joseph Kaye informing them that they were mistaken; there was nokind of ‘allowance’ for anyone, although ‘In some cases of female convictsthe Bank has as a matter of Charity given them £5 each for necessaries butthis has never been extended to male convicts’.20

The Bank and Freshfields were particularly generous to women whowere pregnant, who had given birth, who nursed or cared for sick or dyingbabies in Newgate. Margaret Spires had every reason to be grateful tothem. In a series of thirteen letters between early 1817 and her departureon the Maria in May 1818, she recounted her distress, pregnancy, desertionby her husband, lack of friends, debts to others in the prison, her un-preparedness for her baby’s birth, the birth of twin girls, her post-natalweakness, the cost of providing food for the babies, their illness, the cost ofgetting someone to help her nurse them, the death of one of them, themoney needed for the funeral, and her panic when drafted to the transportship with her remaining baby. In response, she was allowed five shillings a

47

week, increased to 10/6d a week on the birth of the babies. This reliefcontinued until she boarded the ship when she was granted five pounds.Another woman, Sarah Ward, single and childless when first placed inNewgate to await transportation in 1820, was refused relief because of hersingle status. However, when she wrote to say she was ‘confined inchildbed’ and desperately needed some better food than the gaol allowanceof bread and water in order to be strong enough to give birth, she was senttwo pounds for her needs. Henrietta Gregory wrote in December 1813 tosay that she was finding it impossible to look after six children in Newgate,her husband was ill, unable to work, and she needed to redeem her clothesas she was due to sail shortly. She immediately received five pounds fromthe solicitors. When she then told them that she was permitted to take fiveof her six children on the Broxbournbury transport ship, they sent a furtherfive pounds. Many women prisoners were sustained by this surprising andproductive relationship.21

Some of the female letter writers appear to have regarded the relief paidto them in prison as their due. Elizabeth Dudley, who had been allowed10/6d a week, thought payment was overdue and wrote to say sheunderstood it was the ‘custom’ for the relief to paid. Others asked the Bankto ‘remit the money due’. Clarissa Downs thought she had slipped thesolicitors’ memory as their clerk had paid her every month, but six weekshad elapsed without payment. Martha Thatcher went so far as to disputewith the solicitors the amount of the relief paid to her in Newgate; sheunderstood there was ‘an allowance for all me Children and you Only gaveme for One and I have three Children if you Dispute me word you mayRefer to governer’. When it came to the money paid on embarkation,Hannah Crampton wrote specifying that the ‘convicts belonging to theBank of Ingland is intitled to £5’, and demanded her due. However, in allthe letters a sense of gratitude is present, which comes over as genuine,rather than merely suggesting submission and respect. It is perhaps notsurprising that Elizabeth Ware wrote on the verge of her secondtransportation in October 1810: ‘I cannot sufficiently express my gratitudeto you ... I should think myself blameable indeed, were I not mostgratefully to acknowledge such generosity in the best manner I am able ...’.She had been transported for 14 years for Bank note offences in 1803,returned to England before the expiry of her sentence in 1809 and wasreturned to complete it in 1810. During both episodes, the Bank hadallowed her relief and embarkation money.22

There were women to whom the Bank refused generosity. Women who

48

had non-convict husbands, or convict husbands who were still in thecountry, were not paid. The Bank felt it was a man’s responsibility tosupport his wife regardless of his circumstances. Some women, who hadbeen notorious forged note traders and utterers and who continued the tradein prison were flatly ignored when they asked for relief. Some of the mostnotorious were even refused money on sailing. There were also a fewwomen who refused to accept the offer of a plea-bargain whose trials hadresulted in serious embarrassment for the Bank; they failed in their not-guilty pleas and were sentenced to death. Although they were laterreprieved to life transportation, the Bank was extremely reluctant to allowthem any money in prison, although they were paid on embarkation.

Payments to men were mainly associated with the giving of informationwhich led to successful prosecutions of others. A significant proportion ofthese payments were given to the informers’ wives and families. WilliamHenningham informed from Newgate in 1811 and was awarded sevenshillings a week, and his wife, not implicated in forgery, was paid fivepounds. Charles Games, a substantial informer, obtained permission fromthe Home Secretary to take his wife and children with him on the same shipto New South Wales and, for this reason, the Bank paid his wife ten poundson her departure at the end of 1813.23

In a long series of letters, Richard Walker, first from Newgate and thenfrom the hulk Retribution provided the Bank with much information. Hiswife, Mary, not a convict, added substantially to the information providedby her husband and also, through their son, wrote several letters to theBank. Richard’s letters are full of information, and consequent demandsfor mitigation of his sentence. Mary’s stressed her family’s needs, herillness, her inability to pay the rent with her husband in prison; sheexpressed her fears about having to give evidence in court againstdefendants that Richard’s information had successfully trapped. Shereceived payments of five pounds on several occasions. Finally shereceived permission to sail to Australia on the Northampton transport shipwhich left England a little after her husband had sailed, her sonaccompanying her as a member of the crew. The Bank paid her anotherfive pounds on her departure.24

Generous payments were also made to widows of executed men, orwomen whose husbands had left for New South Wales. It is probable thatthese payments were made in recognition of information the men hadprovided. One widow wrote to say that she wanted to support her threechildren by taking a chandler’s shop; she received £25. Another widow

49

received £20 when she told the Bank of her extreme distress and her badhealth with an incurable disease. A woman whose husband had sailed waspaid five pounds to buy a mangle to earn money from laundry work.Another who wanted to be set up to go into service to support her foursmall children was granted £25.25

IVPaying for information received about forgery was part of the Bank’snormal armoury in the fight against forgery. Payments would only be madewhen information was new and useful and if it led to a successful outcomewhen acted upon by Bank investigators and legal representatives. On theother hand, the generosity and kindness shown, on an extremely genderedbasis, by an otherwise single-minded, unmerciful, even arrogant institution,represented by lawyers who were effective, efficient, utterly determinednever to lose a case, and who relentlessly pursued their prey, is surprisingand raises questions about institutional and personal benevolence. Theextensive acts of charity discovered in these archives were organisedrationally, according to a relatively transparent policy. There is evidence ofhow and why decisions were taken. Requests for relief were investigated toverify the truth of the claims and to estimate the character and behaviour ofthe supplicant. However, such disbursement of funds does not fitcomfortably with the standard categories of charitable donation in the earlynineteenth century. It is likely to be a unique example of benevolence andcharity shown by a prosecutor to the convicted criminals it had prosecuted.The Bank may have wished to temper justice with mercy or to deflect someof the adverse publicity that its prosecution strategy attracted. Thecompetent, well-oiled, highly-financed prosecution machine had scoopedup hundreds of poor, relatively ignorant people, landing them in the mostwretched of conditions, depressed, distressed, ill, sometimes at their wits’end, and awaiting fates which were even more wretched and frightening.The Bank and its solicitors felt they had done their duty by the nation, thegovernment, their clients and investors by ridding the country of theperceived danger these people posed. When the pathetic letters camepouring in to Freshfields’ office, it was time for another face of theinstitution to be shown - a face that was benevolent and generous.

By the first couple of decades of the nineteenth century, the idea ofcharity which had flourished in the eighteenth century was changing.Charity from the rich to the poor had been seen as a matter of Christianduty, and of justice. Care of the poor was becoming more ‘rationalised’,

50

more corporate and utilitarian. There were many who believed that onlythe deserving poor were to be aided.26 The Bank may have fitted autilitarian, corporate model, but in this episode there seems to have been astrong link with an earlier type of benevolence, certainly not determined bythe moral deserts of the seeker of charity - far from it. In fact, when thekeeper of Newgate on several occasions suggested to Freshfields thatcertain women who had asked for relief were of ‘the worst description’,‘unworthy of the Bank’s bounty’ and ‘to give them anything would be akind of encouragement’, the solicitors would send an investigator to theprison to make his own observations. Usually these were considerablymore charitable than the gaol-keeper’s. What mattered to the solicitors andtherefore to the investigator was whether the supplicant really wasdistressed, in need of clothing or food, or whether children were suffering.27

Further, at this time, financial charity was seen by some as encouragingdependence. This appeared not to worry the Bank or Freshfields -dependency was inherent in the relationship. Elizabeth Pryor, member ofthe ‘committee of ladies for regulating the conduct of females convicted offelony’ complained energetically about the ‘gratuitous payment of fivepounds’ given to women on embarkation, ‘a great kindness attended withno real benefit in the way which is intended because they presume upon it,and they will expect it’. She suggested that the Bank hand over the moneyto the ladies’ committee who would use it to make better provision onboard ship for all transported prisoners whatever their crime. Joseph Kayewas precise in his response; what was authorised for the female convictswould remain completely under his and the Bank’s control.28

The firm of Freshfields was central to this episode of unexpectedbenevolence. The character of those appointed solicitor to the Bank mayhelp to explain what may otherwise be puzzling. Their contribution todecisions about forgery business was never countermanded by the Bank,and rarely questioned, whether about prosecution, capital punishment orpayments of rewards, bribes or relief to prisoners. Joseph Kaye wasFreshfields’ central actor for most of the Restriction period, being officiallythe sole solicitor to the Bank between 1806 and 1818 and continuing jointlyuntil 1823. Little is known of his background. Son of a Huddersfieldworsted manufacturer, he came to London to earn a living and became ahighly respected attorney. His clients also included the Royal ExchangeAssurance and the East India Company. His private clients as well as hispartnership from 1801 with James William Freshfield, provide clues to thesort of person he was. Among the rich families he advised were the close

51

relations of William Wilberforce. James William Freshfield, though alifelong Anglican, was well-known and respected in dissenting circlesthrough his Quaker wife. He was close to the Clapham Sect of evangelicalAnglicans and was committed to their creed of personal salvation andpublic morality. It is also known that some of the Bank Governors weremembers of the Clapham Sect or related to those who were.29

Profiles of the main characters at Freshfields fit well with the two sidesof the coin - efficient and painstaking legal work, to the extent ofsupporting controlled use of the death penalty,30 together with a generouscharitable response to the genuine distress of people in a deplorable stateand quite unable to support themselves and their families. The charitableenterprise was carried out with the same painstaking care as the legal work.The prisoners had to instigate the charitable relationship by writing to thesolicitors, making clear the nature of their request. The solicitorsresponded in a systematic way, keeping records of all positive decisionsand most negative ones. Receiving scores of letters each month,responding with astonishing speed, sending investigators, calling people into their offices to give statements, despatching police officers and briefingtheir legal representatives in various parts of the country, sending moneyfor convicts to captains of ships, keeping well-written copies of all theirreply correspondence, briefing Home Office officials, paying gaolers andothers for keep of remand prisoners, hiring coaches and horses - the hive ofactivity in their office must have been impressive. However, therelationship of prisoners to prosecutor was not a simple matter of powerlessto powerful. Conventions for requesting and receiving charity werepresumably well-known to supplicants. The prisoners, particularly thewomen, knew a great deal about the motives and responses of the rich andpowerful - the Bank and its ‘gentlemen’ solicitors. Nor was ‘the Bank’ ananonymous entity. Letters were generally personally addressed to Mr Kayeor Mr Freshfield, or to their senior clerks during the period, Mr Westwood,Mr Rooker and others. Sometimes they were addressed personally to theinvestigators sent to London prisons by Freshfields, to Mr Glover, or MrChristmas. Newgate prisoners frequently saw the solicitors’ clerks andinvestigators, some had even met Kaye or Freshfield, in court or on visits toprison. Much of the correspondence had a personal touch to it.

The Bank and Freshfields no doubt acted in benevolence and charity ina way compatible with the paternalistic outlook of the middling andprofessional classes of the time. However, it can hardly have been for thepleasure of receiving the grateful thanks of a collection of poor, sometimes

52

clever, often manipulative, mainly female, criminals. The gendered bias ofthis charity is striking. The assistance granted to women with littlechildren, and to frail, distressed and sick women, may have depended onwomen playing out an essentially ‘female role’. Yet generous payments tomany women without children, to women who did not display deferentialbehaviour suggest that the relationship between Bank/solicitors andprisoners has to be seen in a more subtle way, which combines a mix ofpolitical and ‘public relations’ strategies with genuine benevolent andpaternalistic concern for the welfare of the unfortunate. This collection ofletters provides an important insight into the exercise of mercy behind theharshness of the judicial system.

1 My thanks to Sarah Millard, Bank of England Archivist, for her kind help over a long period;to Bridget Kirk for providing material for transcription of convicts’ letters; and to RandallMcGowen for use of his unpublished work.

2 Currently operating as Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer in London and world-wide.3 In 1797 (beginning of period of ‘Restriction’), the partners in Freshfields were John Winter

and Joseph Kaye. Winter held the appointment of solicitor to the Bank of England until 1808.Joseph Kaye held the appointment jointly with him, continuing until 1823. (Winter’sappointment not technically terminated until 1830). Other partners taken on during the‘Restriction’ were: Joseph Cam Maynard (1797-1800), Francis Beckwith (1801-08), JamesWilliam Freshfield (1801-40), John Winter (1805-08), Charles Kaye (1811-25). In 1818,because of the heavy work load, at Joseph Kaye’s request, the Bank additionally appointedJames William Freshfield and Charles Kaye. The firm operated in the City of London from29 St Swithun’s Lane (-1808), 7 Tokenhouse Yard (1808-11), and 5 New Bank Buildings(from 1811).

4 Judy Slinn, A history of Freshfields (Guildford 1984).5 These records were originally stored in Freshfields’ own premises. In 1909 they were moved

the Bank’s newly completed Roehampton record office. They were heavily weeded in the1980s and are now held in the Bank’s Threadneedle Street archives.

6 This committee was set up in June 1802 when it was realised that the epidemic of forgery wasnot a temporary emergency. It oversaw the solicitors’ management of legal affairs, managedprosecutions, gave directions for retaining counsel and preferring indictments. It also soughtto exercise restraint on rising legal costs. It met at least once a week, heard reports andproposals from the solicitor, seldom rejecting his advice.

7 Committee of Law Suits minutes, Bank of England M5/307-33, 17 July 1802 to 18 December1834; Freshfields Papers, Bank of England F1-F25

8 Freshfields Papers: prison correspondence, Bank of England F25.9 For discussion of the period of ‘restriction’, see W. Marston Acres, The Bank of England from

within (1931), vol i, pp.275-90, 299-348; J. Clapham, The Bank of England (Cambridge,1944), vol. i, pp.253-72, vol. ii, pp.1-16; D. Byatt, Promises to pay: Promises to pay: the firstthree hundred years of Bank of England notes (1994).

10 Bank of England note forgery or fraudulent alteration was made a capital offence in 1697 (8& 9 Will. 3, c.20). In 1725, the offering, disposing or putting away of a forged note was alsomade a capital offence (12 Geo. 1, c.32). The death penalty for both was removed in 1832and replaced by life transportation.

53

11 41 Geo. 3, c.39.12 Randall McGowen, ‘From pillory to gallows: the punishment of forgery in the age of

financial revolution’, Past and Present 165 (1999), pp.107-40; ‘The Bank of England and thepolicing of forgery’, Past and Present 186 (2005), pp.81-116; ‘Managing the gallows: theBank of England and the death penalty, 1797-1821’, Law and History Review, forthcoming(2007). For a wider view of the Bank’s prosecuting strategies and the work of the Bank’slawyers in trials of forgers, utterers and possessors of forged Bank notes, see Deirdre Palk,Gender, crime and judicial discretion 1780-1830 (Woodbridge, 2006), pp.89-112.

13 F25.14 Letters from men and women tried for forged note offences in London (Old Bailey) total 494.

Of these, 316 were written by or on behalf of women (some women more than once), men178. Letters from men and women tried in provincial circuits (including Surrey) total 271,123 from/for women, 271 men.

15 F25/1/120 (Sarah Whiley, Oct. 1804).16 F25/8/13 (Jane (or Jean) Wilson, Surrey, Jan.1819).17 F25/9/ 24 (Lydia Hogan, 20 May 1821).18 Analysis of purpose of letters possible for about 600 letters (some letters multi-purpose).

Most frequently mentioned: providing information for reward or revenge (men 107, women10); pecuniary relief (men 88, women 278); mitigation of sentence (men 59, women 14);family or spouse to accompany to NSW (men 28, women 6); return of money or property(men 14, women 2); to speed up or delay transportation (men 15, women 8).

19 F25/11/55 (Thomas Roberts and John McCann, 24 Mar. 1815).20 F25/11/79-80 (James Quin and John Bell, 15 May 1816; copy reply from Joseph Kaye, 18

May 1816).21 F25/4/22-28 & F25/5/8-14 (Margaret Spires (or Spears), 23 Mar. 1817 to 25 Mar. 1818);

F25/8/50 (Sarah Wright, 19 Oct. 1820); F25/2/12-15 (Henrietta Gregory, 26 Sept. 1813, 23Dec. 1813).

22 F25/1/146 (Elizabeth Dudley, 23 Oct. 1807); F25/2/46-47 (Hannah Hearson and CathrineWatson, 14 Apr. 1813); F25/5/36 (Clarissa Downs, 25 July 1818); F25/4/52 (HannahCrampton, 26 May 1817); F25/4/39 (Martha Thatcher, 26 May 1817); F25/1/179 (ElizabethWare, 23 Oct. 1810).

23 F25/1/220-1; M5/311 (William Henningham, Feb. 1812); F25/2/69; M5/313 (Charles Games,Nov.- Dec. 1813).

24 F25/2/18-29, F25/3/48; M5/314 (Richard Walker, Mary Walker Sept. 1813 to Dec. 1814).25 M5/312, 9 Sept. 1812 (Maria, widow of Daniel Davies); M5/315, 12 & 13 Apr. 1815 (Edward

Harland’s widow); F25/2/62; M5/314, 20 Apr. 1814 (Ann, wife of Henry Dale, 17 Apr. 1814);M5/316, 29 Feb. 1816 (Mary, wife of Samuel Gilbert).

26 Donna Andrew, ‘Noblesse oblige: female charity in the age of sentiment’, in John Brewer andSusan Staves (eds), Early Modern Conceptions of Property (London and New York, 1994),pp.275-300; Hugh Cunningham and Joanna Innes (eds), Charity, philanthropy and reformfrom the 1690s to 1850, (Basingstoke, 1998), pp.87-107.

27 For instance, M5/323. 8 Mar. 1820.28 F25/9/67-68, 6 Feb. 1821.29 Slinn, Freshfields, pp.29-66.30 McGowen, ‘Managing the gallows’.

54

THE BANK OF ENGLAND NOTE OUTSIDELONDON, 1797-1821 1

HIROKI SHINUniversity of Cambridge

The period from 1797 to 1821 in Britain is known as ‘the Bank Restrictionperiod’. In February 1797, the Bank of England, which had been sufferingfrom the depletion of its reserves for some time, largely from the pressureof the war effort, reached a critical point after the French invasion scare andlocal financial panic. Seeing this, the Privy Council ordered the Bank torefrain from paying out its notes with specie.2 The use of effectiveinconvertible paper money lasted for 24 years, which led to variousquestions and problems in many areas of society. One curious feature ofthis period is the seeming absence of the Bank of England outside Londonand its surrounding counties, despite the impression one gets from theliterature of the period that in the debate – both practical and theoretical –concerning banking and currency, the Bank of England enjoyed a highprofile.

Using chiefly qualitative evidence, this paper argues that the Bank ofEngland was more visible outside London than has been thought, mainlythrough the existence of its notes. The purpose is two-fold: first, to showthe symbolic significance of the Bank note outside London; and second, toexamine the possibility of using evidence concerning banknotes, which areusually employed quantitatively, in order to outline the different modes inwhich the Bank of England notes existed, that leads to a more coherentunderstanding of the British banking history. The methodology of tracingthe banknote provides a more flexible understanding of the Bank ofEngland’s influence than does an analysis of the institutional conduct of theBank itself, and will also supplement research on the personal linksbetween bankers.3 Nevertheless, it is important to remember that the use ofthe Bank note does not imply there was intentional control by the Bank.

According to Leslie Pressnell, Bank of England notes ‘did circulatebeyond the metropolitan area, but there were too few of them’.4 However,this conventional view of the Bank of England as the ‘Bank of London’ wasnot invariably true. John Clapham points out that before the rise of countrybanks after 1760, ‘the Bank of England note may have had a relatively

55

more extensive circulation than it enjoyed during that later and betterknown period… though perhaps only an occasional use, very widespreadgeographically’.5 According to these observations, the Bank of Englandnote was not widely circulated during the heyday of country banks, whichroughly corresponds to the period from the 1770s to the 1830s.6 To be moreprecise, the replacement of country banknotes with the Bank of Englandnote started with the establishment of regional branches of the Bank in1826 when the financial crisis from the previous year induced thelegislature to pass a series of laws that restricted the number of countrybanks and replaced them with joint stock banks. The monopolistic positiongiven to the Bank for its joint stock banking was curtailed to a radius of 65miles of the City of London. The permission granted to the Bank toestablish branches was said to be a part of an overall scheme to attain morecontrol over paper currency.7

The conventional view recognises that the Bank of England notegradually gained in popularity from its foundation in 1694 until the 1760s,from when it was replaced by country banknotes. The trend did not changeduring the Bank Restriction period when the Bank of England suspendedits cash payments. Only after the resumption of cash payments and theestablishment of local branches did the Bank note reassert itself as thenational currency. There was, however, a notable exception that historianshave recognised. T.S. Ashton says that in some parts of Lancashire, countrybanknotes did not gain in popularity, and people preferred bills of exchangeand the Bank note.8 This topic will be examined in more detail later.

Even after taking into account the adjustments and exception to thetraditional view on the popularity of the Bank of England note, when onesees the central position given to the Bank note in the political andtheoretical debates – most notable of which was the Bullionist Controversy– and in the controversy concerning the prevalence of forgery that was saidto be centred in Birmingham, it becomes rather doubtful whether thecirculation of the Bank note was insignificant outside London – not in itsquantifiable circulation, but in its symbolic significance.9 Even if theascertainable quantity of circulation was tiny compared to the totalcirculation, the existence of the Bank note in different parts of Britainmight indicate a special meaning that the Bank of England note had interms of national finance, which was not wholly contained in London.

Radius of the Bank of England note – lost notes and forgery casesIn order to achieve these objectives, what evidence is available? Apart from

56

dispersed testimonies, two sources are available as a starting point;evidence on lost notes and on forgery. Before proceeding to the sources of amore local nature, these sources allow us to discover the ‘radius of theBank of England note’. Certainly the number of lost notes cannotsubstitute the amount of the circulation of notes in a given area, but JohnClapham’s inference that ‘losses were more or less proportioned to use’seems reasonable.

During the three periods which Clapham examined, 1721-23, 1757-63,and 1763-68, the radius became wider, though London represents two-thirds of the share in all these periods. Losses from Cornwall, Exeter,Bristol, Gloucestershire, Oxford, Sussex, Cambridge, King’s Lynn,Yorkshire, Berwick-upon-Tweed, Carmarthen, Montgomeryshire, andDublin bear testimony to the various and scattered losses, hence theexistence of the Bank note.10

What was the situation in the later periods? The total number of lossesin 1790 was 238, including 210 from the London area. Even though theproportion of London losses had increased to almost 90 per cent, the varietyof places where losses took place seems to have been preserved, for therewere losses in Cambridge, Birmingham, Manchester, Shrewsbury,Brecknockshire, and Newcastle, let alone the Home Counties.11 Along withthe general increase in the circulation of the Bank of England note from£10 million before the suspension to £20 million in 1810, and more than£28 million in 1817 – and also with the introduction of small denominationnotes which dramatically increased the number of notes – the loss of notesincreased significantly in the Bank Restriction period.12 In 1799 alonethere were more than 400 claims for lost or damaged notes, compared with97 losses in the seven years from 1757 to 1763.13 About 90 per cent of theclaims came from London. As can be easily understood, some places closeto London suffered from a comparatively high number of losses: Kent,Surrey, and Essex counted four losses each. Interestingly, Yorkshire has thesame number of losses, four, followed by Manchester and Cambridge,which had three losses each. Two losses were reported from Hertfordshire,Bath, Worcestershire, and Norfolk. There were 19 other places that reportedone loss each, including Dublin, Cork, Glamorganshire, and Berlin.

An examination of the record of lost notes in 1799 – one can discernthe same geographical variance, for example, in the 1810 lost notesrecords14 – leads to two conclusions. The first is that there was only onereport from outside London which involved one-pound note, and no two-pound note. The majority of the notes involved were five- and ten-pound

57

notes. This can simply mean the expense of claiming the lost value was toomuch, or that small notes did not reach those places outside London. Withregard to the latter interpretation, the evidence is far from sufficient, andlater the opposite situation will be suggested. Overall, the reports of lostnotes show a proportional increase in London losses, but by no means didthe number of lost notes decline outside London from the 1760s onwards.Although the number of losses outside London looks rather triflingcompared with the large proportion of claims from London, it must beremembered that there was no Bank of England branch outside London,and the Bank preferred losses to be claimed at the Bank in person ratherthan through correspondence.15 This procedural factor tended tounderestimate the real occurrence of losses outside London.

The crime of forgery was a well-known feature of the Restrictionperiod. The increase in the issuance of Bank notes together with theproliferation of the use of banknotes among people, most of whom were notused to handling notes, induced some into forgery, and many into passingforged notes. The Bank of England set up the Committee for Lawsuits in1802 chiefly to deal with the increasing number of forgeries of the Banknote. The Committee had extensive information about the occurrence of thecrime through reports from various places not confined to London.16 As thecrime became more prevalent, the Bank established some rules ofprosecution, one of which was that if the amount concerned was small –one or two pounds – the person passing the note were considered uttererrather than forger, may be spared prosecution. The prosecution strategykept the number of recognised occurrences of crime lower than the numberof reports.

Among more than 700 reports to the Committee for Lawsuits from thesix years between 1813 and 1819, one can see the same variety of places asin the record of lost notes.17 The most conspicuous place is Lancashire –more than 100 cases were reported there, including 29 instances fromManchester and 25 from Liverpool. Thirty-three instances came from aninfamous supplier of forged notes, Birmingham.18 The information camefrom all over England, but the areas that reported more than 10 cases showa concentration of cases in the Midlands – Northamptonshire,Leicestershire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Staffordshire – apart fromSurrey, Somerset, and Yorkshire. It is possible that the Midlands sufferedfrom forgery cases owing to their proximity to Birmingham, a source offorged notes, and Lancashire, which was famous for its use of the Bank ofEngland note, and also for the circulation of forged notes.

58

The reports were not confined to England. There were 15 reports fromWales, 14 from Scotland, and five from Ireland. Among them, nine casesfrom Scotland and six cases from Wales were reports of uttering forgednotes, and the rest involved the sale of forged notes. When compared withthe total number of reports, those numbers are very small. There were morethan 400 prosecutions of forgery during the same six years. Nonetheless, itis interesting to see forged Bank notes were uttered and sold in thoseregions where supposedly Bank notes hardly circulated. Undoubtedly thenumber of prosecutions and reports to the Bank was not always equal to thereal occurrence of the offence, especially when many banks adopted thepractice of honouring forged notes if they proved to be so.19

In addition to the number of reports, it is possible to see thegeographical proliferation of the crime, as well as the potential currency ofthe Bank of England note in the legal provision against the crime outsideEngland, for there would not be a legal provision unless there were crimes.One could also argue that if there were no possibility of passing a forgednote, the crime of forgery would not exist. The crimes of forging anduttering a Bank of England note were offences under the act 15 Geo. II, c.13 (1741), but it was unclear whether the act covered Scotland. It certainlydid not cover Ireland at an early stage of the Bank Restriction period.20 Itwas only in 1799 in Ireland, and 1805 in Scotland when acts were passed toamend the defect.21 It would not have become a problem if there were noBank notes in those areas, and so the fact that it did become a problemindicates the existence – it may not really be referred to as ‘circulation’ – ofthe Bank note.

Various uses of the Bank of England noteHaving indicated that the radius of the Bank of England note was widerthan has been thought, the next stage is to understand the reasons for itsexistence. The reasons for having the Bank of England note outside Londonwere various. This section examines the diverse uses of the Bank note, andespecially casting light on the uses suggestive of the character of the Bankof England note.

Many country banks are said to have held a certain part of their reservesin Bank notes, which in normal circumstances did not appear in public.22

There were transactions within local communities, including wagepayments, which basically took on the same nature as those carried out inLondon; these transactions are undoubtedly important, but not the chiefconcern of this paper. Apart from these, the Bank note could be used for

59

payments between regions, or between regions and London.23 Immediatelyafter the Bank of England suspended cash payments, it did not take long forBank notes to arrive in some regions.24 In 1797, the circulation of the Bankof England notes outside London was said to have increased from £1million to £2.5 million.25 As the life of a banknote is not very long, andbranches of the Bank of England were a phenomenon of the future, moreBank notes tended to flow from regions to London.

The movement of the Bank note via post was quite common during theBank Restriction period.26 Between an Exeter bank, Milford, Hogg, Nation,and a London bank, Robarts and Co – the latter was the London agent ofthe former – there was extensive movement of Bank of England notes.Usually the flow was from Exeter to London, but it sometimes went in theopposite direction.27 In April 1800, Milford bank sent 69 Bank of Englandnotes that amounted to £625, and in October that year 192 five-pound Banknotes were sent up to London. In November and May the following year,over 1,000 pounds each were carried away from Exeter.

Interestingly, sometimes small notes were involved in the transactions.Although the majority of notes transferred between the two banks werefive-pound notes, in November 1800 the remittance from the Exeter bankcontained 230 two-pound notes and 56 one-pound notes. It is not known forwhat particular purpose those Bank of England notes were used, but thesum involved, and the existence of small notes possibly suggest a certaincirculation of the Bank note, along with local banknotes.28

Lancashire was well-known for its use of bills of exchange as currency.Most of the currency in the region was said to be constituted of these bills,and unlike in other regions, local banknotes were hardly used; instead, Bankof England notes were much preferred.29 The ratio of circulation between theBank note and the bills of exchange was once said to be one-to-nine.30 T.S.Ashton explains this preference came about from Lancashire’s economicstructure: ‘it was the larger scale of business undertaking and theconcentration of production in a relatively small area’.31 The disastrousfailure of Hargreaves and Co in 1788 nurtured the Lancashire people’s deep-rooted distrust of private banknote. Lancashire’s extraordinary position interms of the quantity of banknote circulation in the later years of theRestriction period is clearly shown by the fact that in 1821, when the Bankresumed cash payments, the Bank sent some of its employees to deal withthe demand for payments in Manchester and Liverpool.32 From 26 April to25 June 1821, the Bank sent £440,000 of gold sovereigns and £1,600 ofsilver coins to Manchester, and £242,000 gold sovereigns to Liverpool.33

60

Throughout the Restriction period, the use of bills of exchangegradually decreased, owing to the effect of Stamp Duties imposed on bills,and consequently the use of banknotes increased.34 In any case, there wasno fundamental reason to restrict the Bank of England note circulation inLancashire, so there was the possibility of circulation of the Bank ofEngland note elsewhere.

There are three particular circumstances which could involve paymentsof the Bank of England note in different regions: payments made bytravellers, rent payment, and tax payment.35

Some evidence from Scottish banks provides a glance into thearrangements for accommodating travellers. In 1810, the Royal Bank ofScotland ordered one-pound and two-pound Bank of England notes thattotalled £500 from its London agent.36 In 1801, William Simpson requested£500 of ‘B of E small notes’ for travellers since ‘those going to England arebetter pleased with Paper than Gold – but the former will not do for thosegoing to Ireland’.37 Thus the Bank note existed in Scotland, even thoughScottish banknotes, particularly those from Scottish ‘public banks’, weregenerally used in Scotland.

The Glasgow branch of the Royal Bank of Scotland tried to keep about£500 at hand. The weekly statement sent by the Glasgow agent shows thatthis amount of Bank of England notes was consistently in the branch.38 Thesurviving weekly dispatch record of 1807 shows the movement in theamount of Bank of England notes in the branch. From 2 February to 9November, the amount fluctuated between £300 and £800. Those Banknotes were obviously kept to serve a practical purpose rather than as a long-term financial asset.39

The Royal Bank of Scotland was not the only bank to keep Bank ofEngland notes. The Bank of Scotland made a provision on how to remit theBank of England note when a branch received one, namely that a Bank noteunder £50 should be included under the heading ‘Mixed Notes’.40 In 1821,when the Bank of England resumed its cash payments, Scottish publicbanks, as well as other English bankers, applied to the Bank of England toremit coins to Scotland.41

Rent payment was also one of the central monetary transactions of theperiod. Some forged Bank of England notes were passed on paying rent,and that could be an indication – though patchy – of the use of the Banknote in particular situations, in cases that involved a certain amount ofmoney. In 1813, a one-pound Bank of England note was found forged inNottingham; it was paid for the arrear of rents.42 There are such cases

61

scattered throughout Britain. In 1811, Lord King caused huge debate whenhe sent notice to his tenants in Surrey and Ireland, that he would demand apremium for bank notes.43 This led to the enactment of the so-calledStanhope Law which aimed at ensuring the Bank of England note to betaken at par, but it also meant that the refusal of banknotes in payment ofrent could bring about a serious problem.

One of the most important uses of the Bank note outside London wasfor the discharge of taxes.44 The Bank Restriction Act (1797) clearly statedthat the Bank note should be accepted at government offices at par.45 Theimportance of banknotes in payment of taxes could be seen in thedisruption that their refusal caused. On 2 May 1797, just after the Order ofPrivy Council – to suspend cash payments at the Bank of England – theCommissioners of the Revenue of Dublin refused to accept Bank of Irelandnotes in the Custom House on 2 March, and this act threw the Irishmetropolis into confusion. Although it seems to have been a merebureaucratic miscommunication, and the prohibition was lifted during thecourse of the day and the excitement subsided, it shows how disastrousthings might have become if the banknote of the national bank were to berefused at such places.

In different circumstances, tax collection could also be used to controlthe use of currency. In 1804, in order not to make Bank of England note theIrish currency, John Beresford considered a strategy that the English notesunder £50 should be prohibited in Ireland, and not be accepted at revenuecollection.46 The same strategy was adopted in different places and againstdifferent notes. In September 1810, a notice was advertised in Wales by theReceiver General, that at the next collection of taxes, he ‘has found himselfunder the necessity of coming to a resolution, not to receive any countryBank notes Whatever’.47 The following year, a similar notice made hisresolution clearer: ‘No Notes whatever but Bank of England, will betaken’.48 This notice continued to be published for some time, and it mighthave been just to ensure the consistency of the Receiver General’s positionwith the Bank Restriction Act, but paying taxes using Bank of Englandnotes was certainly an option in Wales.

The examination so far indicates that the Bank of England notes wereused in varying extents and for different reasons. Its modes of existencewere various: from ‘circulation’ in significant quantities in Lancashire to ashadow of existence in Ireland. In between, it might have been incirculation in some other places in England and Wales, and in smallreserves in Scotland. Why were these different levels of existence

62

significant in society in spite of the disparity in quantitative terms ofcirculation? The next section will conclude this paper by suggesting oneview on the question through an examination of the acceptance of the Banknote.

Acceptance – the symbolic significance of the Bank of England noteThe Bank of England note was present in more places than has beensupposed. This suggests that the Bank note and country notes were notentirely exclusive. The next question concerns acceptance. It is certainlyrelated to the liquidity of the note. It was not a simple question of whetherthe Bank note was accepted or not, there was also a situation whichimpeded the circulation of notes by requiring a premium for them. In 1792,John Byng, the diarist, encountered such a practice in a Rochdale inn,which made him incensed:

Upon my offer of a £10 note for change – they refused acceptance,unless I would give 1s. 6d! Is this to be justified, or is it part of theirtreason to decry the lawful money of the Bank of England, to servetheir own notes?49

A £10 note at the time must have been a rather bothersome note to break,particularly as it was a considerable amount then and was not usually usedin everyday transactions. Unfortunately, there is not much evidence of apremium on the Bank of England note, though such a practice was certainlywell known in Ireland. The practice of the ‘double price’ was considered tobe an evil accompanying the inconvertible money, which had beenpredicted at the beginning of the suspension.50

Premiums or refusals of national banknotes could happen during timesof financial panic when the rhetoric of non-acceptance as treasonableoffence hit home. During the 1797 crisis, even London saw such refusal,and a painter, Joseph Farington, recorded his friend’s feeling of indignation:

Humphry [Ozias Humphry, R.A.] today offered at a Booksellersa new Bank note of 20 shillings. They said if He paid a Banknote they should charge for the Article one guinea (the Bank note& a shilling) but if He paid in gold they would return a Shillingout of the guinea. – Humphry reprimanded them for theirconduct in depreciating the Bank notes, saying it was little shortof treason.51

Humphry’s expression – ‘little short of treason’ – was not necessarily anexaggeration. The acceptance of Bank note was considered to have apolitical aspect to it which was likely to surface in times of crisis. When the

63

Privy Council decided to suspend the Bank’s cash payments, declarationsto ‘accept banknotes’ were issued in almost all the principal townsthroughout England, and many of them included the Bank of England notein their declaration.52 The episode was interpreted as ‘patriotic’ or‘political’.53 The same interpretation was applicable in everydaytransactions like those referred to above. The nature of a banknote as amedium of exchange did not exempt it from the fluctuation of politicalsituations, let alone economic situations. During the Restriction period,there were sometimes rumours that radicals were trying to subvert thewhole financial system by instigating people not to accept the Bank note.54

Some United Irishmen planned to do the same against the Bank of Irelandnote.55 In such cases, the number of notes was of secondary importance; themessage purported by the action – acceptance or non-acceptance – had farmore significance.

There were also differences in attitudes from one place to another, as inthe case of Lancashire, where an experience with a severe financial crisiswas associated with private note issuance, and the national banknote wouldbe trusted more readily. Some evidence showing the existence of the Bankof England note in Ayrshire might be one such case.56

Confidence in local and national credit might have greatly affectedpeople’s attitude toward the Bank note. As T.S. Ashton points out, in timesof crises, the Bank of England note was preferred over any other mediumof exchange.57 Perhaps the dictum can be applied more widely, beyondLancashire. In 1816, northern bankers suffered another panic whichresulted in the failures of Wear Bank, Mowbray, Hollingsworth and Co, andLumley and Co of Durham, and Cook and Co in Sunderland.58 At aroundthe same time, a Newcastle bank, Sir Charles Loraine, Baker, and Coannounced that they were closing down their business.59 The letter to theirLondon agent, Vere, Lucadou, and Troughton…, explaining the situationthat induced them to retire, cast doubt on the famous testimonial byThomas Joplin that the Bank note was avoided in the north.60 The letterstates quite the opposite:

The demand for Bank of England Notes & other causes have reducedour circulation of notes very materially which presented to our mindsa favourable opportunity of withdrawing ourselves from the BankingBusiness.61

This evidence shows that, under particular circumstances, there could be asudden and sizable demand for the Bank note, even in the north.62

It might be more precise to explain that Lancashire’s exceptional stance

64

did not lie in its use of bills of exchange, but rather in the refusal to usecountry banknotes. These two statements seem to have different models inmind; the first, confrontational, and the latter, co-existential.63 Tounderstand that a preference for the country banknote meant a refusal of theBank of England note is to ignore temporal and geographical variations.Each circulating medium could be used on different occasions, in differentplaces, for different purposes, and even in different quantities. According toa Norwich banker, Hudson Gurney, bankers of that place did not issue notessmaller than five pounds, and Bank of England one- and two-pound noteswere used for smaller denominations.64 This evidence about Norwichindicates a possibility of co-existence between the local banknotes and theBank of England notes, even if it resulted from ‘Habit and Prejudice’,which set Norwich bankers against small notes, and ‘very great Trouble itwould occasion in their respective Offices’.65

The symbolic significance of the Bank of England note was notnecessarily determined from its total circulation or the frequency withwhich people encountered it; it was the meaning assigned to it that made itso important. The Bank note was supposed to buttress the nationalcurrency, which found expression in the bankers’ attitudes when theyresorted to using it in times of crisis, and also by the legal provisions givento its quasi-legal tender status. However, it was not universally or alwaysaccepted – the meaning was not univocal – the status of the Bank note hadto be constantly negotiated against the political and economic background.The status was also affected by the regional differences in the structure ofthe financial system. There were different local attitudes, but we should notassume that a refusal to accept a Bank of England note was the norm. Evenin places far from London, like Scotland and Ireland, the Bank of Englandnote was able to find its own place, as well as in many English counties. Asthis paper has examined, by focusing on the particular uses of Bank noteand occasions during which exchanges involved it took place, even a smallcirculation indicates a far-reaching significance which penetrates throughBritain. After all, it was this element which justified the spotlight on theBank of England note during the Bank Restriction period. To recognise thesymbolical importance of the Bank note outside London leads to areconceptualisation of some part of British banking history. The history ofbanking is not an aggregation of isolated histories of banks, rather, structureof symbiosis and links between banks and different financial systems areneeded to be sought out. As this paper suggested, looking at the Bank ofEngland note is one way to make links between different banking histories.

65

1 The author is grateful to the Business Archives Council for awarding the Business HistoryBursary for 2005 to the research project ‘Levels of Confidence in the Bank of England Note’.This article is one part of this project. Also special acknowledgement is due to the Bank ofEngland Archive, the Royal Bank of Scotland Group Archives, and HBOS Group Archives.The author would also like to thank Professor M.J. Daunton for helpful comments.

2 J.H. Clapham, The Bank of England: A History (Cambridge, 1944), I, pp.269-72.3 Cf. Margaret Dawes and C.N. Ward-Perkins, Country Banks of England and Wales: Private

Provincial Banks and Bankers, 1688-1953 (Canterbury, 2000), pp.35-52.4 L.S. Pressnell, Country Banking in the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1956), p.15; Emmanuel

Coppieters, English Bank Note Circulation, 1694-1954 (The Hague, 1955), p.30, 70. 5 Clapham, Bank of England, I, 146; Dieter Ziegler, Central Bank, Peripheral Industry: The

Bank of England in the Provinces, 1826-1913 (Leicester, 1990), pp.4-5.6 Dawes and Ward-Perkins, Country Banks of England and Wales: Private Provincial Banks

and Bankers, 1688-1953, I, pp.6-7.7 Clapham, Bank of England, II, p.104.8 T. S. Ashton, ‘The Bill of Exchange and Private Banks in Lancashire, 1790-1830’, Economic

History Review, 15, no. 1/2 (1945).9 F.W. Fetter, Development of British Monetary Orthodoxy, 1797-1875 (Cambridge, 1965),

pp.71-73; A.W. Acworth, Financial Reconstruction in England, 1815-1822 (1925), pp.95-99;Boyd Hilton, Corn, Cash, Commerce: The Economic Policies of the Tory Governments 1815-1830 (Oxford, 1977), p.54n.

10 Clapham, Bank of England, I, pp.147-50.11 Bank of England archive (hereafter BE), C101/18, Note Issue: Lost Bank Notes, 1789-90.12 See W.M. Acres, The Bank of England from within, 1694-1900 (1931), I, p.278.13 BE, C101/23, Note Issue: Lost Bank Notes, 1798-99; Clapham, Bank of England, p.149.14 BE, C101/34-36.15 BE, G23/6, Secretary’s Letter Books, 1820-25, 24.16 Randall McGowen, ‘The Bank of England and the Policing of Forgery 1797-1821’, Past and

Present, p.186, no. 1 (2005): p.96n. The total number of forged notes presented had increasedfrom 1,179 in 1798 to 17,290 in 1812. See ibid, p.87.

17 BE, M5/313-322, Committee of Law Suits.18 McGowen, ‘Policing of Forgery’, p.94.19 David M. Walker, A Legal History of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1998), V, p.715.20 There were complex problems surrounding Irish currency at the time which were not covered

in this paper. See F.W. Fetter, The Irish Pound 1797-1826: A Reprint of the Report of theCommittee of 1804 of the British House of Commons on the Condition of the Irish Currency(London, 1955); Cormac Ó Gráda, ‘The Irish Paper Pound of 1797-1820: Some Cliometricsof the Bullionist Debate’, Oxford Economic Papers, 45, no. 1 (1993).

21 See BE, F2/192 for the Irish case, and F2/77 for the Scottish case.22 J.A.S.L. Leighton-Boyce, Smiths, the Bankers, 1658-1958 (1958), p.168. See Thomas

Thompson’s evidence to the House of Commons, Report from the Select CommitteeAppointed to Inquire into the Cause of the High Price of Gold Bullion... (1810), p.115; Houseof Commons, Reports from the Select Committee on the Expediency of Resuming CashPayments (1819), p.164; House of Lords, Reports from the Select Committee on theExpediency of Resuming Cash Payments (1819), p.94.

23 Certainly there were some other instruments like Bank Post Bills and bills of exchange, evenletters of credit might have overlapping use, but examining the difference between those arenot the purpose of this paper, so they will not be given particular mention here except bills ofexchange.

24 Leighton-Boyce, Smiths, pp.159-60, 67; Jane Fiske, ed., The Oakes Diaries: Business,Politics and the Family in Bury St Edmunds 1778-1827 (Woodbridge, 1990), I, p.343.

66

25 House of Commons, Report from the Committee of Secrecy on the Outstanding Demands ofthe Bank and the Restriction of Cash Payments (1797), p.148.

26 The Bank of England itself adopted such practice. BE, C82/2, Chief Cashier’s Office: LetterBooks, letter to Messrs William Jones, Loyd & Co, 6 May 1821. Cf. Derrick Byatt, Promisesto Pay: The First Three Hundred Years of the Bank of England Notes (London, 1994), p.40.

27 Royal Bank of Scotland Group Archives (hereafter RBS), MIL/7, Letterbook of Milford,Hogg, Nation.

28 RBS, MIL/7, letter dated 4 July 1801, states a remittance including 105 Bank Notes, 18‘Country Bank Notes’, and two ‘Ashburton notes’.

29 Ashton, ‘Bill of Exchange’, p.29.30 House of Lords, 1819 Select Committee, p.164. The same proportion was said to be applied to

the West Riding of Yorkshire, Staffordshire, and Shropshire, Coppieters, English Bank NoteCirculation, p.29.

31 Ashton, ‘Bill of Exchange’, p.28.32 BE, C82/2, letter to Loyd & Co; Acres, The Bank of England from within, 1694-1900, p.318,

415.33 BE, G8/20, Committee of Treasury, 1819-21.34 W.T.C. King, History of the London Discount Market (London, 1936), p.32.35 There are other possibilities; some of them – like the payment of wages – are certainly worthy

of notice, but this paper concentrates on the above three for the purpose of the argument. SeePressnell, Country Banking, p.154.

36 RBS, Board Minute Book, 22 November 1810.37 HBOS Group Archives (hereafter BS), RB/837/335, Moncrief Letters, 24 August 1801, Letter

from W. Simpson to the Royal Bank of Scotland.38 University of Glasgow Archive Services, UGD/129, Scottish Banking Collection, 2/1/6,

‘Royal Bank of Scotland, extract from Moncrief Letters’.39 The Weekly Statement of 2 Feb. 1807 shows that Bank of England notes kept at the branch

was only fractional: Given Tellers, 98,724.17.5; Large, 3,000; 20/, 8,000; 21/, 1,575; B of E, 400; Gold, 2, 260; Silver, 1,800; Note, 1,485.19.2.However, it is highly likely that the Royal Bank in Edinburgh had larger amount of BankNote, and it certainly could rely on the supply of it from its London agent. Cf. Lawrence H.White, ‘Banking without a Central Bank: Scotland before 1844 as a ‘Free Banking' System’,in Unregulated Banking: Chaos or Order?, ed. Forrest Capie and Geoffrey E. Wood(Basingstoke, 1991), p.52.

40 BS, Business Peculiar to Agencies, 29 June 1815.41 BE, C82/2, letter to Coutts & Co, 5 January 1822.42 Corporation of Nottingham, Records of the Borough of Nottingham (Nottingham, 1952),

p.174.43 F.W. Fetter, 'Legal Tender during the English and Irish Bank Restrictions,' The Journal of

Political Economy, 58, no. 3 (1950).44 Tax Collectors and Receivers General of taxes were the Bank’s most active provincial

customers. Clapham, Bank of England, I, p.149.45 37 Geo. III, c. 46 (1797).46 William Beresford (ed.), The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford (London,

1854), II, 277. On Irish Government’s importation of the Bank of England notes, F.G. Hall,The Bank of Ireland, 1783-1946, ed. George O'Brien (Dublin, 1949), p.83.

47 North Wales Gazette, 27 September 181048 North Wales Gazette, 4 April 1811.49 C.B. Andrews, ed., Torrington Diaries (London, 1936), vol. 3, pp.115-16.50 Morning Chronicle, 28 February 1797. Cf. William Cobbett, Paper against Gold and Glory

against Prosperity (London, 1815), letter XXVI.

67

51 J. Greig, ed., The Farington Diary (1922), vol. 1, p.197.52 For example, Exeter, Shrewsbury, Nottingham, Halifax, Leeds, Carlisle.53 The Telegraph, 3 March 1797; Newcastle Advertiser, 4 March 1797; Hilary M. Thomas, ed.,

The Diaries of John Bird of Cardiff: Clerk to the First Marquess of Bute 1790-1803 (Cardiff,1987), p.97.

54 During the Reform Movement in the 1830s, Francis Place invented a famous by-word ‘ToStop The Duke, Go For Gold’. See David John Rowe, ed., London Radicalism, 1830-1834: ASelection from the Papers of Francis Place (1970), pp.89-90.

55 John Thomas Gilbert, ed., Documents relating to Ireland, 1795-1804 (Shannon, 1970), p.156.56 BS, 5/10/10, Bank of Scotland Board Minutes, 11 November 1811.57 Ashton, ‘Bill of Exchange’, p.31.58 Newcastle Chronicle, 27 July 1816; Maberly Phillips, A History of Banks, Bankers and

Banking in Northumberland, Durham, and North Yorkshire (1894), pp.77-79.59 Ibid, 78.60 Thomas Joplin, An Essay on the General Principles and Present Practice of Banking in

England and Scotland, 2nd ed. (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1822), pp.56-57.61 RBS, SAP/36, Correspondence between Loraine, Baker, and Co and Vere, Lucadou, and

Troughton, dated 23 July 1816. 62 House of Commons, 1797 Committee of Secrecy, p. 148.63 Cf. Jacob Viner, Studies in the Theory of International Trade (New York; London, 1937),

p.160n.64 House of Commons, 1819 Select Committee, p.250.65 House of Lords, 1819 Select Committee, p.97.

68

BIBLIOGRAPHY IN BUSINESS HISTORY 2005

Compiled by RICHARD A. HAWKINSUniversity of Wolverhampton

The division into classes follows the Standard Industrial Classificationmain groups, followed by a general section. Place of publication is Londonand year of publication 2005 unless otherwise shown.

Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing (SIC 01-09)Atkins, P. J., ‘Fattening children or fattening farmers? School milk inBritain, 1921-1941’, Economic History Review, 58, pp. 57-78.

Bettey, J., ed., Wiltshire farming in the seventeenth Century. (WiltshireRecord Society, 57).

Brassley, P., ‘The professionalisation of English agriculture?’, RuralHistory, 16, pp. 235-51.

Conwell, J. J., A Galway landlord during the great famine: Ulick John deBurgh, first Marquis of Clanicarde. Dublin: Four Courts (2003).

Crossley, D., ‘English woodlands and the Supply of Fuel for Industry’,Industrial Archaeology Review, 27, pp.105-12.

Dodds, B., ‘Managing tithes in the late middle ages’, Agricultural HistoryReview, 53, pp. 125-40.

Gritt, A. J., Virgoe, J. M. and Brownrigg, C. P., eds., The memoranda booksof Basil Thomas Eccleston, 1757-1789. (Record Society of Lancashire andCheshire, 139) (2004).

Guttmann, E., ‘Midden cultivation in prehistoric Britain: arable crops ingardens’, World Archaeology, 37, pp. 224-39.

Holdsworth, P., ‘Manorial administration in Westmorland 1589-1693’,Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian andArchaeological Society, 3rd ser., 5, pp. 137-64.

69

Jackson, A. J., ‘Investigating the break-up of the great landed estates ofDevon: the use of commercial directories, 1883-1939’, Report andTransactions of the Devonshire Association, 136 (2004), pp. 165-74.

Kottler, D., Watkins, C. and Lavers, C., ‘The transformation of SherwoodForest in the twentieth century: the role of private estate forestry’, RuralHistory, 16, pp. 95-110.Lyttleton, J. and O’Keeffe, T., eds., The manor in medieval and earlymodern Ireland. Dublin: Four Courts.

Matthews, S., ‘Cattle clubs, insurance and plague in the mid-nineteenthcentury’, Agricultural History Review, 53, pp. 192-211.

Moore-Colyer, R. M., ‘The County War Agricultural ExecutiveCommittees: the Welsh experience, 1939-1945’, Welsh History Review, 22,pp. 558-87.

Moran, G., ‘The Irish Land Purchase and Settlement Company and theattempted migration scheme to Kilcloony in the 1880s’, Irish Economicand Social History, XXXII, pp. 47-62.

Parrott, S., ‘A time of change: land sales in the East Riding of Yorkshire inthe early twentieth century’, East Yorkshire Historian, 6, pp. 17-30.

Perren, R., ‘Farmers and consumers under strain: allied meat suppliers inthe First World War’, Agricultural History Review, 53, pp. 212-28.

Richardson, G., ‘The prudent village: risk pooling institutions in medievalEnglish agriculture’, Journal of Economic History, 65, pp. 386-413.

Severs, D. F., Thurndales, Slackbarrows and Puddingpyes: ten generationsof Headleys working the land. Northallerton: D. F. Severs (2003).

Shaw-Taylor, L., ‘Family farms and capitalist farms in mid nineteenth-century England’, Agricultural History Review, 53, pp. 158-91.

Sheail, P., Wilfred Buckley of Moundsmere and the clean milk campaign.Winchester: Hampshire County Council (2003).

70

Stone, D., Decision-making in medieval agriculture. Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press.

Wade Martins, S., Farmers, landlords and landscapes: rural Britain, 1720-1870. Macclesfield: Windgather Press (2004).

Winchester, A. J. L., ‘Regional identity in the lake counties: land tenure andthe Cumbrian landscape’, Northern History, 42, pp. 29-41.

Mining (SIC 10-14)Bentley, J. I., Bond, B. and Gill, M., Ingleton coalfield: 1600-1940.Sheffield: Northern Mine Research Society.

Deakin, P. R., Collieries in the North Staffordshire coalfield. Ashbourne:Landmark (2004).Freese, B., Coal: a human history. Oxford: Perseus (2003).

Ramsey, K., The Bristol coal industry. Historical Association (2003).

Stewart, R. J., One dressing at Devon Great Consoles: 1844-1978.Calstock: Tamar Mining Press.

Construction (SIC 15-17) Corble, N., James Brindley: the first canal builder. Stroud: Tempus.

Cross-Rudkin, P. S., ‘Constructing the Staffordshire & WorcestershireCanal, 1766-72’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 75, pp. 289-304.

Gomme, A., ‘An eighteenth-century builder’s notebook’, Walpole Society,LXVII, pp. 193-236.

Hone, L., ed., Deptford, Toronto and Kingston: the early years of CharlesAird, Victorian engineer. Glasgow: Grimsay.

Morrison, K. A. and Bond, A., Built to last?: the buildings of theNorthamptonshire boot and shoe industry. Swindon: English Heritage(2004).

71

James, D., ‘The construction of the shipbuilding sheds at Pembroke NavalDockyard’, Maritime Wales, 26, pp. 46-53.

Kirk, J. C., ‘The early-modern carpenter and timber framing in the ruralSussex weald’, Sussex Archaeological Collections, 142 (2004), pp. 63-78.

Morrison, K. A., English shops and shopping: an architectural history. YaleUniversity Press (2003).

Ward, S., ‘Consortium Developments Ltd and the failure of “new countytowns” in Mrs Thatcher’s Britain’, Planning Perspectives, 20, pp. 329-59.

Manufacturing (SIC 20-39)Allen, T., Cotterill, M. and Pike, G., Copperas: an account of theWhitstable Works and the first industrial-scale chemical production inEngland. Canterbury: Canterbury Archaeological Trust (2004).

Anderson, C. M., ‘W. Bryson and the firm of Holland and Sons’, FurnitureHistory, XLI, pp. 217-30.

Aspin, C., The water spinners. Helmshare: Helmshare Local HistorySociety (2003).

Barnwell, P. S., Palmer, M. and Ash, M., eds., The vernacular workshop:from craft to industry. York: Council for British Archaeology (2004).

Barton, P. G., & Oliver, H. N., ‘The Beander Mill, Newtown,Montgomeryshire, 1330-1851’, Montgomeryshire Collections, 93, pp. 37-54.

Bastable, M. J., Arms and the state: Sir William Armstrong and theremaking of British naval power, 1854-1914. Aldershot: Ashgate (2004).

Betteney, A., Ship building in Stockton and Thornaby. Stockton-on-Tees:Tees Valley Heritage Group (2003).

Bielenberg, A., ed., Irish flour-milling: a history 600-2000. Dublin: LilliputPress (2003).

72

Bork, R., ed., De re metallica: the uses of metal in the Middle Ages.Aldershot: Ashgate.

Brown, K. D., ‘Unions and management in engineering: a case study, 1964-79’, Business History, 47, pp.86-101.

Burscough, M., The Horrockses: cotton kings of Preston. Lancaster:Carnegie Publishing (2004).

Buttler, T., British secret projects: fighters and bombers, 1935-50.Hinckley: Midland (2004).

Carruthers, T., Golf club maker: Thomas Carruthers, 1840-1924.Dunfermline: Cualann (2004).

Castle, G., ‘The France family of upholsterers and cabinet-makers’,Furniture History, XLI, pp. 25-44.

Chandler, A. D. Jr., Shaping the industrial century: the remarkable story ofthe evolution of the modern chemical and pharmaceutical industries.Harvard University Press.

Church, R., ‘The British market for medicine in the late nineteenth century:the innovative impact of S M Burroughs & Co’, Medical History, 49, pp.281-98.

Cocroft, W. D. et al., ‘The development of the Chilworth GunpowderWorks, Surrey, from the mid-19th century’, Industrial Archaeology Review,27, pp. 217-34.

Cooper, M. and Davis, J., The Irish fertiliser industry: a history. Dublin:Irish Academic Press (2004).

Courtwright, D. T., ‘‘Carry on smoking’: public relations and advertisingstrategies of American and British tobacco companies since 1950’,Business History, 47, pp. 421-433.

Cropper, M., The leaves we write on: James Cropper: a history of papermaking. Ellergreen Press (2004).

73

De Ballaigue, E., British book publishing as a business since the 1960s:selected essays. British Library (2004).

Doherty, G. M., The Irish Ordnance Survey: history, culture and memory.Dublin: Four Courts (2004).

Elliott, J., The industrial development of the Ebbw Valleys, 1780-1914.Cardiff: University of Wales Press (2004).

Fitzgerald, R., ‘Products, firms and consumption: Cadbury and thedevelopment of marketing, 1900–1939’, Business History, 47, pp. 511-531.

Ford, L., Wickham of Ware: a history of D. Wickham & Company Ltd.railcar manufacturers. Ware: Rockingham (2003).

Freedgood, E. ed., Factory production in nineteenth-century Britain.Oxford: Oxford University Press (2003).

Gibbard, S., The David Brown tractor story: I, 1936-48. Ipswich: Old Pond(2003).

Gittins, L., ‘Salt, salt making, and the rise of Cheshire’, Transactions of theNewcomen Society, 75, pp. 139-60.

Green, A. H. J., ‘Halsted & Sons of Chichester, Engineers andIronfounders’, Sussex Industrial History, 35, pp. 2-13.

Green. M., ‘Medieval tile industry at Peem’, Records of Buckinghamshire,45, pp. 115-60.

Harvey, A. D., ‘Early nineteenth century bollards in London’, LocalHistorian, 35, pp.2-8.

Hawker, H. D., Simmons & Hawker Ltd: the story of a family company:civil and mechanical engineers to industrial owners and managers:founded in 1919, incorporated in 1934. Simmons & Hawker Ltd.

Hewitt, P. and Rawlings, T., My favourite shirt: a history of Ben Shermanstyle. Ben Sherman Group (2004).

74

Hey, D., ‘The South Yorkshire steel industry and the Industrial Revolution’,Northern History, 42, pp. 91-6.

Holden, L., ‘Fording the Atlantic: Ford and Fordism in Europe’, BusinessHistory, 47, pp. 122-127.

Holden, R. N., ‘Culture and know-how in the “satanic mills”: a response’,Textile History, 36, pp. 86-93.

Huett, L., ‘Among the unknown public: household words, all the yearround and the mass-market weekly periodical in the mid-nineteenthcentury’, Victorian Periodicals Review, 38, pp. 61-82.

Hurrell, H., The Hub ironworks Chipping Norton: a hundred years of iron castingin Chipping Norton. Chipping Norton: Chipping Norton Museum (2001).

Hurst, J. G. and Gaimster, D., ‘Werra ware in Britain, Ireland and NorthAmerica’, Post-Medieval Archaeology, 39, pp. 267-93.

Jackson, R., ‘Pottery production in Westbury-on-Trym during the late 17thand 18th centuries’, Transactions of the Bristol and GloucestershireArchaeological Society, 123, pp. 121-32.

Jackson, R., Burdrill, R. and Dungworth, D., et al., ‘Excavations on thesite of Sir Abraham Elton’s glassworks, Cheese Lane, Bristol’, Post-Medieval Archaeology, 39, pp. 92-132.

Johnson, C., Cottis of Epping: the story of an Essex iron foundry.Loughton: Christopher Johnson.

Jones, E., ‘Cotton: ‘the most studied of all manufactures’’, BusinessHistory, 47, pp. 594-599.

Jones, G. and Miskell, P., ‘European integration and corporaterestructuring: the strategy of Unilever, c.1957-c.1990’, Economic HistoryReview, 58, pp. 113-139.

Jung, S. P. Jr., Pollocks of Manchester: three generations of clay tobaccopipemakers. Archaeopress (2003).

75

Kelly, J., Gunpowder: a history of the explosive that changed the world.Atlantic Books (2004).

Kelly, N., ‘The “creteships”: concrete shipbuilding at Shoreham, 1918-20’,Sussex Industrial History, 35, pp. 20-7.

Kim, D.-W., ‘The British multinational enterprise in Latin American before1945: the case of J. & P. Coats’, Textile History, 36, pp. 69-85.

King, P., ‘The production and consumption of bar iron in early modernEngland and Wales’, Economic History Review, 58, pp.1-33.

Langdon, J. and Watts, M., ‘Tower Windmills in Medieval England: A Caseof Arrested Development?’, Technolgy and Culture, 46, pp. 697-718.

Langdon, J., Mills in the medieval economy: England, 1300-1540. Oxford:Oxford University Press (2004).

Lucas, A. R., ‘Industrial Milling in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds: ASurvey of the Evidence for an Industrial Revolution in Medieval Europe’,Technology and Culture, 46, pp. 1-30.

Macdonald, J. G., ‘William Watson & Sons, Manufacturers, DangerfieldMills, Hawick’, Transactions of the Hawick Archaeological Society, pp. 12-38.

Macqueen, A., The king of Sunlight: how William Lever cleaned up theworld. Bantam (2004).

McKenna, J., Birmingham breweries. Studley: Brewin Books.

Metcalfe, B., ‘The forgotten shipyard’, York Historian, 22, pp. 30-40.

O’Brien, C., ‘The goldsmiths of Waterford’, Journal of the Royal Society ofAntiquaries of Ireland, 133 (2003), pp. 111-29.

Pacult, F. P., A double scotch: how Chivas Regal and The Glenlivet bacameglobal icons. Wiley.

76

Palmer, M. and Neaverson, P., The textile industry of south-west England: asocial archaeology. Stroud: Tempus.

Pincombe, I. M., ‘The “free” sugar generation: the emergence anddevelopment of the confectionary industry in nineteenth-century SouthWales’, Welsh History Review, 22, 499-534.

Porter, S. J., ed., Newspapers and empire in Ireland and Britain: reportingthe British Empire, c.1857-1921. Dublin: Four Courts (2004).

Proz, R., A brewery in Bedford: the Charles Wells story. Bedford: CharlesWells Ltd.

Reilly, T., Joe Stanley: printer to the Rising. Dingle: Brandon.

Sim, D. and Ridge, I., Iron for the eagles: the iron industry of RomanBritain. Stroud: Tempus (2002).

Stables, J., ‘“We always stamped all we made, not being asham’d of ourwork”‘, Furniture History, XLI, pp. 13-20.

Symonds, J., ed., The historical archaeology of the Sheffield cutlery andtableware industry, 1750-1900. Oxford: Archaeopress (2002).

Timmins, G., ‘Domestic industry in Britain during the 18th and 19thCenturies: field evidence and the research agenda’, Industrial ArchaeologyReview, 27, pp. 67-75.

Wadley, D., Wadley, J. and Barton, P., ‘Pontysgawrhyd Mill, a late Tudorcorn mill in Montgomeryshire’, Montgomeryshire Collections, 92 (2004),pp. 57-68.

Waters, R., ‘Cottingham postcard publishers’, East Yorkshire Historian, 6,pp. 106-16.

Weedon, A., Victorian publishing: the economics of book production for amass market, 1836-1916. Aldershot: Ashgate (2003).

Weinstein, R., The history of The Worshipful Company of Feltmakers,

77

1604-2004. Chichester: Phillimore (2004).

Whyte, D., Clockmakers and watchmakers of Scotland, 1453-1900.Ashbourne: Mayfield.

Williams, C. H. K., ‘Charing clocks, clockmakers and clockkeepers’,Archaeologia Cantiana, 125, pp. 183-202.

Williams, J., ‘Lime-burning in West Sussex, and the Newbridge Wharflimekilns, Billingshurst’, Sussex Archaeological Collections, 142 (2004),pp. 115-25.

Williams, P. J., ‘The Birmingham gun trade and the American system ofmanufactures’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 75, pp. 85-106.

Willmott, C., ‘From Stroud to Strouds: the hidden history of a British furtrade textile’, Textile History, 36, pp. 196-234.

Yeandle, B., Robb’s Walk: a history of rope-making in St. Ives. St. Ives:Westmeare Publications (2004).

Transportation, Communications, Electric, Gas, and Sanitary Services(SIC 40-49)Alderton, D., ‘The chicken or the egg? The relationship between industryand transport’, Industrial Archaeology Review, 27, pp.121-8.

Allaz, C., The history of air cargo and airmail: from the 18th century.Foyle (2004).Austen, B., ‘Turnpike roads to Chichester, Midhurst and Petworth’, SussexIndustrial History, 35, pp. 28-40.

Bain, J. C., ‘The Perth Steam Packet Company and the Atholl: an exampleof the life of an early steamship company and its ship’, Mariner’s Mirror,91, pp. 410-20.

Baker, M., London transport in the 1950s. Hersham: Ian Allan Pub. (2004).

Bakker, K. J., An uncooperative commodity: privatizing water in England

78

and Wales. Oxford: Oxford University Press (2003).

Barrow, T., The port of Stockton-on-Tees, 1702-1802. Middlesbrough:North East England History Institute.

Bogart, D., ‘Turnpike trusts and the transportation revolution in 18thcentury England’, Explorations in Economic History, 42, pp. 479-508.

Bogart, D., ‘Did turnpike trusts increase transportation investment ineighteenth-century England?’, Journal of Economic History, 65, pp. 439-68.

Brunton, D., ‘Evil necessaries and abominable erections: publicconveniences and private interest in the Scottish city, 1830-1870’, SocialHistory of Medicine, 18, pp. 187-202.

Burgess, D. R., Seize the trident: the race for superliner supremacy andhow it altered the Great War. McGraw-Hill.

Burton, A., On the rails: two centuries of railways. Aurum (2004).

Cardno, P. and Harling, S., Huddersfield: the Corporation motorbus story.Attenborough: Robin Hood Publishing (2003).

Dowds, T. J., The Forth and Clyde Canal: a history. East Linton: TuckwellPress (2003).

Emery, G., Chester electric lighting station: from steam and hydro: theilluminating story of Chester streetlighting and Britain’s first ruralelectrticity supply. Chester: Gordon Emery (2002).

Flaxman, T. and Jackson, T., Sweet and wholesome water: five centuries ofhistory of water-bearers in the city of London. Cottisford: E. W. Flaxman (2004).

Greaves, J. N., Sir Edward Watkin, 1819-1901: the last of the railwaykings. Lewes: Book Guild.

Green, A. H. J., The history of Chichester’s canal. Brighton: SussexIndustrial Archaeological Society.

79

Keys, D. and Smith, K., Ferry tales: Tyne-Norway voyages 1864-2001.Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Tyne Bridge Publishing (2002).

Lane, K., National bus company: the early years. Hersham: Ian Allan Pub.(2004).

Legg, E., ‘Water Eaton Mill’, Records of Buckinghamshire, 45, pp. 161-8.

McGrath, M. and Griffith, J. C., The Irish draught horse: a history. Cork:Collins.

Miller, R. W., London & North Western railway company houses.Loughborough: London & North Western Railway Society (2004).

Pinchin, T., Society of British Gas Industries: the first century 1905-2005:an illustrated history of the Gas Industry Trade Association. LeamingtonSpa: Society of British Gas Industries.

Robertson, D., Sir Tom Cowie: a true entrepreneur: a biography.Sunderland: University of Sunderland Press (2004).

Roberts, A., Superior coaches: the Bowen story: a pictorial history of theBowen Coach Group. Studley: Brewin Books (2004).

Roberts, C., Cross river traffic: a history of London’s bridges. Granta.

Roth, R. and Polino, M.-N., eds., The city and the railway in Europe.Aldershot: Ashgate (2003).

Rowlands, D. W. L., ‘A Victorian triumph: the construction of LakeVyrnwy Reservoir and the supply of water to Liverpool’, MontgomeryshireCollections, 93, pp. 111-32.

Schneer, J., The Thames: England’s river. Little, Brown.

Telfer, R. L., Stratford Blue: a history of Stratford-on-Avon’s local buses.Stroud: Tempus (2003).

Thwaite, M., ‘The George Bennie Railplane and Hugh Fraser Airrail

80

systems of transport’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 75, pp. 37-84.

Williams-Ellis, E., The carrier’s tale: the Hargreaves family of Bolton andWesthoughton: packhorses, canals, railways. Chester: C. C. Publishing(2004).

Winter, M. T., The Portishead coal boats: a history of Osborn & WallaceLtd. Of Bristol. Lydney: Black Dwarf.

Wholesale and Retail Trade (SIC 50-59)Berg, M., ‘Shopping for Britain’, History Today, 55, 7, pp. 28-41.

Berg, M., Luxury and pleasure in eighteenth-century Britain. Oxford:Oxford University Press.

Bowen, P., ed., Shopkeepers and tradesmen in Cardiff and the Vale 1633-1857. Cardiff: Peter Bowen (2004).

Brandwood, G. K., Davison, A. and Slaughter, M., Licensed to sell: thehistory and heritage of the public house. Swindon: English Heritage(2004).

Collins, B. and Ollerenshaw, P., eds., The European linen industry inhistorical perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press (2003).

Coopey, R., O’Connell, S. and Porter, D., Mail order retailing in Britain: abusiness and social history. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Dimmock, S., ‘Urban and commercial networks in the late Middle Ages:Chepstow, Severnside and the ports of southern Wales’, ArchaeologiaCambrensis, 152 (2003), pp. 53-68.

Edwards, C., Turning houses into homes: a history of the retailing andconsumption of domestic furnishings. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Forbes Munro, J., Maritime enterprise and empire: Sir William Mackinnonand his business network, 1823-93. Woodbridge: Boydell Press (2003).

French, M., ‘Commercials, careers, and culture: travelling salesmen in

81

Britain, 1890s-1930s’, Economic History Review, 58, pp. 352-377.

Hardstaff, R. E., Human cargo: a record of a slave trading voyage of theeighteenth century and the links with people living in the Southwell area atthat time. Southwell: Southwell and District Local History Society (2004).

Gough, B. M., ‘William Bolts: an eighteenth century merchant adventurer’,Archives, XXX, 113, pp. 8-28.

Jobling, P., Man appeal: advertising, modernism and menswear. Oxford:Berg.

Kelsey, H., Sir John Hawkins: Queen Elizabeth’s slave trader. YaleUniversity Press (2003).

Killingray, D., Lincoln, M. and Rigby, N., eds., Maritime empires: Britishimperial maritime trade in the nineteenth century. Woodbridge: BoydellPress (2004).

Klovland, J. T., ‘Commodity market integration 1850-1913: evidence fromBritain and Germany’, European Review of Economic History, 9, pp. 163-97.

MacKay, B., Hinks, J. and Bell, M., eds., Light on the book trade: essays inhonour of Peter Isaac. British Library (2004).

Markham, J., Hammonds of Hull: a store of good things for the family andhome. Beverley: Highgate (2004).

Mitchell, I., ‘“Whether you can get me one at second-hand cheap”:researching the second-hand book trade c.1700-1840’, Local Historian, 35,pp. 268-77.

Morgan, G., ‘Retail therapy in seventeenth-century West Wales’,Ceredigion, XV, pp. 1-20.

Roldán Vera, E., The British book trade and Spanish Americanindependence: education and knowledge transmission of knowledge intranscontinental perspective. Aldershot: Ashgate (2003).

82

Rorke, M., ‘The Scottish herring trade, 1470-1600’, Scottish HistoricalReview, LXXXIV, pp. 149-65.

Schorman, R., Selling style: clothing and social change at the turn of thecentury. Bristol: University of Pennsylvania Press (2003).

Simpson, J., ‘Too little regulation? The British market for sherry, 1840–90’,Business History, 47, pp. 367-382.

Smith, J. S., ed., The bookshop at 10 Curzon Street: letters between NancyMitford and Heywood Hill, 1952-73. Frances Lincoln (2004).

Smith, S. D., ‘The later business career of William Crane, linen yarnmerchant of Manchester’, Northern History, 42, pp. 131-49.

Solar, P., ‘The Irish linen trade, 1852-1914’, Textile History, 36, pp. 46-68.

Sorge-English, L., ‘“29 Doz and 11 Best Cutt Bone”: the trade inwhalebone and stays in eighteenth-century London’, Textile History, 36, pp.20-45.

Summerson, H., ‘“Most renowned of merchants”: the life and occupationsof Laurence of Ludlow’, Midland History, XXX, pp. 20-36.

Sutton, A. F., The mercery of London: trade, goods and people, 1130-1578.Aldershot: Ashgate.

Williams, R., ‘Stolen goods and the economy of makeshifts in eighteenth-century Exeter’, Archives, XXX, 112, pp. 84-96.

Wilmot, D., ‘Emerson Bainbridge of Newcastle and Sheffield, anoverlooked entrepreneur’, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 77, pp. 241-52.

Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate (SIC 60-69) Bronstein, J. The hospitallers and the Holy Land: financing the Latin East,1187-1274. Woodbridge: Boydell.

83

Cassis, Y. and Bussière, E., eds., London and Paris as internationalfinancial centres in the twentieth century. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Collins, M., and Barker, M., ‘English bank business loans, 1920-1968:transaction bank characteristics and small firm discrimination’, FinancialHistory Review, 12, pp. 135-71.

Dudley, R., The Irish lottery, 1780-1801. Dublin: Four Courts.

Ellis, B., ‘Friendly Societies in Welshpool to 1911’, MontgomeryshireCollections, 93, pp. 91-110.

Foster, C. F., Capital and innovation: how Britain became the firstindustrial nation: a study of the Warrington, Knutsford, Northwich andFrodsham area 1500-1780. Northwich: Arley Hall Press (2004).

Gallagher, L., The Ulster Bank story. Belfast: Ulster Bank (1998).

Hickson, C. R. and Turner, J. D., ‘The genesis of corporate governance:nineteenth-century Irish joint-stock banks’, Business History, 47, pp.174-189.

Hickson, C. R. and Turner, J. D., ‘The rise and decline of the Irish stockmarket, 1865-1913’, European Review of Economic History, 9, pp. 3-33.

Hickson, C. R., Turner, J. D. and McCann, C., ‘Much ado about nothing:the limitation of liability and the market for 19th century Irish bank stock’,Explorations in Economic History, 42, pp.459-76.

Howlett, I., One hundred and fifty years on: a century and a half of IpswichBuilding Society. Ipswich: Ipswich Building Society (1999).

Humphreys, R., ‘The development of friendly societies in nineteenth-century Surrey’, Local Historian, 35, pp. 185-200.

Jenkins, P. R., The Brighthelmston Bank of Messrs. Wigney: 1842.Pullborough: Dragonwheel Books (2004).

Kim, N and Wallis, J. J., ‘The market for American state government bonds

84

in Britain and the United States, 1830-43’, Economic History Review, 58,pp.736-764.

Lawson, Z., ‘Save the pennies! Savings banks and the working class inmid-nineteenth century Lancashire’, Local Historian, 35, pp.168-84.

Michie, R. and Williamson, P., eds., The British government and the City ofLondon in the twentieth century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2004).

Mundill, R. R., ‘Changing fortunes: Edwardian Anglo-Jewry and theircredit operations in late thirteenth-century England’, Haskins SocietyJournal, 14 (2003, pub. 2005), pp. 83-90.

Murphy, A. L., ‘Lotteries in the 1690s: investment or gamble?’, FinancialHistory Review, 12, pp. 227-46.

O’Connell, S. and Reid, C., ‘Working-class consumer credit in the UK,1925-60: the role of the check trader’, Economic History Review, 58,pp.378-405.

Pearson, R., Insuring the industrial revolution: fire insurance in GreatBritain, 1700-1850. Aldershot: Ashgate (2004).

Percival, G., ‘Hull seventeenth century tokens and their issuers’, EastYorkshire Historian, 6, pp. 31-64.

Rogers, A., ‘Prosperous – but precarious: property deeds and mortgages ina small market town in the 18th and 19th centuries’, Family andCommunity History, 8, pp.105-22.

Seabourne, G., Royal regulation of loans and sales in medieval England:monkish superstition and civil tyranny. Woodbridge: Boydell (2003).

Swan, C. E., Scottish cowboys and the Dundee investors: Dundeeinvestment in the Texas panhandle, a case study: the Matador Land andCattle Company. Dundee: Abertay Historical Society (2004).

Taylor, J., ‘Commercial fraud and public men in Victorian Britain’,Historical Research, 78, pp. 230-52.

85

Temin, P. and Voth, H-J., ‘Credit rationing and crowding out during theindustrial revolution: evidence from Hoare’s Bank, 1702–1862’,Explorations in Economic History, 42, pp. 325-48.

Services (SIC 70-89) Aho, J. A., Confession and bookkeeping: the religious, moral, andrhetorical roots of modern accounting. Bristol: State University of NewYork Press.

Bakker, G., ‘The decline and fall of the European film industry: sunk costs,market size, and market structure, 1890-1927’, Economic History Review,58, pp. 310-351.

Beale, R., Music, money, maestros and management: the Hallé: a Britishorchestra in the 20th century. Manchester: Forsyth (2000).

Brown, P.S. and Brown, D.N., ‘Founding a Hospital and ConvalescentHome in a Victorian Seaside Resort’, Local Historian, 35, pp. 82-106.

Burn, I., ed., The Company of Barbers and Surgeons. Farrand Press (2000).

Chapman, D., Four men and a fortune: the story of the making of theAmerican Museum in Bath. Bath: The Museum.

Fleischman, R., ed., Accounting history, 1-3. SAGE.

Girma, S. and Kneller, R., ‘Convergence in the UK service sector: firmlevel evidence, 1988-1998’, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 52,pp.736-746.

Gledhill, C., Reframing British cinema, 1918-28: between restraint andpassion. BFI Publishing (2003).

Hearn, M., Thomas Edmondson and the Dublin Laundry: a Quakerbusinessman, 1837-1908. Dublin: Irish Academic Press (2004).

Horgan, J., Broadcasting and public life: RTÉ news and current affairs,1926-97. Dublin: Four Courts (2004).

86

Kipping, M. and Saint-Martin, D., ‘Between regulation, promotion andconsumption: government and management consultancy in Britain’,Business History, 47, pp. 449-465.

L’Etang, J., Public relations in Britain: a history of professional practice inthe 20th century. Lawrence Erlbaum (2004).

Milling, J. and Thomson, P., eds., The Cambridge history of the Britishtheatre: 1: origins to 1660. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press(2004).

Morris, P. A., Edward Gerrard & Sons: a taxidermy memoir. Ascot M. P.M. (2004).

Sedgwick, J., ‘The film business in the United States and Britain during the1930s’, Economic History Review, 58, pp. 79-112.

Spraakman, G., and Margret, J., ‘The transfer of management accountingpractices from London counting houses to the British North American furtrade’, Accounting, Business and Financial History, 15, pp. 101-19.

Wood, B., Fresh air and fun: the story of a Blackpool holiday camp.Lancaster: Palatine Books.

GeneralHistoric trade directories in Guildhall Library. Guildhall LibraryPublications.

Arora, A., Fosfuri, A. and Gambardella, A., Markets for technology: theeconomics of innovation and corporate strategy. MIT Press (2004).

Bizup, J., Manufacturing culture: vindications of early Victorian industry.University of Virginia Press (2003).

Chandler, A. D., Jr., and Mazlish, B., eds., Leviathans: Multinationalcorporations and the new global history. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.

87

Claeys, G., ed., Owenite socialism: pamphlets and correspondence, 1-10.Routledge.

Crafts, N., ‘Market potential in British regions, 1871-1931’, RegionalStudies, 39, pp. 1159-66.

Crafts, N., and Mills, T. C., ‘TFP growth in British and Germanmanufacturing, 1950-1996’, Economic Journal, 115, pp. 649-70.

Dennison, E. P., ed., ‘Dunfermline gild court book, 1433-1597: missingfolios’, Scottish History Society, Miscellany XIII, pp. 42-65.

Di Martino, P., ‘Approaching disaster: personal bankruptcy legislation inItaly and England, c.1880-1939’, Business History, 47, pp.23-43.

Gould, P., Barbaric traffic: commerce and antislavery in the eighteenthcentury Atlantic world. Harvard University Press (2003).

Gourvish, T., ed., Business and politics in Europe, 1900-70: essays inhonour of Alice Teichova. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2003).

Grandin, K., Wormbs, N. and Widmalm, S., eds., The science-industrynexus: history, policy, implications. Sagamore Beach: Science HistoryPublications (2004).

Greaves, J., Industrial reorganization and government policy in interwarBritain. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Gurney, D., ‘The Battle of the Consumer in Postwar Britain’, Journal ofModern History, 77, pp. 956-87.

Hunt, T., Building Jerusalem: the rise and fall of the Victorian city.Weidenfeld & Nicholson (2004).

Jeremy, D. J. and Tweedale, G., eds., Business history, 1-4. SAGE.

Jones, E., ‘Industrialisation: what distinguished Britain?’, Business History,47, pp.296-301.

88

Jones, G., Multinationals and global capitalism: from the nineteenth to thetwenty-first century. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Kalantaridis, C., Understanding the entrepreneur: an institutionalistperspective. Aldershot: Ashgate (2004).

Legg, K., The archive of James Russell, garden designer: deposited at theBorthwick Institute, University of York. York: Borthwick Publications(2003).

Leng, T., ‘Commercial conflict and regulation in the discourse of trade inseventeenth-century England’, Historical Journal, 48, pp. 933-54.

Marsden, B. and Smith, C., Engineering empires: a cultural history oftechnology in nineteenth-century Britain. Basingstoke: PalgraveMacmillan.

May, C. and Sell, S. K., Intellectual property rights: a critical history.Lynne Rienner.

McCabe, I. B., Harlafis, G. and Minoglou, I. P., eds., Diasporaentrepreneurial networks: four centuries of history. Oxford: Berg.

Millward, R., Private and public enterprise in Europe: energy,telecommunications and transport, 1830-1990. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.

Morrell, J., John Phillipps and the business of Victorian science. Aldershot:Ashgate.

Mutch, A., ‘Management practice and kirk sessions: an exploration of theScottish contribution to management’, Journal of Scottish HistoricalStudies, 24 (2004), 1-19.

Nevell, M., ‘Industrialisation, Ownership, and the ManchesterMethodology: The Role of the Contemporary Social Structure DuringIndustrialisation, 1600-1900’, Industrial Archaeology Review, 27, pp. 87-95.

89

Nuvolari, A., The making of steam power technology: a study of technicalchange during the British industrial revolution. Eindhoven: EindhovenUniversity Press (2004).

Protheroe, K., ‘Quality stitch by stitch: clothing and associated publicationsheld in the Marks & Spencer company archive’, Costume, 39, pp. 100-12.

Scott, P. and Walsh, P., ‘New manufacturing plant formation, clustering andlocational externalities in 1930s Britain’, Business History, 47, pp. 190-218.

Slinn, J., ‘Price controls or control through prices? Regulating the cost andconsumption of prescription pharmaceuticals in the UK, 1948–67’,Business History, 47, pp.352-366.

Smith, I., and Boyns, T., ‘Scientific management and the pursuit of controlin Britain to c.1960’, Accounting, Business and Financial History, 15, pp.187-216.

Smith, S. D., ‘Women’s admission to guilds in early modern England: thecase of the York Merchant Tailors’ Company, 1693-1776’, Gender andHistory, 17, pp. 99-126.

Sweeney, P., Selling out?: privatisation in Ireland. Dublin: New Island(2004).

Thomas, E., ed., Adelaide Darby of Coalbrookdale: her private journal from1833-61. York: Sessions Book Trust (2004).

Toms, S. and Wright, M., ‘Divergence and convergence within Anglo-American corporate governance systems: evidence from the US and UK,1950-2000’, Business History, 47, pp. 267-295.

Williams, G., Buccaneers, explorers and settlers: British enterprise andencounters in the Pacific, 1670-1800. Aldershot: Ashgate.

90

BUSINESS RECORDS DEPOSITED IN 2005

Compiled by Mike Anson from information supplied by the NationalArchives, Kew.

Advertising, printing and publishingBristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Scholastic Trading Co Ltd, publishers, Bristol: accounts 1883-1947(42751).Bromley Public Libraries, Local Studies & Archives, Central Library, HighStreet, Bromley, BR1 1EX: George Allen, Engraver and Publisher: papers,incl letters from John Ruskin c1863 (1698).Centre for Kentish Studies, County Hall, Maidstone, Kent, ME14 1XQ:Alabaster, Passmore & Sons Ltd, printers, Maidstone: additional recordsincl night staff logbooks and personnel index cards c1924-39 (Acc7092).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG: JHall & Sons Ltd, printers, Derby: records 20th cent (D6372).Doncaster Archives Department, King Edward Road, Balby, Doncaster,DN4 0NA: Tate of Thorne, printers: printing sample books 1836-1953(DY/TATE).East Sussex Record Office, The Maltings, Castle Precincts, Lewes, EastSussex, BN7 1YT: Brighton Herald, newspaper: papers of HW King rel tosale of the newspaper 1803-1971 (ACC 9267).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Butterworth and Brooks, Sunnyside Printworks, Crawshawbooth: correspon steam engines for the print works, incl inspection reports 1881-1883(DDX 2487 acc 9684).London Metropolitan Archives: City of London, 40 Northampton Road,London, EC1R 0HB: Bogle-L'Ouverture Publications Ltd, London: papersincl corresp, publicity and financial records and publications 1960-2004(LMA/4462).Peterborough Archives Service, Peterborough Central Library, Broadway,Peterborough, PE1 1RX: William Henry Pentney & Sons, printer andstationer, Peterborough: inventory 1921-1922 (PAS/PEN).Renfrewshire Archives, Room 24, North Building, Cotton Street, Paisley,Renfrewshire, PA1 1TR: T & R Graham Ltd, cellulose film converters,Paisley: sample books of labels for cotton reels and balls of wool 1889-1959 (R5/2005/03).

91

Victoria & Albert Museum, Archive of Art and Design, 23 Blythe Road,London, W14 0QX: S H Benson Ltd, advertising agents, London: papers ofFrank Coomber, head of studio c1929-1969 (AAD/2004/4).

Agriculture, forestry and fishingBedfordshire and Luton Archives and Records Service, County Hall,Cauldwell Street, Bedford, MK42 9AP: Thomas Bates of Biscot:agricultural memoranda book 1812-1852 (Z1162); Thomas Brantom & CoLtd, cattle food manufacturers and merchants and coal merchants, LeigtonBuzzard: further records 1911-1963 (X807); John Hare (Harrier Products)Ltd, corn factors, millers and maltsters, Henlow: records 1922-1967(Z1188).Bristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Stokes family, market gardeners, Bristol: business papers 1938-1986(42866).Cambridgeshire County Record Office, Cambridge, Shire Hall, Cambridge,CB3 0AP: John Hammence, farmer, Sutton: corresp, accounts and papers,mainly rel to milk production 1941-1942 (R105/131).Centre for Buckinghamshire Studies, County Hall, Walton Street, Aylesbury,Buckinghamshire, HP20 1UU: Nightingales Farm, Chalfont St Giles: deeds15th-19th cent (D-X 1742).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Pinder family, farmers, Holmesfield: farm accounts, wills and misc papers19th cent (D6500).Devon Record Office, Great Moor House, Bittern Road, Sowton, Exeter,Devon, EX2 7NL: Purchase ledgers rel to businesses in Bradworthy inclGouldings Manure 1905-1917 (6740-0).East Dunbartonshire Archives: Kirkintilloch, William Patrick Library, 2West High Street, Kirkintilloch, Dunbartonshire, G66 1AD: Turner family,Oxgang Farm, Kirkintilloch: records incl farm diaries, commonplace book,maps and plans 1847-1958 (GD120).Glamorgan Record Office, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue,Cathays Park, Cardiff, Glamorgan, CF10 3NE: Harold Hurley, Foel Farm,Llangynwyd: papers 1911-1965 (D102).Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Anthony Fewster, miller: journal with accounts of Nailsworth BibleSociety 1815-1873 (D1548); W J Oldacre Ltd, millers, corn merchants andagricultural suppliers, Bishops Cleeve: minutes and papers 1919-1961(D10166).

92

Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Simpson family of Cow Hill Farm and Rose Cottage, Rishton: farmrecords, incl farm diaries, corresp and family papers 1937-1991 (DDX1862 acc 9879).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: A S Crabtree,farmer, Great Ponton Mill: milking register 1924-1925 (MISC DON 1283).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Henry and Horace Flatt, farmers, Shouldham Thorpe: pig farmingaccounts and memoranda 1894-1897 (BR 305); WH Knott, farmer, StowBridge, Downham: farm accounts 1900-1910 (ACC 2005/2).North Devon Record Office, North Devon Library and Record Office, TulyStreet, Barnstaple, Devon, EX31 1EL: Farm, Hartland, Devon: accounts1826-1884 (1201-7); Heale Farm, Parracombe: account book and papers1895-1932 (B807-0).North East Lincolnshire Archives, Town Hall, Town Hall Square, Grimsby,DN31 1HX: Reynolds Broomhead, fishing skipper: personal papers 1910-46 (1051/98); Duckering of East Barkwith, seed merchants: financialledgers 1907-20 (1234); William Oxley, Fisherman: papers rel to rescue ofFrench balloonist Jules Duruof in English Channel 1874-77 (1233);Raymond Redgrave, Eel Fisherman: log books 1961-2003 (1231).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Albert Fuller, corn merchant, Nottingham: letterbook 1905 (Acc 6809).Orkney Archive, The Orkney Library and Archive, 44 Junction Road,Kirkwall, Orkney, KW15 1AG: Housebay Farm, Stronsay: journal 1888-1891 (D1/918).Pembrokeshire Record Office, The Castle, Haverfordwest, Pembrokeshire,SA61 2EF: Ysgarwen farm, Cilgwyn, Newport: diaries and stock records1961-2001 (HDX/1678).Powys County Archives Office, County Hall, Llandrindod Wells, Powys,LD1 5LG: Radnorshire Coal, Lime and General Supply Company Limited,Knighton: financial ledgers 1868-1880 (R/DB/RAD).Reading University: Museum of English Rural Life, Redlands Road,Reading, RG1 5EX: George Baylis, farmer: accounts 1922-51; Claydenefarm, Kent: accounts c1940-99.Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey, GU21 6ND:Slocock family, nurserymen, of Surrey: additional records, mainly plans ofKnaphill Nursery Ltd 20th cent (7562); Woodham farm, Chertsey: accounts1816-17 (7822).

93

Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, Libraries and Heritage HQ, WiltshireCounty Council, Bythesea Road, Trowbridge, Wiltshire, BA14 8BS: FrankWebb, farmer and market gardener, Bromham Common: mermorandumbook recording daily farm work and work at markets and sales in Devizesand elsewhere 1878-1879 (3465).

ArchitectsBedfordshire and Luton Archives and Records Service, County Hall,Cauldwell Street, Bedford, MK42 9AP: Inskip Partnership, architects,Bedford (addnl): research and business records of Henry Inskipp 1903-1998 (Z1091).Dorset History Centre, Bridport Road, Dorchester, Dorset, DT1 1RP: LMagnus Austen, architects, Dorchester: corresp, plans and specifications1901-2000 (D/MAD).Glasgow City Archives, The Mitchell Library, 210 North Street, Glasgow,Lanarkshire, G3 7DN: Monro & Partners, architects, Glasgow: drawingsand photgraphs 1850-1960 (MON).Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Sarum Partnership, architects, Winchester and Salisbury: records ofquinquennial inspections of churches in the diocese of Gloucester 1952-1975 (D10168).Hertfordshire Archives and Local Studies, County Hall, Hertford, SG138EJ: Inskip Partnership, architects, Bedford: records rel to Hertfordshireproperties 1936-1967 (Acc 4146); Traylen & Lenton, architects, Stamford:papers rel to Arkeley parish church 1937-1938 (Acc 4159).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: WJ Hemmings and Partners,architects, Stamford: plans, specifications, corresp and notes rel to buildingwork for the Kimball family at Little Dalby Hall and Great Easton Manor,Leicestershire 1959-1966 (DE6901).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Collis & Collis, architects, Beccles: drawings and records rel to workin south Norfolk, with sales particulars 1895-2005 (ACC 2005/247); InskipPartnership, architects, Bedford: plans of Wade's department store, King'sLynn 1972 (BR 313); Purcell, Miller & Tritton, architects and historicbuildings consultants, Norwich: drawings and papers rel to churches andhistoric buildings in Norfolk 20th cent (ACC 2004/246, 297, 302-3, ACC2005/24); AF Scott & Son, architects, Norwich: records rel to theconstruction of the Co-operative Dairy Stables, Norwich 1890-1911 (BR

94

309); WF Tuthill, architect, Sheringham: practice papers, with somepersonal papers rel to service in the Territorial Army c1935-1975 (ACC2005/108).Somerset Archive and Record Service, Obridge Road, Taunton, TA2 7PU:Michael Torrens, architect, Taunton: plans and drawings rel to Somersetchurches 1920-1979 (A\CLM).Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service: Staffordshire CountyRecord Office, Eastgate Street, Stafford, ST16 2LZ: F W B Charles,architect, Worcester: drawings, plans and photographic slides 1900-1999(6431).Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey, GU21 6ND:Frank Leslie Johnson, architect, Guildford: corresp and papers 20th cent(7739).Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, Libraries and Heritage HQ, WiltshireCounty Council, Bythesea Road, Trowbridge, Wiltshire, BA14 8BS: R JBeswick, architects, Swindon: job books, accounts and papers 1936-1986(3498); Philip Proctor Associates, architects: papers rel to Wiltshire projects1885-1991 (3467).

Auctioneers, estate agents, surveyors, and propertyBirmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: Harford, Kingham & Wood, auctioneers andvaluers, West Bromwich: records 1936-1949 (MS 2542).Centre for Kentish Studies, County Hall, Maidstone, Kent, ME14 1XQ:Hogben family, surveyors, Ashford: notebook of mathematical problems,measurements, equations and numerous other topics incl varnishes, recipesfor ink, Latin grammar and heraldic descriptions 1696-1773 (U3705); JohnPeters, surveyor and valuer, Sittingbourne: valuer's notebook 1867(U3721).Cornwall Record Office, Old County Hall, Truro, Cornwall, TR1 3AY:Tremain, May & Trevail, auctioneers and valuers, St Columb Major: maps,plans, deeds, leases, corresp and papers 1880-1980 (AD1711).East Sussex Record Office, The Maltings, Castle Precincts, Lewes, EastSussex, BN7 1YT: E Watson & Sons, auctioneers, valuers, land and estateagents, surveyors and insurance agents, Heathfield: valuations and salesparticulars c1870-1990 (ACC 9131).Essex Record Office, Wharf Road, Chelmsford, Essex, CM2 6YT: ErnestJennings, auctioneer, surveyor and estate agent, Saffron Walden andThaxted: further records 1852-1968 (D/F 261).

95

Glamorgan Record Office, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue,Cathays Park, Cardiff, Glamorgan, CF10 3NE: Stephenson & Alexander,chartered surveyors, chartered auctioneers and estate agents, Cardiff:additional papers c1870-1970 (DSA).Hammersmith and Fulham Archives and Local History Centre, The LillaHuset, 191 Talgarth Road, London, W6 8BJ: Chelsfield Plc, propertydevelopers: plans and photographs rel to the White City Development 2003(A2005/5).Hampshire Record Office, Sussex Street, Winchester, SO23 8TH: ArnoldTilbury, estate agents and chartered surveyors: sales particulars, mainly relto farms and estates in the Wickham area 19th-20th cent (117M91).Hull City Archives, 79 Lowgate, Hull, East Yorkshire, HU1 1HN:Hebblethwaite & Sons, land agents, Hull: diaries, day books and plans 20thcent (DBHT).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Nixon, Toone & Harrison,auctioneers, valuers and estate agents, Claybrooke: estate agents andvaluers' ledgers 1937-1946 (DE6893).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: James Martin& Co, land agents, Lincoln: account books, ledgers, journals, cash book,invoices, analysis books, clerks' salaries, insurance books, postage ledger,employees' register, clients' ledgers and clients' account books 1925-1977(4 MARTIN).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Russell Fish, property developer, Norwich: misc papers rel toNorwich properties c1940-1969 (ACC 2005/229); Property PartnershipsPLC, property developers, Norwich: minutes, reports, accounts and otherrecords 1962-1998 (BR 278/7-63).North Yorkshire County Record Office, Malpas Road, Northallerton, NorthYorkshire, DL7 8TB: Owen and Craddock, land agents, Bedale: records ofThimbleby, Kirby Fleetham, Mount St John, Tanfield, Thorp Perrow andRavensthorpe estates c 1875-1999 (ZOC).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Smith-Woolley, chartered surveyors and landagents, Collingham: partnership records, diaries of T S Woolley, maps andplans incl map of Gringley on the Hill (1720) 18th-20th cent (Acc 6821).Powys County Archives Office, County Hall, Llandrindod Wells, Powys,LD1 5LG: R P Hamer, auctioneers, Penybont: market books and cash book1925-49 (R/BI/2).

96

Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey, GU21 6ND:Charles Doubell, surveyor, of Lingfield: diary and business journal 1814-21(7731).Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Bancroft Library, 277Bancroft Road, London, E1 4DQ: Estmanco (White Horse Lane) Ltd,housing estate management company, Stepney: records 1980-1999(B/EST).Walsall Local History Centre, Essex Street, Walsall, Staffordshire, WS27AS: Harford, Kingham and Co, auctioneers, Walsall: valuation books 20thcent (1227).

Banking, finance and insuranceBedfordshire and Luton Archives and Records Service, County Hall,Cauldwell Street, Bedford, MK42 9AP: Bedford Plate Glass & GeneralInsurance Co Ltd (addnl): minute book 1936-1967 (Z1219).Bristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Victoria Building Society, Bristol: accounts 1883-1947 (42751).Centre for Kentish Studies, County Hall, Maidstone, Kent, ME14 1XQ:Hawkhurst Savings Bank: banks books 1821-31 (Ch152).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Britannic Assurance Co Ltd, London: Swadlincote new business registers1931-1963 (D6358).Glasgow City Archives, The Mitchell Library, 210 North Street, Glasgow,Lanarkshire, G3 7DN: Scottish Provincial Assurance Co, Aberdeen:additional minutes and ephemera c1819-1999 (TD1529).Guildhall Library, Aldermanbury, London, EC2P 2EJ: Arthur AlexanderGreenwood, stockbroker: record books 1959-1980 (Ms 36849); Anglo-Portuguese Bank, London: misc papers c1920-80 (Acc 2005/017); Clayton,Morris & Co, scriveners, merchant bankers and estate agents, London:additional letters 1673-82 (Ms 29445/1 (addnl) and Acc 2005/025);Chartered Institute of Bankers: addnl minutes and corresp 1851-1943 (Ms36588-96); Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales:additional misc records 1893-1964 (Acc 2005/056); London StockExchange: minutes and papers of council and committees c1973-99 (Acc2005/036); Syndicate 604 (1984) Names Action Group: papers rel tocontesting claims made by Lloyd's of London 1992-97 (Acc 2005/013).Manx National Heritage Library, Manx Museum and National Trust,Douglas, Isle Of Man, IM1 3LY: AM Jackson, stock and share brokers, Isleof Man: damp press copy letter books 1931-36 (11128).

97

Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: King's Lynn Mutual Plate Glass Insurance Co Ltd: minutes, reportsand other records 1940-1982 (BR 310).Perth and Kinross Council Archive, AK Bell Library, 2-8 York Place, Perth,Perthshire, PH2 8EP: Central Bank of Scotland, Perth: fire insuranceregisters 1843-1889 (Accnno03/25); W A Finlayson & Co, charteredaccountants, Perth: client returns 1930-1965 (Accno01/01); GeneralAccident Fire & Life Assurance Corporation Ltd, Perth: papers rel to Perthheadquarters and local staff activities 1878-1991 (MS206).Tower Hamlets Local History Library and Archives, Bancroft Library, 277Bancroft Road, London, E1 4DQ: Prudential Assurance Co Ltd, London:records c1890-1939 (TH/9116).Trinity College Dublin, College Street, Dublin 2, Republic Of Ireland:Charles Herries and Co, bankers: account book kept for Charles-AlexandreDe Calonne, formerly French Comptroller-General of Finance 1787-1802(TCD MS 11248).Walsall Local History Centre, Essex Street, Walsall, Staffordshire, WS27AS: Edwards Chartered Accountants, Walsall: records 1900-1999 (1243).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale, Central Library, NorthgateHouse, Northgate, Halifax, HX1 1UN: Bousfield Waite, accountants,Halifax: clients' papers c1800-1999 (WYC:1283).

BrewingBarnsley Archive and Local Studies Department, Central Library,Shambles Street, Barnsley, South Yorkshire, S70 2JF: Barnsley Brewery CoLtd: minutes, corresp, pamphlets and map c 1970-1989 (A/4001).Bedfordshire and Luton Archives and Records Service, County Hall,Cauldwell Street, Bedford, MK42 9AP: Joseph Proctor, brewer, of LeightonBuzzard: precis of diary 1853-1865 (Z1185).Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies, Duke Street, Chester,CH1 1RL: Burtonwood Brewery plc, Warrington: records incl accounts andledgers c1890-1974 (D 6971).Cornwall Record Office, Old County Hall, Truro, Cornwall, TR1 3AY:Redruth Brewery Co Ltd: records 1920-2000 (X1249).Devon Record Office, Great Moor House, Bittern Road, Sowton, Exeter,Devon, EX2 7NL: Scrapbooks, photographs, photocopies and otherephemera, mostly rel to the Pring family and the history of The CityBrewery, Exeter, and its licensed premises (Jimmy Young Exeter BreweryHistory Collection) 1950-1970 (6603-0).

98

Dorset History Centre, Bridport Road, Dorchester, Dorset, DT1 1RP: JADevenish plc, brewers, Weymouth: brewing, public house, shipping andfamily records 1800-1980 (D/DEV).Jersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey,JE2 4JY: Ann Street Brewery, Jersey: records 1880-1980 (JA/1056).London Metropolitan Archives: City of London, 40 Northampton Road,London, EC1R 0HB: Barley Mow Brewery, Limehouse: corresp and plans1949-63 (LMA/4433/D); Cannon Brewery Co Ltd, Clerkenwell: correspand plans 1960-65 (LMA/4433/D).Medway Archives and Local Studies Centre, Civic Centre, Strood,Rochester, ME2 4AU: MS annual totals of licensed victuallers in the City ofRochester, with totals of numbers of houses and inhabitants in Rochesterand Chatham 1822-28 (DE981).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Jehosaphat Postle, brewer, of Norwich: diary and personal accounts1753-1757 (MC 2375).Oxfordshire Record Office, St Luke's Church, Temple Road, Cowley,Oxford, OX4 2HT: Morland & Co Ltd, brewers, Abingdon: records inclledgers, cash books and property records 1923-73 (Acc. 5401).Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey, GU21 6ND:Friary Meux Ltd, brewers, Guildford: additional records incl board minutes1959-70 (7874).

Building, construction and suppliesAyrshire Archives, Ayrshire Archives Centre, Craigie Estate, Ayr, KA8 0SS:William Anderson, builder, Irvine: account book 1878-1886(Accession1082); G Dodds Ltd, joiners, Saltcoats: ledger, day book, cashbook 1956-1975 (Accession 1023); J & R Howie Ltd, sanitary appliancemanufacturers, Hurlford: records incl corresp c1930-1939 (Accession1069); Maxwell Bros, contractors, Stevenston: records incl plans, tenderschedules, invoices and manufacturers catalogues 1960-1969(Accession1099).Barnsley Archive and Local Studies Department, Central Library,Shambles Street, Barnsley, South Yorkshire, S70 2JF: Stairfoot Brickworks:administrative and financial papers, oral history records, photographs 20thcent (A/3101).Canterbury Cathedral Archives, The Precincts, Canterbury, Kent, CT12EH: Masters, builders, Wickhambreaux: accounts 1944-68 (U482); JohnEdward Wiltshier & Co, builders, Canterbury: press cutting albums 1971-

99

96 (U317).Centre for Kentish Studies, County Hall, Maidstone, Kent, ME14 1XQ:Higgens family, carpenters, builders, decorators and funeral directors,Sutton Valence: accounts 1838-1960 (Acc7063).Cumbria Record Office, Carlisle Headquarters, The Castle, Carlisle,Cumbria, CA3 8UR: Richard Wright, builder: financial and legal recordsand corresp rel to the estate of Richard Wright 1861-83 (DX 1773).Doncaster Archives Department, King Edward Road, Balby, Doncaster,DN4 0NA: Grantham, Brundell and Farran, civil engineers, Doncaster:records incl letter book and architectural plans 1759-1977 (DY/GBF).Dorset History Centre, Bridport Road, Dorchester, Dorset, DT1 1RP: Bird& Cox, builders, decorators and shopfitters, Weymouth: building plans,design books, photographs and papers 1800-2000 (D/BIC).East Sussex Record Office, The Maltings, Castle Precincts, Lewes, EastSussex, BN7 1YT: Nicholls & Shoosmith, builders and contractors,Blackboys, Framfield: plans c1940-69 (ACC 9138). Essex Record Office, Wharf Road, Chelmsford, Essex, CM2 6YT: Baker &Sons, builders and undertakers, Danbury: further plans and other buildingbusiness records 1885-1991 (D/F 268 addl); John Sadd & Sons Ltd, timbersimporters and sawmillers, Maldon: wages sheets 1917 and papers rel toHuntingdon premises (D/F 4 addl).Essex Record Office, Colchester and North-East Essex Branch, StanwellHouse, Stanwell Street, Colchester, Essex, CO2 7DL: Groom, Daniels & CoLtd, timber, slate, cement and drain pipe merchants and sawing, planingand moulding mills, Colchester: accounts 1924-42, shareholding records1924-56, stock book 1942-46 and private ledger 1924-33 1924-1956 (D/F279).Flintshire Record Office, The Old Rectory, Hawarden, Flintshire, CH53NR: O Hugh Davies, timber and builders merchants, Holywell: financialrecords 1931-1938 (D/DM/1547); TJ Reney, steam joinery works, Connah'sQuay: personal and business papers and diaries of Thomas John Reney1854-1919 (D/DM); Campaign Against the New Kiln: records rel tocampaign against Castle Cement's new kiln at Padeswood 1986-2001(D/DM/1559).Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Coombes Brothers, builders, Westcote: corresp, accounts, diaries andpapers 1954-1986 (D10243).Isle of Wight Record Office, 26 Hillside, Newport, Isle Of Wight, PO302EB: T & J Ellery, stonemasons, Ryde: ledgers c1920-39 (ac2005/49).

100

Jersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey,JE2 4JY: Ernest Farley & Son, building contractors, Jersey: corresp,accounts, contracts and ephemera 1930-1949 (JA/980).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Accrington Brick and Tile Co Ltd: letter book and other records 1888-1963(DDX 1862 acc 9469); John Heap and Sons Ltd, joiners, builders andcontractors, St Annes on Sea: minute book, wages records, day books, cashbooks and other records 1924-1987 (DDX 2520 acc 9860 and 9864).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: WilliamsonCliff Ltd, brick, tile and fire brick manufacturers, Stamford: minutes,corresp, ledgers and catalogues 1906-1971 (WCS).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: RF Southgate, builder and undertaker, Hunstanton: accounts,inventory and valuation and other records 1901-1936 (BR 294); HoraceGood Winearls, timber merchant's clerk, King's Lynn: personal accountbook 1887-1893 (ACC 2004/236).Powys County Archives Office, County Hall, Llandrindod Wells, Powys,LD1 5LG: Edward Owen & Sons, sawmills, Pontdolgoch: financial recordsand letter books c1900-2000 (M/BI/2).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: Queening &Walker Ltd, painters and decorators, cabinet makers, Sheffield: nominalledger 1955-71 (2005/3).Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, Libraries and Heritage HQ, WiltshireCounty Council, Bythesea Road, Trowbridge, Wiltshire, BA14 8BS:Benjamin Webb, bricklayer and mason, Bromham: journal of day work inclSpye Park and Bromham Church 1852-1867 (3465).

Chemical industriesBolton Archive and Local Studies Service, Central Library Civic Centre, LeMans Crescent, Bolton, Greater Manchester, BL1 1SE: Lever Bank BleachWorks Ltd, Bolton: accounts ledger 1847-1862 (ZLB/22).Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies, Duke Street, Chester,CH1 1RL: Hazlehurst & Sons, soap and alkali manufacturers, Runcorn:ledger 1865-80 (D 6968); Salt Union Ltd, salt manufacturers, Liverpool:additional records 1897-1937 (DIC/SU).Cumbria Record Office and Local Studies Library, Whitehaven, ScotchStreet, Whitehaven, Cumbria, CA28 7NL: Albright & Wilson Ltd, chemicalmanufacturers, Whitehaven: corresp rel to sale of land at Ladysmith Pit,papers and plans rel to Marchon, shipping and the development of

101

Whitehaven harbour, and other records 1952-1995 (YDB 59).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Deb Ltd, soap and cleaning materials manufacturers, Belper: records 1940-1979 (D6395).Glamorgan Record Office, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue,Cathays Park, Cardiff, Glamorgan, CF10 3NE: ICI Chemicals & PolymersLtd, Dowlais: factory reports 1942-1958 (D377).Hertfordshire Archives and Local Studies, County Hall, Hertford, SG138EJ: Imperial Chemical Industries Ltd, Plastics Division, Welwyn GardenCity: further records 1932-1950 (Acc 4184).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Hawley & Johnson Ltd, dyers andfinishers, Leicester: records incl sample books of yarn and papers rel toservice of Lewis Dilkes as a chemist c1930-1981 (DE6882).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: Joseph Pickering& Sons Ltd, manufacturers of polishes, cleaning pastes and boxes,Sheffield: small collection of misc records 1898-1906 (2005/7).Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service: Staffordshire CountyRecord Office, Eastgate Street, Stafford, ST16 2LZ: Evode Group plc,manufacturers of adhesives, sealants and industrial coatings, Stafford:corresp rel to trade in Europe 1900-1999 (D6478).Wrexham Archives and Local Studies Service, A N Palmer Centre, CountyBuildings, Regent Street, Wrexham, Denbighshire, LL11 1RB: FlexsysRubber Chemicals Limited, Ruabon: records incl photographs 1890-2005(Acc 326).

Dry cleanersMerseyside Record Office, Central Library, William Brown Street,Liverpool, Lancashire, L3 8EW: Johnson Brothers, Dry Cleaners, Bootle:records incl staff and financial papers and photographs 1900-2000 (Acc2005/12).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Kirklees, Central Library, PrincessAlexandra Walk, Huddersfield, HD1 2SU: James Smith, dry cleaners,Dewsbury: financial records, staff manuals, pictures and photographsc1800-1994 (WYK1245).

Electrical industriesBedfordshire and Luton Archives and Records Service, County Hall,Cauldwell Street, Bedford, MK42 9AP: Cryselco Ltd, electric lamp mfrs,

102

Kempston: further records 1911-1930 (Z1098); H Rodwell & Son,electrical engineers, Bedford: records 1935-1965 (Z1119).Birmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: Midland Electric Manufacturing Co Ltd,Birmingham: records of the "Gold Watch Brigade", long serving employees1900-1999 (MS 2553).East Dunbartonshire Archives: Kirkintilloch, William Patrick Library, 2West High Street, Kirkintilloch, Dunbartonshire, G66 1AD: M & CSwitchgear Ltd, Kirkintilloch: misc records incl photographs 1930-2004(GD88).Highland Council Archives, Inverness Library, Farraline Park, Inverness,Inverness-shire, IV1 1NH: North of Scotland Hydro-Electric Board:additional plans and photograph albums rel to the Strathfarrar andKilmorack Project c1950-1969 (D1041).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Dorman Smith Switchgear Ltd, electrical engineers, Preston: minute books,account books and other records c1880-2000 (DDX 2524 acc 9881);General Electric Company plc, manufacturers of electrical and electronicequipment: Clayton-le-Moors Works Committee minutes and corresp files1956-1995 (DDX 1862 acc 9469).Walsall Local History Centre, Essex Street, Walsall, Staffordshire, WS27AS: Walsall Electrical Company Ltd: records 1934-1995 (1241).

Employers, trade and business associationsBirmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: National Federation of Builders, BirminghamAssociation: records 1867-1985 (MS 2499).Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies, Duke Street, Chester,CH1 1RL: National Farmers Union: South Cheshire Group: minutes,reports, corresp, financial records 1892-1990 (D 6984).Cumbria Record Office, Carlisle Headquarters, The Castle, Carlisle,Cumbria, CA3 8UR: Penrith Tradesmens Association: financial records,corresp and misc records 1903-1970 (DSO 225).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Chesterfield and District Grocers and Provision Merchants Association:records 1934-1962 (D6457).Essex Record Office, Colchester and North-East Essex Branch, StanwellHouse, Stanwell Street, Colchester, Essex, CO2 7DL: Colchester and

103

District Industries Association: minutes 1944-1982 (D/Z 478).Highland Council Archives, Inverness Library, Farraline Park, Inverness,Inverness-shire, IV1 1NH: Inverness-shire Wine, Spirit and Beer TradeAssociation: minute books, roll books, letter books, financial records 1882-1977 (D1040, D1047).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Chorley and South Ribble Business and Professional Womens Club: minutebooks 1968-2000 (DDX 2484 acc 9729).London Metropolitan University: The Women's Library, Old Castle Street,London, Greater London, E1 7NT: National Federation of Business andProfessional Women's Clubs: records c1948-1985 (7PAD).Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Central Library St Peter's Square,Manchester, M2 5PD: Manchester Chamber of Commerce and Industry:additional minutes 1997-2002 (M8/addnl).North Yorkshire County Record Office, Malpas Road, Northallerton, NorthYorkshire, DL7 8TB: Thirsk Traders and Licensed Victuallers Association:records 1919-1984 (ZLE).Somerset Archive and Record Service, Obridge Road, Taunton, TA2 7PU:British Federation of Business and Professional Women: Taunton branch:records 1947-2000 (A\CMR).Warwick University: Modern Records Centre, University Library, Coventry,CV4 7AL: NALGO Insurance Association Ltd, London: publicitydepartment records (MSS.020); Confederation of British Industry:additional records (MSS.200/C); Iron and Steel Trades Confederation:corresp (MSS.036).

Engineering, machine making and manufacturingBedfordshire and Luton Archives and Records Service, County Hall,Cauldwell Street, Bedford, MK42 9AP: WH Allen, Sons & Co Ltd, dieselengine manufacturers, hydraulic, mechanical and electrical engineers,Bedford: further records c1880-1999 (AQ); Weaver Manufacturing andEngineering Co Ltd, Bedford: records 1949-1965 (Z1208).Birmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: Belliss & Morcom Ltd, engineers, boiler makersand turbine manufacturers, Birmingham: additional records 1980-1989 (MS1708).Bolton Archive and Local Studies Service, Central Library Civic Centre, LeMans Crescent, Bolton, Greater Manchester, BL1 1SE: Edbro plc, tippinghoist manufacturer: glass plate negatives and photographs c1900-2000;

104

Hick, Hargreaves & Co Ltd, engineers and millwrights: additional records,incl reports and photographs c1980-2004 (ZZ/777), and corresp ofBenjamin Hick, founder 1854 (ZHH).Bristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Lionel Harris, draughtsman engineer, Bristol: photographs and papersrel to Bristol Aeroplane Company 1941-1953 (42794).Cambridgeshire County Record Office, Huntingdon, Grammar SchoolWalk, Huntingdon, Huntingdonshire, PE29 3LF: T Scotney, agriculturalengineers, St Ives: memorandum and articles of association 1947 anddirectors' minutes 1947-67, with Scotney Housing Association minutes1963-74, members' register 1951-72 and related brochures and photographs1954-90 c1947-1990 (Accession 5063).Coventry Archives, John Sinclair House, Canal Basin, Coventry, CV1 4LY:cine films and photographs rel to Courtaulds Engineering c 1960-1989(PA2609); Wickman Coventry Ltd: records 1940-2000 (PA2619).Cumbria Record Office, Carlisle Headquarters, The Castle, Carlisle,Cumbria, CA3 8UR: J K Innes and Company, plant engineers of Carlisle:financial records incl share certificates and corresp 1952-90 (DB 154).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG: WA Hiscox Ltd, quarry machinery manufacturers, Derby: records 20th cent(D6411).East Riding of Yorkshire Archives Service, The Chapel, Lord Roberts Road,Beverley, East Yorkshire: John Cherry Ltd, millwrights and engineers,Beverley: records incl sales and purchases journal (1907-1916), list ofassets and liabilities and ledgers c1900-1999 (DDX1047).Essex Record Office, Wharf Road, Chelmsford, Essex, CM2 6YT: Wagesbook 1918-19 and purchase day books 1920-31 of a Chelmsfordengineering company (either Christy Brothers & Co or Christy & NorrisLtd) 1918-31 (D/F 283).Glasgow University Archive Services, 13 Thurso Street, Glasgow,Lanarkshire, G11 6PE: Babcock & Wilcox Ltd, boilermakers and electricaland mechanical engineers, Renfrew: additional records incl articles ofassociation, catalogues, papers rel to the staff association and employeeclubs, publications 1867-2001 (UGD309); MacKenzie & Moncur Ltd,heating, ventilation and electrical engineers and ironfounders, Edinburgh:records incl certificates of incorporation and memoranda of association,directors' minute book, agenda book, acquisition and liquidation records,shareholding and financial records, works cost books, Royal warrants andstaff salary books 1894-1989 (Accn 2744).

105

Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Engineering apprentice's notebook, English Bicknor 1930 (D10159).Institution of Mechanical Engineers Library, 1 Bird Cage Walk, London,Greater London, SW1H 9JJ: Rhys Jenkins, mechanical engineer: notebookscontaining notes on mill machinery, patent chronologies, roller mills andtinplate references 1878-20th cent (Acc 1040).Kingston Museum and Heritage Service, North Kingston Centre, RichmondRoad, Kingston-upon-Thames, Greater London, KT2 5PE: Jim Marson,British Aerospace employee, Kingston: papers (KX413).Jersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey,JE2 4JY: A E Smith & Son Ltd, Jersey: minutes, accounts, plans and papers1930-1999 (JA/1012).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Entwisle and Kenyon Ltd, carpet sweeper and wringing machine makers,Accrington: Ewbank Works wage books, accounts and other records 19th-20th cent (DDX 1862 acc 9469); Walker and Shorrock, jacquard designersand machinists, Blackburn: wages book and ledger 1897-1911 (DDX 2501acc 9787).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Power Installations Ltd, hydro-extractor manufacturers, Leicester: order books for clutches and hydro-extractors 1925-1960 (DE6887).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: AllenGwynnes Pumps Ltd, pump manufacturers, Lincoln: additional records incldrawing registers (2) and photograph albums (11) 1874-1978(GWYNNES).Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Central Library St Peter's Square,Manchester, M2 5PD: John Holroyd & Co Ltd, engineers and toolmanufacturers, Milnrow: specification books for customer orders c1890-1939 (M501).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Alfred Dodman & Co Ltd, mechanical engineers, King's Lynn:further records, mainly job files 1909-1969 (ACC 2005/171).Reading University: Museum of English Rural Life, Redlands Road,Reading, RG1 5EX: Charles Burrell & Sons, engine builders, Thetford:copy drawings (microfiche) and buildbooks (CD), testing certificatesc1901-35, and engineering drawings c1900-49.Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: John Hellen,fitter, Sheffield: recollections of working life as an engineer 1950

106

(2005/142); Henry Wigfall & Sons, cycle manufacturers and domesticappliance retailers, Sheffield: records incl minutes, shareholders records,annual reports 1917-89 (2005/125); Optical and mechanical engineers,Sheffield: film negatives of optical and mechanical engineering equipmentand activities of an unidentified firm mid 20th cent (2005/126).Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service: Staffordshire CountyRecord Office, Eastgate Street, Stafford, ST16 2LZ: WH Dormans Ltd,diesel engine manufacturers, Staffordshire: designers' records 1900-1999(6412).Suffolk Record Office, Ipswich Branch, Gatacre Road, Ipswich, Suffolk, IP12LQ: CompAir Reavell, compressor manufacturers, Ipswich: recordsc1898-1989 (HC 479).Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey, GU21 6ND:Drummond Bros Ltd, machine tool manufacturers, Guildford: additionalrecords incl brochures, newscuttings and photographs c1950-79 (7857).Tameside Local Studies and Archives Centre, Tameside Central Library,Old Street, Ashton-under Lyne, Greater Manchester, OL6 7SG: Taylor,Lang & Co Ltd, textile machinery manufacturers, Stalybridge: cataloguescontaining detailed drawings of products made by Taylor Lang 1920-1949(Acc 3184).West Glamorgan Archive Service, County Hall, Oystermouth Road,Swansea, Glamorgan, SA1 3SN: Veritas Company, lamp mantlemanufacturers, Wandsworth: company records c1920-50 (Acc05/05).Wolverhampton Archives and Local Studies, 42-50 Snow Hill,Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, WV2 4AG: photograph album for HenryMeadows Ltd, engine manufacturers, showing shop floor, offices, andphotos taken on staff outings c 1920-1960 (DX-287/2/1-2).Wrexham Archives and Local Studies Service, A N Palmer Centre, CountyBuildings, Regent Street, Wrexham, Denbighshire, LL11 1RB: register ofdirectors and managers and misc papers rel to Astons ManufacturingCompany Ltd, Johnstown, Wrexham 1917-1938 (Acc 341).

Family business papersCambridgeshire County Record Office, Cambridge, Shire Hall, Cambridge,CB3 0AP: North family, Earls of Guilford: Kirtling (Cambs) estate labouraccount book 1880-1882 (R105/142).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Verney family, baronets, of Claydon: Pleasley (Derbys) family notebooks(4) rel to mining history and sketch book c1870-1930 (D6326).

107

Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:William Henry Pilkington, Baron Pilkington, industrialist: diaries 1930-1979 (DDPK acc 9880).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: Ernest SEveritt, managing director of Ruston Bucyrus Limited: papers and corresprel to his career at Ruston Bucyrus Ltd 1937-1965 (MISC DON 1326).National Library of Ireland, Kildare Street, Dublin 2, Ireland: St Legerfamily, Viscounts Doneraile: account books, ledgers 1847-80 (Acc.6317).National Library of Scotland, Manuscript Collections, George IV Bridge,Edinburgh, Midlothian, EH1 1EW: James Gilliland Simpson, merchant,London: letter books and diaries of Simpson and his wife, Jane Horsburgh,rel to business and domestic affairs and their relationship with the RevEdward Irving 1806-1851 (Acc.12489); Lewis Robertson, administratorand industrialist: further papers (Acc.12517).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: William Bragge,civil engineer and steel manufacturer: papers incl material rel to businessactivities in South America and Russia and involvement in politics andestablishing museum and art gallery 19th cent (2005/56);

Food, drink and tobaccoBristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Imperial Tobacco Ltd, cigarette, cigar and snuff manufacturers,Bristol: additional records, corresp and papers 20th cent (38169).City of Westminster Archives Centre, 10 St Ann's Street, London, SW1P2DE: Anthony Artis, poulterer, Westminster: records 1853-82 (Acc 2406).East Dunbartonshire Archives: Kirkintilloch, William Patrick Library, 2West High Street, Kirkintilloch, Dunbartonshire, G66 1AD: Sister Laura'sInfant & Invalid Food Co Ltd, baby food manufacturers, Glasgow:directors reports, bank books, articles of association, legal, financial andshare records, corresp, agreements 1911-1967 (GD11).Guildhall Library, Aldermanbury, London, EC2P 2EJ: Matthew Clark &Sons Ltd, wine merchants, London: records incl corresp, accounts andaggrements c1805-1980 (Acc 2005/044).Hull City Archives, 79 Lowgate, Hull, East Yorkshire, HU1 1HN: NorthernFoods, Leeds: plans, photographs and staff magazines 20th cent (DIW).Island Archives Service, Guernsey, St Barnabas, Cornet St, St Peter Port,Guernsey, GY1 1LF: Perelle Bakery, Guernsey: invoices 1941-1947 (AQ795/01-08).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: Johnson,

108

Basker & Co, wine and spirit merchants, Grantham: records 1860-1911(MISC DON 1328); John Speed, millers and bakers, Mumby: accounts rel tomill, bakery, farm and village post office 1889-1977 (MISC DON 1304);Trusthorpe Mill [windmill]: ledgers (3) 1910-1919 (MISC DON 1296).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: AJ Caley & Sons (later Caley-Mackintosh Ltd), mineral water andconfectionery manufacturers, Norwich: staff magazines, etc 1951-1968(ACC 2005/261).Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, 66 Balmoral Avenue, Belfast, BT96NY: Murray, Son and Co, tobacco manufacturers, Belfast: registers,minutes, corresp, wages books, inventory and valuation, photographs, plans1884-1970 (D/4376).Suffolk Record Office, Lowestoft Branch, Central Library, Clapham Road,Lowestoft, Suffolk, NR32 1DR: LT Waller, fish merchants, Lowestoft:records c1970-2005 (1704).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: Harold Savage,butcher and farmer, Sheffield: financial and other records 1929-57(2005/21).Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service: Staffordshire CountyRecord Office, Eastgate Street, Stafford, ST16 2LZ: Stubbs and Co Ltd, cornmerchants and millers, Stafford: records 1865-1987 (6458).Walsall Local History Centre, Essex Street, Walsall, Staffordshire, WS2 7AS:F C Hewines, bakers: bread delivery books c 1950-1959 (1257).Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, Libraries and Heritage HQ, WiltshireCounty Council, Bythesea Road, Trowbridge, Wiltshire, BA14 8BS: NestleCo, food and drink manufacturers: factory records for Staverton incl titledeeds, corresp, accounts and photographs 1815-2000 (2460).

Funeral directors and undertakersGloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Cowley & Son, undertakers and joiners, Cirencester: business recordsand wartime personal records of Maurice Cowley 1928-1998 (D10293).

FurnitureEast Riding of Yorkshire Archives Service, The Chapel, Lord Roberts Road,Beverley, East Yorkshire: Hasslewood Taylor, furniture maker andupholsterer, Beverley: records incl customers' account book, bank books,materials books, note books and copy MS autobiography 1853-1885(DDX1077).

109

Isle of Wight Record Office, 26 Hillside, Newport, Isle Of Wight, PO302EB: Wadham & Sons Ltd, furnishers, Newport: records incl brochures,publicity material, accounts and history of the business c1904-61(ac2005/46).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: AE Syson &Son, cabinet makers and french polishers, Lincoln: records incl accountsand stock books 1895-1971 (SYSON).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Trevor Page & Co Ltd, home furnishers and removers, Norwich:records c1900-1983 (ACC 2005/258).

GasJersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey,JE2 4JY: Jersey Gas Co Ltd: minutes, accounts, plans and photographs1856-1989 (JA/1000).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Tully, Sons & Co Ltd, gas engineers, Newark:minutes, accounts, plans and photographs 20th cent (Acc 6793, 6814).Plymouth and West Devon Record Office, Unit 3, Clare Place, Plymouth,Devon, PL4 0JW: Plans of Devonport Gasworks 1949 (Acc 3066).Scottish Borders Archive and Local History Centre, St Mary`s Mill, Selkirk,Selkirkshire, TD7 5EW: Kelso Gas Co: sederunt book 1831-1870 (SBA341).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: Unnamed (fl1890-1905), gas engineer, Sheffield: notes of lectures, experiments, examquestions and on equipment, materials and suppliers 1890-1905(2005/150).

Glass and earthenwareBristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Price, Powell & Co, potters, Bristol: title deeds and papers rel toThomas Street pottery 1700-1940 (42947).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Pearson & Co (Chesterfield) Ltd, stoneware manufacturers: records incldeeds 1813-1975 (D6348).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Leeds, 2 Chapeltown Road, Sheepscar,Leeds, LS7 3AP: WABCO: Westinghouse Air Brake Company, glasswaremanufacturer, Morley: company records 1880-1970 (WYL2085).

110

Iron, steel and metal tradesBirmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: Brookes, Ward and Co Ltd, stampers and piercers,Birmingham: additional records (Acc2005/038).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Chesterfield Cylinders: minutes, legal records, plant and property records1920-1993 (D6445, D6457).East Dunbartonshire Archives: Kirkintilloch, William Patrick Library, 2West High Street, Kirkintilloch, Dunbartonshire, G66 1AD: Lion FoundryCo Ltd, Kirkintilloch: records incl material transferred from the Auld KirkMuseum 20th cent (GD12).East Riding of Yorkshire Archives Service, The Chapel, Lord Roberts Road,Beverley, East Yorkshire: Crosskill's Iron Works, Beverley: misc recordsc1800-1999 (5062).East Sussex Record Office, The Maltings, Castle Precincts, Lewes, EastSussex, BN7 1YT: Christopher Dean & Son, smiths, Rodmell: accounts1878-80 (ACC 9295); Edward Packham, blacksmith, Splayne's Green,Fletching: records 1863-1945 (ACC 9302).Essex Record Office, Wharf Road, Chelmsford, Essex, CM2 6YT: HoffmannManufacturing Co Ltd, ball bearing manufacturers, Chelmsford: furtherrecords 1898-1989 (D/F 18).Falkirk Council Archives, History Research Centre, Callendar House,Callendar Park, Falkirk, FK1 1YR: Jones & Campbell Ltd, iron foundersand stove manufacturers, Larbert: records (A33); Smith & Wellstood Ltd,iron founders, stove and range manufacturers, Bonnybridge: additionalrecords 1851-1979 (A15).Glamorgan Record Office, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue,Cathays Park, Cardiff, Glamorgan, CF10 3NE: East Moors Steelworks,Cardiff: papers 1884-1951 (D23).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Stanton Ironworks Co Ltd, ironmanufacturers and colliery proprietors, Stanton By Dale: papers, slides andephemera rel to Holwell Works c1950-1975 (DE6746).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: BritanniaIronworks, Gainsborough: report, photographs and plans rel toredevelopment of site 2004-2005 (MISC DON 1331).National Museums Liverpool: Maritime Archives and Library, MerseysideMaritime Musem, Albert Dock, Liverpool, Lancashire, L3 4AQ: Edwin CRamsden, boilermaker: notebook 1942-45 (DX/2279).

111

Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Sidney Breeze, blacksmith: misc personal papers 20th cent (ACC2005/148); Eric Arthur Stevenson, blacksmith, Wroxham: furtherphotographs and papers 19th cent-20th cent (ACC 2005/227).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: Armytage &Sons Ltd, steel railway material merchants and track installers, Sheffield:day books, order books, ledgers and catalogues c1920-89 (2005/11); BilletGrinding Co Ltd, steel grinders, Sheffield: private ledger 1946-71 (2005/3);George H Cook & Co Ltd, tool steel manufacturers, Sheffield: nominalledgers and cash book 1943-71 (2005/3); James Dixon & Sons Ltd,manufacturers of silver, silver-plated and Britannia metal goods, Sheffield:additional platers' books, order and sales books, cutlery papers with recordsof the angling club and football fixtures 20th cent (2005/118); DanielDoncaster & Sons Ltd, steel converters, Sheffield: photograph album ofForge Products Division, mainly products for oilfield work c1973(2005/114); Thos Firth & John Brown Ltd, steel manufacturers, Sheffield:misc additional files c1850-1969 (2005/30); Samuel Fox & Co Ltd, steelmanufacturers, Stocksbridge: Stocksbridge works photographic societyrecords incl minutes and corresp 20th cent (2005/100); Lockwood &Carlisle Ltd, piston ring and spring manufacturers, Sheffield: additionalorder book and record book of engine numbers 1907-80 (2005/4); EH andAH Parkin, platers and silversmiths, Sheffield: records incl corresp andtechnical papers 1870-1974 (2005/116); Thomas Turton & Sons Ltd, file,tool and spring manufacturers, Sheffield: additional board minutes 1957-81(2005/19); West Don Steel Co Ltd, steel manufacturers, Sheffield: ledgersand copy annual company returns 1924-55 (2005/3); Williams & Iliffe Ltd,heat treatment specialists and steel stockholders, Longford, Coventry:minutes 1955-73 (2005/3).West Glamorgan Archive Service, County Hall, Oystermouth Road,Swansea, Glamorgan, SA1 3SN: Neath Abbey Iron Co, Neath: engine plans1822-1826 (D/D NAI).Wolverhampton Archives and Local Studies, 42-50 Snow Hill,Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, WV2 4AG: Crown Nail Company Ltd,Wolverhampton: corresp and financial papers 1900-1999 (DX-971).

Jewellery and clocksBirmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: E & S Brown, manufacturing jewellers, Eaton &Wrighton, gold ring makers and Manton & Mole Ltd, manufacturing

112

jewellers, Birmingham: records 1900-1999 (Acc2005/114).Essex Record Office, Wharf Road, Chelmsford, Essex, CM2 6YT: Chapman& Co, watch makers, jewellers and gold and silver smiths, Chelmsford:accounts, journals 1932-1967 (D/F 284).Guildhall Library, Aldermanbury, London, EC2P 2EJ: G J Dawson, clockcase maker, London: accounts and job books 1906-59 (Ms 36688-91).Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey, GU21 6ND:The Clock House, clockmakers, Frimley: records incl customer accounts,repairs and sales ledgers c1940-79 (7770).Victoria & Albert Museum, Archive of Art and Design, 23 Blythe Road,London, W14 0QX: Godman & Rabey Ltd, diamond mounters, London:records and designs 1928-1980 (AAD/2005/1)

Leather and footwearEast Riding of Yorkshire Archives Service, The Chapel, Lord Roberts Road,Beverley, East Yorkshire: Barrow Hepburn Group plc, tanners, leathermerchants, chemical manufacturers, London: photograph albums rel tobusiness 1951-1973 (DDX1083); Richard Hodgson & Sons Ltd, tanners,Beverley: photograph albums rel to business 1951-1973 (DDX1083).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Harry Roberts Ltd, leathermanufacturer, Leicester: financial records, advertising and sample books1930-1990 (DE6885).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: William Rayner, shoe maker, Rockland All Saints: account book1885-1894 (ACC 2005/217).North Yorkshire County Record Office, Malpas Road, Northallerton, NorthYorkshire, DL7 8TB: Linton Mill: account books 1905-1972 (ZNL).Walsall Local History Centre, Essex Street, Walsall, Staffordshire, WS27AS: C Greatrex and Son Ltd, saddle maker, Walsall: wages book 1931-1938 (1263); Heath, Machin & Co, fancy leather goods manufacturers,Walsall: additional plans and catalogues 20th cent (1226).

Leisure, recreation and artBirmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: Banner Theatre Co, Birmingham: additional records20th cent (MS 1611); Highbury Little Theatre, Sutton Coldfield: records1900-1999 (Acc2005/011).Bristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS1

113

6XN: Minutes, accounts and corresp of The Old Chequers and Bath MarinaBoat Club. 1948-2004 (42829); Oliver Pragnell & Co, oil and colourmen,Bristol: business papers and personal papers of Mervyn Oliver Pragnell20th cent (42954).Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies, Duke Street, Chester,CH1 1RL: Majestic Picture House Ltd, Macclesfield: records, mainlyfinancial 1922-99 (D 6965).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Seaman & Sons, photographers, Ilkeston: papers 1930-1939 (D6379).Dorset History Centre, Bridport Road, Dorchester, Dorset, DT1 1RP:William G Stickland, magician: personal papers 1970-1984 (D.1932).East Sussex Record Office, The Maltings, Castle Precincts, Lewes, EastSussex, BN7 1YT: Lewes Little Theatre Ltd: additional records c1950-2004(ACC 9260).Jersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey,JE2 4JY: Claude Cahun, photographer and sculptor: photographs, negativesand papers 1910-1969 (JA/1028).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: White andSentance, piano specialists, Grantham: accounts 1927-1953 (MISC DON1293).Natural History Museum, Cromwell Road, London, SW7 5BD: FrederickYork, photographer and magic lantern slide maker: photographs of theBritish Museum and Natural History Museum c1880 (2005/46).Manx National Heritage Library, Manx Museum and National Trust,Douglas, Isle Of Man, IM1 3LY: Oban Hotel, Douglas: accounts andassociated papers 1947-59 (11230); Palace (Douglas, Isle of Man) Ltd:directors' minutes 1890-96 (11218).

Medical and pharmaceuticalsBristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Dentist, Bristol: patient register showing work done 1925-1947(42835).Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies, Duke Street, Chester,CH1 1RL: Dispensing chemist's prescription book 1837-41 (ZCR 6872).Guildhall Library, Aldermanbury, London, EC2P 2EJ: B Hooper and Co,chemists, London: prescription ledgers, accounts and formula book 1898-1973 (Ms 36582-7).Hertfordshire Archives and Local Studies, County Hall, Hertford, SG138EJ: LM Nash, midwife, Offley: register of cases 1923-1946 (Acc 4137).

114

Jersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey, JE24JY: GHF Flory, pharmacist, Jersey: cash books 1940-1989 (JA/1014).Manx National Heritage Library, Manx Museum and National Trust,Douglas, Isle Of Man, IM1 3LY: Robert Henderson Wright, optician,Douglas: business records 1935-74 (11319).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Robert I Clarke, chemist, Nottingham: records inclprescription books and poison registers c1879-1977 (Acc 6837, 6883); TomMarris, chemist, Worksop: records 1884-1941 (Acc 6761).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: John Dale,chemist, Sheffield: recipe book, incl medical, cosmetic and household recipesearly 20th cent (2005/68); Wallace Heaton (City Sale) Ltd, photographicchemists, Sheffield: register of directors, members etc (1918-1984), sharebooks (1918-1972), directors minutes (1964-1976) 1917-1989 (2005/125 andAdd 1).West Glamorgan Archive Service, County Hall, Oystermouth Road, Swansea,Glamorgan, SA1 3SN: Farmer's Chemist, Putney High Street: additionalrecords incl prescription books and poison registers c1900-50 (Acc05/04).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale, Central Library, NorthgateHouse, Northgate, Halifax, HX1 1UN: H K Woodward Ltd, chemists,Halifax: prescription books 1927-65 (WYC:1273).

MerchantsGlamorgan Record Office, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue,Cathays Park, Cardiff, Glamorgan, CF10 3NE: Evan Humphreys, coalmerchant and contractor, Cardiff: papers 1895-2005 (D368).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Rufford Produce Co Ltd, Rufford, coal and produce merchants: minutes andregister of members 1919-1936 (DDHE acc 9767).National Archives of Scotland, HM General Register House, Edinburgh, EH13YY: Andrew Russell, merchant, Rotterdam: further corresp 1678-1681(GD1/885).National Museums Liverpool: Maritime Archives and Library, MerseysideMaritime Musem, Albert Dock, Liverpool, Lancashire, L3 4AQ: GilbertFarie, merchant, Liverpool: letters rel to trade in China, and visit to Canton totrade cotton and opium 1825-46 (DX/2291).Rotherham Archives and Local Studies, Central Library, Walker Place,Rotherham, S65 1JH: Arthur Fellows, coal merchant, Rotherham: accountsand receipts 1895-1973 (Acc 1016).

115

MiningAberdeen City Archives, Old Aberdeen House, Dunbar Street, Aberdeen,AB24 3UY: John Fyfe Ltd, quarry owners and granite merchants, Aberdeen:plans showing schemes of work 19th cent-20th cent (DD271).Cornwall Record Office, Old County Hall, Truro, Cornwall, TR1 3AY:Thomas Martin, mine captain, Brazil: letters received, some Portuguese,with translations 1827-1862 (AD1730); Levant Tin Mine, Pendeen: weeklyrecord of whim drawing 1917-1927 (AD1733).Cumbria Record Office and Local Studies Library, Whitehaven, ScotchStreet, Whitehaven, Cumbria, CA28 7NL: West Cumberland iron oremining: reports and papers rel to iron ore mining, particularly Beckermetmine; photographs and slides; papers of Edwin R Edmonds, former iron oreminer and cartoonist c1900-1975 (YDX 447).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Clay Cross Co Ltd, coal masters and colliery proprietors, Clay Cross:records and maps 20th cent (D6413); Glapwell Colliery: photograph albumrel to reorganisation of site 1954-1955 (D6478); Hardwick Colliery Co Ltd,Holmewood: papers late 19th cent (D6409); Ireland Colliery, Bolsover:plans 1950-1961 (D6436); Markham Colliery, Bolsover: plans 1950-1961(D6436); South Normanton Colliery Co Ltd: photographs 1947 (D6437);West Hallam Colliery: papers 1893-1915 (D6525); Doe Lea DistrictColliery: plans 20th cent (D6455).Devon Record Office, Great Moor House, Bittern Road, Sowton, Exeter,Devon, EX2 7NL: West Devon Great Consols Tin Mine, Tavistock:workbooks rel to reworking 1921-1925 (6728-0); Plans of abandoned non-coal mines, excavation at Belstone (AM 2861) photographs of plans ofDevon United South (R99D), Florence New (3238), Ivybridge (R79G) andKingsteignton (225 and 775) mines 1850-1900 (4672-4).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Beggerley and Strelley Colliery, Nottinghamshire:stock book 1830 (Acc 6897); New Hucknall & Blackwell Colliery Co Ltd,Huthwaite: additional records incl accounts, production figures andvaluations 20th cent (Acc 6908).Powys County Archives Office, County Hall, Llandrindod Wells, Powys,LD1 5LG: East Mid Wales Lead Mining Company, Montgomeryshire:financial records 1868-1972 (M/BI/3).Rotherham Archives and Local Studies, Central Library, Walker Place,Rotherham, S65 1JH: C.E. Rhodes, mining engineer, Rotherham:letterbooks 1910-1926 (Acc 1012, 1013); Samuel Keeton, foreman, New

116

Stubbin Colliery: photographs and colliery rail plans 1929 (Acc 1015).Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service: Staffordshire CountyRecord Office, Eastgate Street, Stafford, ST16 2LZ: Cannock & RugeleyColliery Co Ltd: records incl accounts, deeds and plans 1850-1929 (6411).University of Wales Swansea, Archives, Library and Information Services,Singleton Park, Swansea, Glamorgan, SA2 8PP: Seven Sisters Colliery:pay tickets and corresp rel to colliery hardship allowance 1890-1972(2005/19).West Glamorgan Archive Service, County Hall, Oystermouth Road,Swansea, Glamorgan, SA1 3SN: Mountain Colliery, Gorseinon: staffcontract books 1921-1950.West Yorkshire Archive Service, Wakefield Headquarters, Registry ofDeeds, Newstead Road, Wakefield, WF1 2DE: Upton Colliery Company,Wakefield: minutes, accounts and ledgers 1918-47 (WYW1614).Wigan Archives Service, Town Hall, Market Square, Leigh, WN7 2DY:Hindley Field Colliery: records incl wages notebook 1894-1899 (D/DZA/129); Robert Norris, mining engineer and colliery manager: careerdocuments and photographs (D/DZ A128/7).

Motor car and related industriesAyrshire Archives, Ayrshire Archives Centre, Craigie Estate, Ayr, KA8 0SS:Walker & Sons, garage proprietors, Kilwinning: day books and cash booksc1940-1949 (Accession 1018).Coventry Archives, John Sinclair House, Canal Basin, Coventry, CV1 4LY:Rootes Group, Coventry: records 1950-1970 (PA2616).Essex Record Office, Wharf Road, Chelmsford, Essex, CM2 6YT: EasternAutomobiles, motor vehicle agents and engineers, Chelmsford: minutebook 1914-30, with photographs and company histories 20th cent (D/F281).

PaperBirmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: Boxfoldia Ltd, packaging manufacturers, Redditch:additional records 1900-1999 (MS 2431).Centre for Buckinghamshire Studies, County Hall, Walton Street, Aylesbury,Buckinghamshire, HP20 1UU: Glory Paper Mill, Wooburn: records inclwage books and sheets, register of plants and buildings, mill furnish books,sample books 1888-1956 (D 265).East Dunbartonshire Archives: Bearsden, Brookwood Library, 166 Drymen

117

Road, Bearsden, Dunbartonshire, G61 3RJ: Ellangowan Paper Co Ltd,paper manufacturers, Milngavie: directors minute book 1925-1934(GD325).Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Hollingsworth & Vose, paper makers, Winchcombe: additionalrecords, ledgers and accounts 1921-1982 (D1005).Powys County Archives Office, County Hall, Llandrindod Wells, Powys,LD1 5LG: Silurian Paper Mills, Knighton: financial records rel to sale ofmills 1906-07 (R/BI/1).Sutton Local Studies Centre, Central Library, St Nicholas Way, London,SM1 1EA: B Davison & Sons Ltd, card and card board makers,Hackbridge: records 1887-1978 (668).

RetailAberdeen City Archives, Old Aberdeen House, Dunbar Street, Aberdeen,AB24 3UY: Berrywell Stores, grocers, Dyce: business records of Gardinerfamily 1953-1991 (DD896).Birmingham City Archives, Central Library, Chamberlain Square,Birmingham, B3 3HQ: Harold Bakewell, hardware dealer, Birmingham:records 1940-1949 (MS 2518); SN Cooke Ltd, ladies outfitters,Birmingham: records incl Cooke family material 1916-1970 (MS 2570).Carmarthenshire Archive Service, Parc Myrddin, Richmond Terrace,Carmarthen, Carmarthenshire, SA31 1DS: Davies & Rees, drapers,Llanelli: ledger 1832-1834 (Acc 7867).Centre for Buckinghamshire Studies, County Hall, Walton Street, Aylesbury,Buckinghamshire, HP20 1UU: Charles John Baker, grocer's assistant, Eton:letters to his fiancee rel to life and work at John Atkins, grocer and teadealer 1870-73 (D-X 1711).Centre for Kentish Studies, County Hall, Maidstone, Kent, ME14 1XQ:Elvey E Smith, grocer, Southfleet: accounts, incl rel to previous owner MrTerry 1884-97 (U3713).Chethams Library, Long Millgate, Manchester, M3 1SB: Sherratt andHughes bookshop, Manchester: manuscript notes, book catalogues,photographs and other records 1898-1996.City of Westminster Archives Centre, 10 St Ann's Street, London, SW1P2DE: Fortnum & Mason Ltd, department store, London: annual reports andaccounts (1957-67), catalogues and brochures 1925-2003 (Acc 2422);Liberty plc, drapers, department store, fabric designers, furnishers andupholsterers, manufacturers of jewellery and wallpapers, London:

118

additional material incl advertising, fashion and home guard books,advertising and promotional material 1993-2005 (Acc 2402); additionalrecords incl guard books and files of articles, promotional material,photographs, Liberty At Home magazine and videos 1997-2005 (Acc2397).Cornwall Record Office, Old County Hall, Truro, Cornwall, TR1 3AY:Mallett & Son Ltd, ironmongers, Truro: records 1911-1989 (AD1705).Coventry Archives, John Sinclair House, Canal Basin, Coventry, CV1 4LY:Owen Owen, department store, Coventry: records 1890-1985 (PA2607,PA2610).Cumbria Record Office and Local Studies Library, Whitehaven, ScotchStreet, Whitehaven, Cumbria, CA28 7NL: JB Banks & Son, ironmongers:glass plate negatives and prints c 1910-1949 (YDB 8).Denbighshire Record Office, 46 Clwyd Street, Ruthin, Denbighshire, LL151HP: J Oliver Jones, grocer, baker and provisions dealer, Ruthin: records1922-1949 (DD/DM/1563).Devon Record Office, Great Moor House, Bittern Road, Sowton, Exeter,Devon, EX2 7NL: J.R. Petherbridge & Son, Ironmongers, Buckfastleigh:letter book and accounts 1895-1913 (6651-0).Dundee City Archives, 1 Shore Terrace, Dundee, DD1 3AH: William Low& Co Ltd, food retailers, Dundee: additional records c1934-1997.East Sussex Record Office, The Maltings, Castle Precincts, Lewes, EastSussex, BN7 1YT: John Edward Burghope, gentlemans outfitter, Brighton:photograph album 1890 (ACC 9268); Benjamin Noakes, shopkeeper,Brede: papers (9209); The Trug Shop, Herstmonceux: photographs andcatalogues 20th cent (ACC 9338).Glamorgan Record Office, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue,Cathays Park, Cardiff, Glamorgan, CF10 3NE: David Morgan Ltd,department store, Cardiff: additional records incl accounts, corresp,photographs, plans, and personal papers of the Morgan family 1863-2005(DDM).Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Copeland-Chatterson Co Ltd, stationers, Stroud: ledger, photographsand ephemera 1907-1989 (D9014); Withey, grocer and wine merchant,Stroud: accounts 1850-1897 (D10218); Grocer, Cheltenham: ledgers 1939-1943 (D10163).Guildhall Library, Aldermanbury, London, EC2P 2EJ: Venables, Tyler andCompany Ltd, stationers, London and Basingstoke: private ledger 1900-09(Acc 2005/011).

119

Hull City Archives, 79 Lowgate, Hull, East Yorkshire, HU1 1HN:Hammonds Ltd, department store, Hull: papers relating to the Powellfamily, owners of Hammonds 1821-2000 (DFCP).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: John Adams (Ironmongers) Ltd,Leicester: directors' minutes, staff records and cash book 1935-1995(DE6857); I and G Bamford, grocers, Market Bosworth: cash books,stocktaking books and misc records 1962-1976 (DE6758).Manx National Heritage Library, Manx Museum and National Trust,Douglas, Isle Of Man, IM1 3LY: Grocer, Isle of Man: accounts 1934-50(11249).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: B & D Gogle, greengrocers and innkeepers, Hellesdon and Yaxham:accounts rel to greengrocery business at Hellesdon and Yaxham and theWoolpack Inn, Yaxham 1925-1959 (ACC 2005/76); Gunton Sons &Dyball, wholesale ironmongers, Norwich: stock ledger c1895-1920 (ACC2005/200).Perth and Kinross Council Archive, AK Bell Library, 2-8 York Place, Perth,Perthshire, PH2 8EP: Buchanan's Outfitters, Dunkeld: cash books c1957-1980 (Accnno02/10).Peterborough Archives Service, Peterborough Central Library, Broadway,Peterborough, PE1 1RX: Amies & Son, ironmongers, Peterborough: miscnotebooks 1921-1925 (PAS/AMI).Rotherham Archives and Local Studies, Central Library, Walker Place,Rotherham, S65 1JH: Smith of West Melton, drapers: business papers (Acc1001).West Glamorgan Archive Service, County Hall, Oystermouth Road,Swansea, Glamorgan, SA1 3SN: David Evans & Co Ltd, department store,Swansea: records incl minutes, corresp, photographs and share certificates1912-1995 (D/D DEC); Grocer, Gellinudd, Pontardawe: ledger 1923-1924(D/D Z 615/2).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Leeds, 2 Chapeltown Road, Sheepscar,Leeds, LS7 3AP: Lewis' Department Store, Leeds: sales and publicityrecords 1932-2002 (WYL2097).

Shipping and shipbuildingAberdeen City Archives, Old Aberdeen House, Dunbar Street, Aberdeen,AB24 3UY: Stonehaven Harbour Trust: minute books 1890-1930 (BH17).Aberdeen University, Special Libraries and Archives, Historic Collections,

120

King's College, Aberdeen, AB24 3SW: North Of Scotland, Orkney &Shetland Steam Shipping Co Ltd: additional records 1810-1974 (MS 3697).Barking and Dagenham Archives and Local Studies Centre, Valence HouseMuseum, Becontree Avenue, Dagenham, Essex, RM8 3HT: SamuelWilliams & Son Ltd, lightermen, Dagenham: records incl legal papers1898-1925 (ACQ2005/09, 07).Bristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Charles Hill & Sons Ltd, shipbuilders and repairers, shipowners,Bristol: additional records 1970-1979 (42968).Cornwall Record Office, Old County Hall, Truro, Cornwall, TR1 3AY:Frederick Stuart Harvey, Captain, Royal Fleet Auxiliary: personal papersand records rel to Edward Hain Shipping Line, St Ives 1918-1925(AD1704).Cumbria Record Office and Local Studies Library, Barrow, 140 DukeStreet, Barrow-in-Furness, LA14 1XW: Vickers Shipbuilding Group,Barrow-in-Furness: card indexes with brief details of factory floorpersonnel and yard labourers c1900-1950 (BDB).Glasgow City Archives, The Mitchell Library, 210 North Street, Glasgow,Lanarkshire, G3 7DN: A & J Inglis Ltd, shipbuilders, repairers and marineengineers, Glasgow: contracts of co-partnery and plans (transferred fromGlasgow University Archive Services) 1868-83 (TD1595).Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Central Library St Peter's Square,Manchester, M2 5PD: George Fraser Son & Co, shipping merchants,Manchester: minute book and photograph 1938-1944 (M715).Medway Archives and Local Studies Centre, Civic Centre, Strood,Rochester, ME2 4AU: Thomas John Hill, dredgerman, freeman ofRochester Oyster Fishery: typed biographical reminiscences (DE987).National Archives of Scotland, HM General Register House, Edinburgh,EH1 3YY: HJ Sharp & Co, coal exporters and shipbrokers, Leith: letterbooks 1902-1906 (GD1/1375).National Museums Liverpool: Maritime Archives and Library, MerseysideMaritime Musem, Albert Dock, Liverpool, Lancashire, L3 4AQ: Blue StarLine, shipowners, Liverpool: records incl ship data books, appointmentrecords for deck officers and gangway journals for Blue Star Line, Lamportand Holt Line and Booth Line 1911-1970; T & J Harrison Ltd, shipowners,Liverpool: records 1921-80 (DX/2278); Zillah Shipping & Carrying CoLtd, Liverpool: records rel to Zillah Shipping Company and relatedcompanies (B/ZIL).Wirral Archives, Wirral Museum, Town Hall, Hamilton Street, Birkenhead,

121

Cheshire, CH41 5BR: Henry Williams, carpenter: papers rel to his career atLaird Brothers, shipbuilders 1902-1928 (Acc 1680).

SolictorsBristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Brice & Burgess, solicitors, Bristol: misc papers 1700-1900 (42960);Meade King, solicitors, Bristol: client ledgers 1928-1960 (42950);Osmond, Trick & Son, estate agents, Bristol: auction, sales book andledgers 1949-1978 (42940).Bromley Public Libraries, Local Studies & Archives, Central Library, HighStreet, Bromley, BR1 1EX: Brundrett & Co, solicitors, London: papers(1678).Cambridgeshire County Record Office, Cambridge, Shire Hall, Cambridge,CB3 0AP: Ginn & Co, solicitors, Cambridge: reports on title to propertiesin the Cambridge area 1928-1930 (R105/027).Cambridgeshire County Record Office, Huntingdon, Grammar SchoolWalk, Huntingdon, Huntingdonshire, PE29 3LF: Wilkinson & Butler,solicitors, St Neot's: probate records of clients with surnames G-L c1881-1960 (Accession 5082); Coventry Archives, John Sinclair House, Canal Basin, Coventry, CV1 4LY:Browetts, solicitors, Coventry: wills ledgers 1880-1979 (PA2623).Cumbria Record Office and Local Studies Library, Barrow, 140 DukeStreet, Barrow-in-Furness, LA14 1XW: Hart Jackson & Sons, solicitors,Ulverston: additional records c1683-1981 (BD/HJ); Kendall & Fisher,solicitors, Ulverston: additional records 1828-1971 (BD/KF).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Andrew Macbeth, solicitors, Wirksworth: will book 19th-20th cent(D6405); Robotham & Co, solicitors, Derby: title deeds 19th-20th cent(D6144).Devon Record Office, Great Moor House, Bittern Road, Sowton, Exeter,Devon, EX2 7NL: Peter, Peter & Sons, solicitors, Launceston: client papers(Devon) 1899-1970 (6618-0).Dorset History Centre, Bridport Road, Dorchester, Dorset, DT1 1RP: May,May & Merrimans, solicitors, London: deed of settlement of the Eldonestates in Dorset 1842 (DMMD).Essex Record Office, Wharf Road, Chelmsford, Essex, CM2 6YT: Copland& Sons, solicitors, Chelmsford: further misc clients' papers 1874-1960(D/DDw addl); Gregson & Golding, solicitors, Southend: clients' papers relto the Parsons and Tyler families 1905-1942 (D/DS 266 addl); Todman &

122

Son, solicitors, Rayleigh: partnership papers and clients' deeds and papers(D/DTo addl).Falkirk Council Archives, History Research Centre, Callendar House,Callendar Park, Falkirk, FK1 1YR: Alexander Hendry, solicitor, Denny:additional ledgers, sederunt books, chartularies (A1042).Glamorgan Record Office, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue,Cathays Park, Cardiff, Glamorgan, CF10 3NE: Treharne & Treharne,solicitors, Pentre: business and clients' papers c1857-1967 (D54).Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL13DW: Alison Fielden, solicitors, Cirencester: deeds and papers rel toproperties in Cheltenham, Cirencester, Quenington, South Cerney andSratton 1903-2003 (D8032); Jessops, solicitors, Cheltenham: professionalpapers and certificates of the Jessop family 1792-1989 (D10211); WilliamSturges & Co, solicitors, London: Gloucestershire property records inclpapers rel to the supply of mains electricity to Barnsley Park 1872-1935(D6415); Willans, solicitors, Cheltenham: deeds and rel papers 1833-2003(D5907); Wilmot & Co, solicitors, Fairford: practice and client papers1668-1974 (D1070).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE:Sharples and Son, solicitors, Accrington: records 19th cent-20th cent (DDX1862 acc 9469); Lawyer's memorandum book (possibly John Folds ofBlackburn) c1723-1740 (DP 506 acc 9777).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Charles Arnold, solicitor: letter bookmainly rel to Garendon estate, Leicestershire 1797-1799 (DE6840).Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Central Library St Peter's Square,Manchester, M2 5PD: Percy Fogg Lever, solicitor: diaries 1917-1950(M724).Norfolk Record Office, The Archive Centre, Martineau Lane, Norwich, NR12DQ: Daynes, Hill & Perks, solicitors, Norwich: accounts and otherrecords, incl those of predecessor firms c1900-1965 (ACC 2005/102);William Leedes Fox, solicitor, Harleston: account books 1843-1860 (ACC2005/160); Hansell, Hales, Bridgwater & Preston, solicitors, Cromer:further clients papers rel to the Gunton (Suffield) estate, the manor ofSidestrand Poynings and Cromer and north Norfolk 19th-20th cent, inclrecords of the Cromer Town Hall Co Ltd 1889-1935 and the Cromer Clubc1900-35 19th cent-20th cent (ACC 2004/258, ACC 2005/32, 54); Hayes &Storr, solicitors, Fakenham: misc clients' deeds rel to property at Briston1794-1925 (ACC 2005/219); Ward Gethin, solicitors, King's Lynn: clients'

123

deeds rel to King's Lynn and West Derby (Lancs) 1692-1960 (ACC 2005/83).North Yorkshire County Record Office, Malpas Road, Northallerton, NorthYorkshire, DL7 8TB: J.P. Sowerby, solicitor, Stokesley: papers 19th cent(ZEO).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Tallents & Godfrey (formerly Tallents & Co),solicitors, Newark: additional papers 18th-20th cent (Acc 6866).Oxfordshire Record Office, St Luke's Church, Temple Road, Cowley, Oxford,OX4 2HT: Franklin Auckland, solicitors, Oxford: additional deeds and otherpapers 18th-20th cent (Acc. 5466); William Sturges & Co, solicitors,London: deeds, maps and probate records rel to Eaton Hastings andsurrounding area 1670-1964 (Acc. 5390); Welch & Stammers, solicitors,Oxford: deeds and records 1834-1955 (Acc. 5354).Portsmouth Museums and Records Service, Museum Road, Portsmouth, PO12LJ: Bolitho Way, solicitors, Portsmouth: deeds 1876-2004 (1534A); NelsonNichols, solicitors, Portsmouth: title deeds of Portsmouth and Gosport 1807-1988 (2131A).Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, 66 Balmoral Avenue, Belfast, BT96NY: White, McMillan and Wheeler, solicitors, Belfast: papers c1840-1914(D/4371).Sheffield Archives, 52 Shoreham Street, Sheffield, S1 4SP: Benson, Burdekin& Co, solicitors, Sheffield: records incl client papers 17th-20th cent(2005/24).Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent Archive Service: Lichfield Record Office,Lichfield Library, The Friary, Lichfield, WS13 6QG: Ansons, solicitors,Lichfield: predecessors records 1875-1945 (D423); Hinckley, Birch andBrown, solicitors, Lichfield: predecessors minutes and corresp 1800-1947(D427); Hand, Morgan & Owen, solicitors, Stafford: records incl accountbooks rel to role as Under-Sheriffs for the High Sheriffs of Staffordshire1809-1964 (D6468).Sutton Local Studies Centre, Central Library, St Nicholas Way, London, SM11EA: Bridges, Sawtell & Adams, solicitors, London: clients' deeds 1871-1927 (678).West Sussex Record Office, Sherburne House, 3 Orchard Street, Chichester,West Sussex, PO19 1RN: Holmes, Campbell & Co, solicitors, Littlehampton:records 18th-20th cent (Acc.13968).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale, Central Library, NorthgateHouse, Northgate, Halifax, HX1 1UN: Bairstow and Rhodes, solicitors,Halifax: clients' papers c1800-1999 (WYC:1277).

124

Textiles and clothingChethams Library, Long Millgate, Manchester, M3 1SB: Brownsfield Mill,Manchester: accounts, estate title deeds, corresp rel to the Mill and the Leechfamily 1640-1985.Essex Record Office, Colchester and North-East Essex Branch, StanwellHouse, Stanwell Street, Colchester, Essex, CO2 7DL: Mrs RobertNightingale, clothier, Colchester: debit ledger 1896-1913 (D/F 282).Glasgow City Archives, The Mitchell Library, 210 North Street, Glasgow,Lanarkshire, G3 7DN: Andrew Hosie, weaver in Gorbals: family papers1749-1825 (TD1464).Glasgow University Archive Services, 13 Thurso Street, Glasgow,Lanarkshire, G11 6PE: David & John Anderson Ltd, shirting manufacturers,Glasgow: additional fabric samples 1911-1959 (UGD 022).Gloucestershire Archives, Clarence Row, Alvin Street, Gloucester, GL1 3DW:Hill, Paul & Co Ltd, cloth manufacturers, Stroud: additional records 1896-1992 (D3757); Marling & Evans Ltd, cloth manufacturers, Stonehouse:corresp rel to Chrome Control 1941-1947 (D948).Lancashire Record Office, Bow Lane, Preston, Lancashire, PR1 2RE: FWGrafton and Co Ltd, calico printers, Accrington: diaries, incl records ofweather details and experiments 1886-1899 (DDX 1862 acc 9469); HerbertH Owtram, Colonel, cotton mill owner and director: papers rel to Owtram'sinvolvement in Preston's cotton industry, incl minutes, corresp, financialrecords and reports 1913-1941 (DDX 2505 acc 9815).Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Central Library St Peter's Square,Manchester, M2 5PD: Armitage & Rigby Ltd, cotton spinners, Manchesterand Warrington: diaries of Ziba Armitage (1784-1870) and William Armitage(1815-1893), corresp, photographs and other records c1775-1968 (M731).Nottingham University Library, Department of Manuscripts and SpecialCollections, University of Nottingham, King's Meadow Campus, LentonLane, Nottingham, NG7 2NR: Long Eaton Bridge Mills Co Ltd, lacemanufacturers: minute book (1961-1974) and account books (1902-1960)1902-1974 (MS 478); Tatham & Co Ltd, lace manufacturers, Ilkeston:minutes, plans, photographs and other records 1877-1994 (BTI).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Birkin & Co Ltd, lace manufacturers, Nottinghamand Basford: records incl ledgers, patents, deeds and photographs 1728-1984(Acc 6801, 6845, 6890); Simon May & Co Ltd, lace merchants andmanufacturers, Nottingham: minutes and financial records 19th-20th cent(Acc 6769).

125

Oxfordshire Record Office, St Luke's Church, Temple Road, Cowley,Oxford, OX4 2HT: Early Blanket Company, Witney: additional recordsc1700-2000 (Acc. 5472).Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, 66 Balmoral Avenue, Belfast,BT9 6NY: William Ewart & Son Ltd, linen manufacturers, Belfast: recordsincl business ledgers, accounts and cash and wages books 1901-75(D/4362); Falls Flax Spinning Co, Belfast: records incl minute books of theFalls Flax Spinning Co and Irish Linen Mills Ltd 1865-1981 (D/4363).Victoria & Albert Museum, Archive of Art and Design, 23 Blythe Road,London, W14 0QX: Pat Albeck, textile designer: papers 1953-2004(AAD/2004/9); Michael Anthony Ross, knitwear designer: papers of Rossand his wife Ritva, rel to the Ritva knitwear business 1967-2005(AAD/2005/4).Walsall Local History Centre, Essex Street, Walsall, Staffordshire, WS27AS: John Shannon & Son Ltd, clothing manufacturers, Walsall: recordsincl accounts, day books, ledgers, stock books and tax books, also recordsrel to associated companies 20th cent (1240, 1252).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Bradford, 15 Canal Road, Bradford, BD14AT: Saltaire model village for woollen workers: records of D Salt,descendant of Sir Titus Salt (1803-1876), rel to workers' village of Saltaire1953-2005 (WYB247).West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale, Central Library, NorthgateHouse, Northgate, Halifax, HX1 1UN: Firths Carpets, Bailiff Bridge:financial records and minutes 1895-1998 (WYC:1261).

TransportBristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Bristol Omnibus Co Ltd, formerly Bristol Tramways and Carriage CoLtd: additional records and records of successor companies 20th cent(39735).Derbyshire Record Office, New Street, Matlock, Derbyshire, DE4 3AG:Cromford & High Peak Railway Co: photographs 20th cent (D6367);Midland Railway Co, Derby: additional records (D6346).East Riding of Yorkshire Archives Service, The Chapel, Lord Roberts Road,Beverley, East Yorkshire: North Eastern Railway Co: Hornsea Train Stationaccounts 1924-1936 (DDX1086).Isle of Wight Record Office, 26 Hillside, Newport, Isle Of Wight, PO302EB: Moss Motor Tours Ltd, Sandown: register of attendance at boardmeetings 1923-71 (ac2005/37).

126

Jersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey,JE2 4JY: Jersey Motor Transport Company Ltd: minutes, accounts, plans,timetables and photographs 1800-2000 (JA/1026).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Joseph Jelley, railway signalman:notebook rel to work as signalman for the London and North WesternRailway Company 1879-1903 (DE6762).Manx National Heritage Library, Manx Museum and National Trust,Douglas, Isle Of Man, IM1 3LY: Isle of Man Railway Co: additionalrecords salvaged from the Customs House (11137).North East Lincolnshire Archives, Town Hall, Town Hall Square, Grimsby,DN31 1HX: Edgar Dawson Ltd, carrier: records rel to cargoes andpayments 1936-52 (1229); Eccles Transport (Rivercraft) Ltd: records rel tocargoes and payments 1941-61 (1232).Nottinghamshire Archives, County House, Castle Meadow Road,Nottingham, NG2 1AG: Baguley Brothers, taxi cab proprietors,Nottingham: invoices 1910-1913 (Acc 6925).Wirral Archives, Wirral Museum, Town Hall, Hamilton Street, Birkenhead,Cheshire, CH41 5BR: Mersey Railway Co: misc records 1903-1939(ZMR).

WaterCambridgeshire County Record Office, Cambridge, Shire Hall, Cambridge,CB3 0AP: Cambridge Water Co: records 1852-20th cent (R105/041).Dorset History Centre, Bridport Road, Dorchester, Dorset, DT1 1RP: TWard Whitfield, water engineers and surveyors, Trowbridge: maps, plansand drawings rel to West Lulworth and Purbeck 1940-1949 (D.1914).Lincolnshire Archives, St Rumbold Street, Lincoln, LN2 5AB: John Dossor,consulting engineers, York: plans incl North Hykeham sewerage systemand disposal works, Lincolnshire 1958-1962 (MISC DON 1303).London Metropolitan Archives: City of London, 40 Northampton Road,London, EC1R 0HB: Shadwell Waterworks Co: additional records inclreports to London Dock Company, summary accounts, distribution andmanagement plans 1790-1802 (ACC/2558).

MiscellaneousAnglesey County Record Office/Archifdy Ynys Mon, Shire Hall, GlanhwfaRoad, Llangefni, Anglesey, LL77 7TW: Report of a survey on the conditionof rural industries on Anglesey, by T.O. Williams 1943 (WM 2118).

127

Bristol Record Office, 'B' Bond Warehouse, Smeaton Road, Bristol, BS16XN: Documents rel to the Jamaican estates of Thomas Masters and JohnSpencer 18th cent (42049).Hammersmith and Fulham Archives and Local History Centre, The LillaHuset, 191 Talgarth Road, London, W6 8BJ: International Personnel:Employment Agency of Martin Luther King Foundation: minutes, annualreports and papers 1969-74 (A2005/24).Jersey Archive, Jersey Heritage Trust, Clarence Road, St Helier, Jersey,JE2 4JY: Jersey Telecom: maps and corresp concerning the network 1910-1969 (JA/1085); Jersey Telecom: minutes and statistics 1950-1966(JA/1081).Leicestershire, Leicester and Rutland, Record Office for, Long Street,Wigston Magna, Leicester, LE18 2AH: Wholesale Supply Company(Kinder & Woolman) Ltd, hairdressers' sundriesmen, Leicester: stockbooks, ledgers and day books 1908-1929 (DE6904).Oxford University: Bodleian Library of Commonwealth and African Studiesat Rhodes House, South Parks Road, Oxford, Oxfordshire, OX1 3RG:Records for the Morris, Pond and Salt Pond estates, St Kitts, incl plans,sugar and crop records 1781-1812 (MSS W.Ind. s. 73).Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey, GU21 6ND:Messrs WJ Bush, essential oil distillers, Mitcham: still book, with somefinancial records 1913-57 (7775); Cooper & Sons Ltd, walking stickmanufacturers, Chiddingfold: copy file rel to closure of the factory 1991-2003 (Z/453).

128

MARSHALL J. BASTABLE Arms and the state. Sir William Armstrong and the remakingof British naval power, 1854-1914 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004, pp. xii + 300. ISBN 0 75463404 3, £49.99)

William Armstrong first achieved business success and wealth as a manufacturer ofhydraulic cranes which, by the 1850s, had gained widespread use. No doubt he would havecontinued as a successful civilian engineer if the Crimean War had not prompted a debate onthe poor performance of artillery. Spurred on by the technological challenge, Armstrong setto work designing a new weapon. The Armstrong gun emerged as Britain’s first practicalbreech-loaded, rifled artillery piece. With the threat of a French invasion in the early 1860s,business boomed, and the state-owned Woolwich Arsenal was given over to Armstrong sothat he could develop larger weapons. However, when the threat of invasion receded in1863, the government contract was cancelled. Armstrong then established the ElswickOrdnance Works with the intention of selling weapons in overseas markets. It was fortunatetiming, since there were a number of conflicts across the world in this period. Based uponbuoyant demand, the company experienced significant expansion and after some merger andacquisition, including ship-building and steel-making capacity, it had become a fullyintegrated arms manufacturer. Armstrong died in 1900, by which time the company was oneof the largest industrial concerns in the country.

The armaments industry has long been of interest to economic and business historians,and this has resulted in studies of individual firms, and the sector as a whole. Here mentionshould be made of the important contribution by Clive Trebilcock: his first article on thesubject appeared in 1966, and he subsequently produced a history of Vickers, one ofArmstrong’s great rivals. A prominent theme arising from this literature is the critical natureof the relationship between weapons manufacturers and the state, and this is a central issuein Marshall Bastable’s book on William Armstrong’s weapons business.

Arms and the state charts the development of the Armstrong company from thepioneering gun to the later artillery pieces of immense destructive power. It also describesthe creation of the global arms market during the fifty years prior to the First World War, andthe remaking of British naval power between 1880 and 1914. This makes for a fascinatingstory. The competition between the various manufacturers to prove the superiority of theirproducts, the design of ships, the need for more powerful shells in response to improvementsin armour, the crucial importance of steel and slow burning gunpowder as technologicaladvances are explained. Technical issues are unavoidable with such a topic, but theintricacies of gun-barrel and carriage design, the advantages and disadvantages of muzzleand breech-loading, and other similar matters, are well-handled. Bastable shows how,through its effective marketing, lobbying, and the fostering of networks with majorcustomers, Armstrong’s Elswick works was able to cement its position as one of the world’sleading arms producers. Above all, Armstrong cultivated relationships with key actors in theBritish state; the Admiralty, the War Office, and politicians. This takes us onto the subtletiesof defence and foreign policy of the time. All this is woven together in a convincing andreadable way and amounts to a rich and well-constructed narrative concerning Armstrong’sdevelopment over the period.

There can be little doubt that the book will be of interest to a wide constituency ofhistorians, notably those interested in diplomacy, politics, and technology. What mightbusiness historians take from this work? Clearly the question of entrepreneurship comes tothe fore. In the specific instance of Elswick, Bastable argues that there is no evidence ofentrepreneurial failure, while in more general terms he rejects entrepreneurial models

129

because they make for history that is ‘too narrow and simplistic’ (p.251). For Bastable, theevolving external context is fundamental. It is one of his ruling assumptions that ‘businesshistory must expand its horizon and recognise that the borders traditionally drawn betweeninternal developments of a business and the external world are artificial and confinebusiness history’ (p.12). This serves as a cautionary reminder to those toiling in archives onweighty ‘internalist’ accounts, yet there is a danger that in the push for greater context, somesense of the working of the firm itself is lost. Having cultivated those links in the externalenvironment, Armstrong, and his colleagues had still to translate orders into tangible output:and this was created internally. Anyone expecting insights into the management of anorganisation employing 25,000, or details of how production quality, delivery dates, and atechnological edge were maintained at Elswick, will be disappointed. But ultimately theseaspects too, helped to keep Armstrong at the forefront of the sector. Admittedly, there is adifficult balance to achieve here, but it could be argued that Bastable’s approach is rather too‘externalist’. However, this does not detract from the overall story, or the value andimportance of this volume.

The book is generally well-produced, including some nice reproductions of theweaponry taken from the Illustrated London News. However, there have been a couple ofslips in the editing process. Two sentences (p.62) are repeated verbatim only a page later,complete with the same footnote reference, while residents of the north-east of England willbe upset to discover that many of the manuscript sources used by Bastable are apparentlyheld in the Tyne and Wyre Public Archives (p.266).

A tantalising epilogue raises the question of why the business suffered such a dramaticdecline in the interwar period. If the company rose on the back of technological leadership,and entrepreneurial skill and networking, how then did it come to fall? Bastable’s argument,that it was due to a combination of circumstances beyond the firm’s control, might beconsidered slightly unsatisfactory. But judgment here should really wait for more detailedwork covering this period. Hopefully, this will be forthcoming in the future.

MIKE ANSON Business Archives Council

130

JULIAN GREAVES, Industrial reorganisation and government policy in interwar Britain(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005, pp.296. ISBN 0 7546 0355 5, £55.00)

In the history of management, the period in Britain between the wars is of much interest. Itwas a time when new methods of management were being debated by intellectuals,government ministers, business, and labour. There was a feeling that the laissez fairepolicies of the nineteenth century had produced waste and inefficiency. Competition,especially in utilities such as railways, was injurious to the economy, a point admitted bymany businessmen and politicians alike.

Julian Greaves’s study of industrial reorganisation begins with four chapters coveringthe role of government in the economy before describing case studies in coal, steel, cotton,and shipping. Inevitably Greaves deals mostly with the notion of rationalisation, viz. that bymerger firms could become more efficient through economies of scale. He notes thedifficulty in agreeing upon a definition, there being almost as many as there were industries.The author also takes to task the ‘declinist’ view of the British economy pointing out thatBritain was second only to the United States in its ‘large scale orientation’ (p.237). Hisconclusions seem sensible enough: it was the macro-economic environment that created thedifficulties faced by many sectors of the economy. And despite the enthusiasm of somebusinessmen and politicians, they all too often played lip service to an idea withoutfollowing on with real action. Indeed, his analysis complements that of Tiratsoo andTomlinson on the role of industrial policy of Labour and the Conservatives.

The problem with this study is, however, twofold. First, while Greaves mentions theinterwar scientific management movement, he does not address the managerial dimensionsof rationalisation. Publications such as System were full of articles proclaiming the virtue ofrationalisation as a management policy. An analysis of rationalisation at this level wouldprovide a little more context to the idea, and its use within the firm. Rationalisation wasmore than just merger and economies of scale. Secondly, the case studies are not new,although the author integrates the secondary analysis well, and it is a shame that theopportunity was not taken to examine other industries in this period. The most glaringomission from a study that purports to be about industrial policy in the interwar period isthat there is little analysis of perhaps the largest merger of all: the creation of the ‘Big Four’railway companies under the 1921 Railway Act. Here government did act, and it wouldhave been instructive to know why this was possible, given the difficulty experienced inother sectors. The omission is all the more puzzling in that the railway mergers were anexplicit attempt to obtain economies of scale, and both government and railway managersreferred to rationalisation when discussing the amalgamation.

This work can be recommended as an introduction to the literature on interwarindustrial policy, but for a more nuanced analysis the original works on cotton, steel,shipbuilding and coal should be consulted. That the author was unable to include a majorsector of the economy that did ‘benefit’ from rationalisation weakens the overall analysis.

ROY EDWARDS University of Southampton

131

132

PAMELA HUNTER, Veterinary Medicine: a guide to historical sources (Aldershot:Ashgate, 2004, pp.611. ISBN 0 7546 4053 1, £70.00)

Popular interest in animal healthcare is high. From global fear of avian flu pandemic tolocal activism against animal research establishments or domestic responsibility for pets, weare actively or reactively engaging with veterinary issues. Whether for altruistic, selfish oreconomic reasons the intimacy of animal and human disease, cure and environment impactsour daily life.

Pamela Hunter’s excellently-researched and compiled Veterinary Medicine: A Guide toHistorical Sources gives the BAC another in its series of successful publications on industrysources; essential guides for students and academics wanting to explore truths and trends inspecialist areas. By cataloguing extant sources across a range of public and private institutions aswell as personal collections, Hunter creates ‘instant’ access to those bodies and their activities.

The book has three key elements: a brief historical guide to put the records in context;advice on the nature and use of sources; and finally the catalogue of records itself. Hunter’sintroductory historical guide is erudite and authoritative and littered with tantalising insightsinto veterinary practice from medieval times to the early 21st century. It is unsurprising tolearn that the ‘birth’ of veterinary medicine was rooted in our twin desire to exploit animalsduring wartime (in particular horses and dogs) and for our food production, mainly pre-mechanisation. Subsequent development was motivated by more diverse interests such as adesire to eradicate disease from the food chain (including the contemporary own-goal ofbovine spongiform encephalopathy). Hunter tackles the professionalisation of veterinaryskills by deftly illustrating the power struggle of hands-on practitioners pitched against theelite regulators of professional and governmental bodies. Scientific advance is of course theultimate winner.

The section on nature and uses of records helps guide the novice researcher to both thesources and their interpretation. Here Hunter’s professional expertise as an archivistsupports both the researcher and the archive repository manager whose enlightened readerswill have a good idea of what they want and why.

But the bulk of the book, as expected, is in the catalogue of sources: a comprehensivelist including records of veterinary practices, individuals, companies, trade and professionalassociations, national and local government, and zoos! In addition to an alphabetical list ofentries the catalogue is indexed by names, places and subjects, as well as archiverepositories. I have not read all the entries. I suspect the usual approach to archivalcatalogues is to a) make a bee-line for what you know and check its authenticity, b) look upinstitutions you are interested in and see what they have and c) browse indiscriminatelythrough the catalogue and find curious nuggets of information that cry out for discovery andfurther research. I was not disappointed on any level. The extent and breadth of the records(none perhaps as intriguing as treating horses in Turkish baths!) illustrates the potential ofthese UK sources, and the beauty of the book is that it provides the researcher with an a lacarte menu from which to choose.

The BAC is to be congratulated for its pioneering and insightful publications onarchival sources in industry and Hunter’s book on veterinary medicine undoubtedlystrengthens the series. Let us hope that current media and public awareness results in thebook’s exploitation by a wide-ranging and multi-disciplined body of researchers dedicatedto furthering our knowledge of animal, and indirectly human, healthcare.

KATEY LOGAN Boots The Chemists