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The geoglyphs of the north Chileandesert: an archaeological and artisticperspectiveLuis Briones-M.∗

A new review of the geoglyphs of the Atacama Desert in Northern Chile has allowed the authorto define a vocabulary of forms and show how these relate to particular groups of people crossingthe desert from the mountains to the sea in the prehispanic period. Geometric, zoomorphic andanthropomorphic symbols mark routes, destinations and usage by particular llama caravans. Thetravellers were key players in society and were winning prominence in their region from AD 800.

Keywords: Chile, geoglyphs, rock art, desert, lama, prehispanic, archaic, Inca

IntroductionThis paper presents a summary of work carried out by the author and his colleagues overthe past 30 years. A register of sites with geoglyphs, together with their associated culturaland environmental contexts, constitutes the most complete database known for northernChile, offering new possibilities for interpretation of the geoglyphs. The already classicbibliographic references of Alberto Plageman, summarised in his work ‘Los Pintados deChile’ presented at the XIVth Congress of Americanists, and of Bollaert and O’Brien in thenineteenth century on the geoglyphs of the northern desert, were our precursors, and servedas stimuli for other investigators in the second half of the twentieth century to follow intheir footsteps – for example, Niemeyer, Nunez, Monstny, Bittmann; and, most recently,Clarkson, Briones, Chacama, Espinosa, Cerda and others.

The first systematic study of geoglyphs in Tarapaca was carried out by Lautaro Nunez(Nunez 1976), who presented an interpretation related to the traffic of caravans in thelate period in the Chilean desert. Later, starting in 1978, and as a consequence of thedeterioration of various sites around the Panamerican highway, a programme of appraisaland conservation was initiated in the valleys of Lluta, Azapa, Chiza, Tiliviche, Cerro Rosita,Cerro Unita and Cerros Pintados in the region of Tarapaca; and of Quillagua, TranqueSloman and Chug-Chug in the region of Antofagasta. This process enabled us to discovernew archaeological sites, carry out their exhaustive recording and documentation, andincorporate new background information on the geographical context and the landscape inwhich they occur. Together with previous observations (Boallaert 1860; Nunez 1976; Cerdaet al. 1985; Mostny & Niemeyer 1983), this information has been gathered together to

∗ Academic Associate, Departamento de Antropologıa, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de Administracion y Economıa,Universidad de Tarapaca, Arica, Chile (Email: [email protected])

Received: 1 March 2004; Accepted: 10 October 2004; Revised: 11 April 2005

antiquity 80 (2006): 9–24

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form a new comprehensive database. Based on this corpus, I offer a first analysis of regionalgroups and some preliminary interpretations (Figure 1).

DefinitionThe term ‘geoglyphs’ was coined by Mostny & Niemeyer in 1983 to define the large figureslaid out on the hillsides and pampas of the desert, distributed over an area extending fromthe lower course of the Lluta valley in the north, to the river Loa in the south. Geoglyphsoccur in similar geographic locations in southern Peru where, in the desert strip next tothe Pacific, there are spectacular examples, studied by Reiche (1980), Reinhard (1983),Clarkson (1992, 1998) and others. Taking both groups together, their distribution in thesub-area of the Western Valleys (southern Peru, northern Chile) covers an area of 1000kmin length and 150km in width. The geoglyphs are found alone, or in groups of what we call‘panels’, some of which may contain more than 50 figures.

The geoglyphs were made by taking full advantage of the geological and geographicalcharacteristics of the desert. The majority were made by ‘scraping’ the oxidised layer ofthe surface, producing a light design that contrasts with the darker material all around.This is defined as an ‘extractive’ technique. We find examples of this technique in thegroups at Cerros Pintados 1, Cerro Mono, Cerro Sombrero, Santa Rosita, in the gulliesof Tarapaca, Altos Ariquilda, Mapocho and others, or on the pampas of Bajada Iquique,Cerro Unita, etc. The other technique, found less frequently, involves bringing togethersurface material (stones) like a mosaic, and is known as the ‘additive’ technique, in whichthe dark figures contrast with the lighter background of the desert floor. A third technique,which combines the two others, is known as the ‘mixed’ technique, and makes it possible toproduce a harmonious contrast in the geoglyphs through both extraction and addition ofmaterial. The result is a figure of more complex design such as at Cerros Pintados, Altos deTamentica, Guatacondo, Cerro Rosita and elsewhere. One example of an atypical or evenunique technique is seen in the geoglyph of Alto Sur at the mouth of the Camarones gully: itis a ‘sun’ figure in a double ‘mixed’ technique – that is to say, it not only uses extraction andaddition of surface material, but also red (liquid) paint. The red pigment has been analysed,and was found to be iron oxide mixed with seawater (Briones 1984).

The geoglyphs of northern Chile have had a variety of interpretations related to theirfunction, with an emphasis on the activities of groups of prehistoric caravans. From thefirst explorations of the Atacama desert, humans were forced to adopt careful solutions forsurvival. Through the incorporation of the llama as a transport system, they were able toincrease their knowledge of the regional geography and its various extreme environments likethe ‘puna’, cordilleras, gullies, pampas and salt flats, and to reach points that were both remoteand difficult. The accumulated knowledge included fundamentals such as the location ofwater resources and their quality. No less important was knowledge of the distribution offodder in sufficient quantity to maintain the caravan system. Thus the people of the regioneventually put together a complex network of paths to serve the specialised groups that crossedthe different geographical regions of the desert.

In the face of this challenging reality, people frequently turned naturally to religion, andlaid down messages, memories and rites related to it, together with other cultural contexts:

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Figure 1. Geographic plan showing distribution of main geoglyph concentrations in northern Chile: regions of Tarapaca andAntofagasta.

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Figure 2. Geoglyph panel of Chiza-Suca, commune of Huara.

the stopping place or paskana, a simple structure of stones arranged as a barricade to form atemporary camp; or that architectural structure which is better adapted as a habitation, andwhich in the Late Period was known as a chasquihuasi, the house of the ‘chasquis’, alluding tothe Inca couriers; the markas or mounds of stones that stand out on the horizon, indicatingthe direction of the path; corral structures for animals; isolated human burials; emplantillados(dots made of stones laid side by side) very close to paths; and, in accordance with the viewof Nunez, the importance and significance of the apacheta (a ritual accumulation of stonesalong paths) as the maximum expression of what is understood as the cultural characteristiclinked to the caravan (Nunez 1976).

The most recent studies of geoglyphs (Clarkson & Briones 2001) have generally movedforward along these lines, and have managed to recover some components that are typical ofintense and persistent caravan activities, such as fragments of ceramics, of minerals or semi-precious stones linked to rites, such as turquoise, malachite, etc. (relevant to the exchange ofgoods), remains of llama faeces around the same path, deposits of garbage or shells aroundcampsites. The prehistoric routes have been reactivated and reused on a variety of occasions,even up to quite recent times by roads for vehicles that go to different villages. Figure 2shows a modern road passing geoglyphs at Chiza-Suca (Huara).

Topographical locationThe geoglyphs are mostly located in the topography in a way that reflects the behaviour-patterns of the prehispanic societies that settled the territory. These behaviour-patternsare intimately bound to what scholars have called the perception of the environment or

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‘ethno-perception’ (Alvarez 1991), the appreciation of space that constituted an Andeanview of the world. All of the sites with geoglyphs are linked to prehispanic roads and, for themost part, with stopping places or paskanas, some of them with corrals and some even withfunerary monuments, linked by long-distance caravan traffic. In general, the geoglyphs arelocated on hill slopes, valley slopes, gullies, the coastal cordillera, ‘isolated hills’, mountainranges, shores of salt flats and on intermediate pampas between valleys or gullies, theselatter being on horizontal surfaces. The highest concentrations of geoglyphs are aroundthe Pampa del Tamarugal in the region of Tarapaca and the River Loa in the region ofAntofagasta. Other sites with geoglyphs are distributed in decreasing order of frequencyas follows: Commune of Pozo Almonte, Huara, Marıa Elena, Pica and Arica and the rest,between the Communes of Camarones, Camina, Iquique, Putre and the Loa.

Forms of geoglyphThe latest research has identified more than 5000 geoglyphs, among which geometric formsare hugely dominant, and then figurative forms, either anthropomorphic or zoomorphic, inbroadly equal measure.

Geometric geoglyphs range from simple conventional motifs to the most complex designs.Many resemble designs on textiles and ceramics, such as circles, concentric circles, circleswith dots, rectangles, equal-sided crosses, arrows, simple parallel lines, complex parallel lines,spirals, simple and complex stepped rhombuses. They are found isolated or forming groupswith or without apparent order. There are some noteworthy linear figures laid out on level,horizontal surfaces, some of them more than a hundred metres long, and also concentrationsof circles, always around paths. Examples can be seen in Alto Ariquilda north, Alto Tarapacanorth, Infiernillo, Los Tambos, etc. (Figure 3).

An important geometric form is the stepped rhombus, with its simple and complex variants,which is visible from a great distance, especially when it is located on the upper part of ahillside. This figure is made up of squares or rectangles laid out inside a regular rhombus;the result is a rhomboidal staircase with its different sections denoting ‘head’, ‘body, ‘arms’and ‘base’. There are simple and symmetrical ones, with three squares per side; while thecomplex ones have an increasing number of squares from 4 to 15 per side, creating a greaterextension of the figure in its horizontal axis than in its vertical. The complexity can alsobe seen in the ‘head’ and ‘base’, where they display a revealing variable: their sides areconcave, resembling bodies of human figures which characterise the Cerro Pintados style.They can be seen at Pica, Cerros Pintados, Yungay Bajo, Cerro Camello, Alto Huanillos,Alto Caramucho, Guatacondo, Manı, Cerro Posada, Leon and Chug-Chug and elsewhere.

The stepped rhombus is also found in other expressions of prehispanic Andean art, notonly in architecture (as an ornamental motif with an important symbolic meaning andcontent as at Chavın, Tiwanaku, and Chan-Chan, among the great Andean urban centres),but also in the early textile designs of Alto Ramırez in Arica, or the basketwork and textiles ofthe Pica-Tarapaca complex in northern Chile. It appears with lower frequency in petroglyphsites such as Huancarane, Tarapaca and Tamentica. Because of its complex design, significantfrequency and spatial coverage, the stepped rhombus motif has been the subject of specialanalysis. Nunez stressed its importance and interpreted it, together with others, as the most

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Figure 3. Geometric geoglyph, Alto Ariquilda North, commune of Huara.

important symbol of the caravan people. Briones & Chacama (1995) emphasised its presencein the Tarapaca desert as an emblematic and ideological icon that marks the penetrationof Tiwanaku into the desert, during the Middle Horizon. This so-called Andean cross linksthe Bolivian altiplano with at least two routes of integration with the Tarapaca desert, viaTarapaca and Pica, connecting with the longitudinal foothill route.

The equal-sided cross motif presents a spatial distribution that is very similar to that of thestepped rhombus but occurs less frequently. In various sites they are found in association.Circles, with or without a central dot, are generally located on the horizontal plains, terracesand pampas, at an average height of 1500m above sea level – they are found in the uppergullies of Honda, Guatacondo, Chipana, Tarapaca, Aroma, Infiernillo and others. Thisgeometric pattern is distributed sporadically on the main north–south path, connecting aseries of water holes, springs, oases and rivers that die out in the pampa of El Tamarugal.

We consider another important diagnostic feature to be the arrow figure, which is foundin association with other signs as at Ariquilda, Tarapaca, Quillagua, Cerros Pintados, CerroMono, Soronal, Yungay Bajo, etc. Its low formal variation fluctuates from the simple arrow,made with the extractive technique, to a more complex version, made with the mixedtechnique, the arrow with a sectioned shaft and a triangular point, as found at CerrosPintados or at Cerro Mono. These ideographic signs are closely linked to open or flat spaces,characteristic of the desert landscape.

Zoomorphic figures include camelids in pairs or in lines, figures of felines, birds oflakes, sea or land, such as flamingos, seagulls, eagles, rheas, serpents, toads, lizards, foxes,dogs, monkeys and fishes, especially open-sea species like dolphins or sharks. The pictures

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Figure 4. Geoglyph panel at the canyon of Los Pintados, commune of Pozo Almonte.

demonstrate a familiarity with a varied local fauna, linked to factors of utility and significance.They can also be interpreted as territorial markers of human groups from the highlands orlowlands, occupying or travelling through the desert. An important component for anyinterpretation of the geoglyphs is the camelid figure (llama), often represented in largenumbers in a caravan. There can be from 3-4 up to 80 animals in lines, as can be seen in thegullies of Los Pintados, Ariquilda, Guatacondo, Cuevitas, Tarapaca, Cerros Pintados, CerroMono, Soronal, Alto Barranco, Alto Huanillos, etc. In a spectacular example, a veritablegarland of llamas advances towards the west, skirting the smooth rolling hills of the drygully known as ‘Los Pintados’ (Figure 4). In the gully of Tiliviche, a concentration of about50 animals is seen heading westward, that is, to the coast, which is 40km away.

Another significant zoomorphic geoglyph is the lizard figure, which may be very large –up to 50m long. These are located on the slopes of the mountain ranges, not only in thecoastal environment but also in the foothills, facing the caravan paths that lead up to a passor ravine, as can be seen at the sites of Cerro Lagarto, Yungay Bajo, Cerro Mono, gulliesof Mapocho and Tarapaca, Cerro Negro, Cerro Longacho, Ariquilda, Cerro Colorado, etc.Lizards, toads or serpents feature in the Andean world-view as divinities which, in thecontext of the caravans, are linked to rituals around water, and concern the fertility of theland in the eyes of the farming community. The lizards and amphibians, with recognisableproportions of the body and limbs, are always represented in a ‘plan’ view from above.

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Figure 5. Geoglyphs of the Lluta Valley, commune of Arica.

In general, in rock art and especially in geoglyphs, the human figure is a great challenge toconceptualise as an image. Some anthropomorphic geoglyphs are rather schematic, others morenaturalistic. They are found isolated and combined, in pairs, expressing various ceremonialconnections, in rows or in ‘formations’; they also represent human figures linked to variousspecific activities such as hunting, fishing, traffic, religion, an organisation into a hierarchythrough associated outfits or objects such as bows, harpoons, rafts, llamas, staffs, caps, headadornments, pectorals, etc. There are scenes of couples engaged in obvious sexual acts andpeople with arms raised in an attitude of adoration.

In the far north of the territory between the valleys of Lluta and Azapa, examples ofgeoglyphs made by the additive technique appear to represent human figures that reach anaverage length of 50m and which define the Lluta Style (Figure 5). This type of figure hasa head with cap in profile, no neck, a full body seen from the front, apparently no arms,straight legs and no depiction of feet. They appear static, and are so schematic that they arealmost abstract figures. The idea of not incorporating into the design such subtle elementsas the neck and the ankles gives the human figure a highly stylised appearance. All theseaesthetic considerations of characteristics, from our point of view, make the style uniqueand exclusive to the coastal sector of Arica. As a chronological indicator, we can establish itsassociation with the anthropomorphic designs in decoration on the polychrome pottery ofthe ‘Gentilar’ phase of Arica, between AD 1000-1400.

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Figure 6. Cerros Pintados, definition of a style in the geoglyphs of northern Chile. Commune of Pozo Almonte.

By contrast, at the other extreme of the Tarapaca region and on the pampa itself, onefinds the anthropomorphic figure of mixed technique, that defines the Cerros Pintados Style,equally interesting for its formal characteristics and links (Figure 6). It has a head with aforked crest, a body with concave sides, frontal, apparently without arms and feet. The mostimportant diagnostic feature is the form of its body, known in the ‘nightshirt’ textiles typicalof the period of Local Developments (AD 800-1400). They are generally found in pairs orin lines of up to six, which suggests the presence of an established order in the thoroughnessof its design and creation. Their distribution is not limited only to sites close to CerrosPintados, but extends to Cerro Pan de Azucar, Cerro Mono and Soronal, and south of theriver Loa at the sites of Cerro Posada and Chug-Chug. They are also found in petroglyphsat Santa Barbara on the road to the area of San Pedro de Atacama and north-west Argentina(Berenguer 1996).

The human figure with concave sides is reflected in the depictions of stepped rhombuses,mentioned earlier. The geoglyphs offer no clearer association, at least from a formal pointof view, than this. The distribution of this common feature, in both anthropomorphic andgeometric form, suggests the identification of a human group that occupied these spaces ofthe Tarapaca desert both physically and symbolically.

The majority of the figures appear to be static. Only the camelids, in a line and in profile,which form part of a caravan, in some cases tend to give an impression of movement; andthe same is true of some scenes of people and/or animals taking part in a ritual dance, asin the Valley of Azapa (Arica) (Figure 7). In general, superimpositions are exceptional. Eachfigure is distinguished within a group of other figures, which suggests that this constitutes acomposition or ‘text’.

It is perhaps appropriate here to confirm that the great majority of the figures are perfectlyvisible from the ground and presumably were designed as such, except for in some caseswhere the orientation is clearly directed towards the space above them, as if they were pointedat the sky, the abode of the gods. This could be an allusion to messages addressed to deitiespresent in the hananpaccha, in accordance with the Andean view of the world. Although theregion’s rock art does not display any intention to achieve drawings in visual perspective, thepossibility does seem to exist in some cases, especially among the geoglyphs: for example,

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Figure 7. Geoglyph panel of ‘dancers’, Valley of Azapa, commune of Arica.

the figures of circles have designs that differ slightly from each other, depending on one’slocation and observation point.

Local historiesHaving introduced the basic vocabulary of the geoglyphs, it is now possible to establishsome correlation between the forms, their chronology and their distributions. For the timebeing it is very difficult to establish a chronological sequence; however, from the evidenceof the use of the llama caravan and the great popularity of the geoglyphs, it is probable thatgeoglyph construction began in the Late Formative Period (Briones et al. in press), reachinga climax during the period of Regional Developments (c . AD 1000-1450), weakening inthe Late Period, and then disappearing in the Contact Period (AD 1540-1550). After thattime, there were only sporadic creations of historic geoglyphs such as crosses, stations of thecross and church towers.

Regional variations in geoglyph investment reveal a number of different local histories(refer to Figure 1). What stands out in the Arica region is the total absence of geometricgeoglyphs. The zoomorphic motifs include figures of eagle, heron, camelid, monkey andfeline and are linked to the anthropomorphs through exclusive use of the additive technique.This unusual pattern of subject and technique is reinforced by the anthropomorphicgeoglyphs that define the ‘Lluta style’ and probably derives from the Altiplano or theAmazon. The late nature of this style is confirmed by the similarity it displays to the

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decoration of ceramics and textiles in the Arica Culture (Santoro & Dauelsberg 1985;Munoz 1981; Munoz & Briones 1996).

The zone of the gullies of Suca, Chiza, Camarones and Tiliviche is a relatively narrow stripbounded by the gully of Camarones, creating a natural obstacle that was difficult to cross.Here the most representative figure, unique for the region, is a geometric figure describedas a double-outline square. The predominant feature is to be seen in the functional natureof the square figure, and which we interpret as a ‘ritual corral’. The double outline has afilling of finer gravel, in accordance with the Inca (or immediately pre-Inca) constructionpattern, in which the walls are made with a double course of stones, infilled with smallstones and mud. Within the sphere of regional archaeology, the gully of Camarones is wellknown, and represents an intense human occupation of fish-gatherers and farmers from theArchaic Period to the present, that is, over more than 12 000 years. The interrelationshipwith human groups from the highlands was always important, even during the twentiethcentury, when valley farmers reached the coastal sector, with their animals, in search ofnatural fertilisers derived from birds or seals.

The Tarapaca region covers an area estimated at 200 000 sq km, from the gully of Caminain the north to the middle and lower River Loa in the south. Together with the greatestvariety of geoglyphs one finds here a large number of sites located in valleys, pampas, oases,woodland, salt flats, mountains and coastal cordillera. It is here that we find the greatestnetwork of prehistoric paths that cross the desert to all the cardinal points. The steppedrhombus figure, already described and defined above, in terms of its layout, its links andpossible functions, is the best exponent of the style that we call ‘Tarapaqueno’, seen at thesites of Santa Rosita, Cerros Pintados, Yungay Bajo, Cerro Mono, etc.

The Toco region has a lower density of geoglyphs and is located close to the river Loa,from its middle course to its mouth. The most abundant motifs are characterised by a mixedtechnique creating ‘spotted’ figures that are defined as abstract (they are sometimes confusedwith other ‘spotted’ figures which are the remains of recent road construction). This regioncan also be considered transitional through the presence of the stepped rhombus motif thatis found on the traditional route that connects the Middle Loa and San Pedro de Atacamawith the Pampa del Tamarugal. The sites of Chug-Chug, Cerro Posada, Tranque Slomanand others mark transversal roads, with Quillagua as their central point of convergence(Figure 8).

The Highland Sector (on the east side of Figure 1), with altitudes above 3000m, shows asparse presence of geoglyphs, which means that it is difficult to define any stylistic patternhere. However, some sites stand out such as Zapahuira in Arica, and in the middle and uppersector of the river Loa, with designs of geometric motifs and possible feline figures. But theseare isolated sites with small concentrations of figures, unlike those known in ‘lowland’ sectorson the pampa and coast, in the regions of Tarapaca and Antofagasta (Berenguer 1996).

InterpretationsThe most important effort applied in the second half of the twentieth century todemonstrating the very existence of the desert geoglyphs, and interpreting them, can befound in the extensive work of Nunez (1976). He related them to the routes that the llama

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Figure 8. Geoglyphs of the hill of Chug-Chug, commune of Maria Elena.

caravans had followed in the desert, as they maintained their constant traffic between thealtiplano, the intermediate oases and the coast. His interpretation, essentially, attributed tothe geoglyphs in the desert zone a function as a route indicator, in a functional and alsoliturgical sense, especially in the Late Period. In the high-Andean zone, the ‘shrines’ performa similar practical role, in addition to their nature as votive structures. The geoglyphs,according to Nunez, constitute essential landmarks from the days when the caravans travelledfrom the highlands to the coast. He also points out that the technique, the repetition ofthemes and the geographical distribution all give the geoglyphs a cultural unity.

Reinhard (1983) was inclined to believe in a relationship between the geoglyphs and thegeneralised cult of mountains, which played an important role in the beliefs of the Andeanworld; but, up to now, he has not proved any specific relationship between the cult of sacredhills and geoglyphs as complex as those known in our area. Besides, his conjectures are incontradiction with the presence of geoglyphs which are not associated with either hills orwater sources, but which are linked to specific routes crossing the Chilean desert. Bittmann(1985), in her interpretation, supports the idea that these geoglyphs are heavily chargedwith ideology, the anthropomorphic figures being recognised as deities of Tiwanaku, Nazcaor Cuzco. Chacama & Espinosa (1997) put forward an iconographic model based on localantecedents in the petroglyphs and geoglyphs of Tarapaca. According to them, Andeandivinities and myths complement images present in rock art, reconstructing a symbolicroute from the Great Lake to the Pacific coast. These icons include the big human withwalking sticks, of which the example with the greatest symbolic weight is the ‘man’ of CerroUnita (Figure 9).

When one incorporates the new scientific evidence that has emerged from the lastdecade’s explorations and systematisation, it becomes possible to confirm the relationship

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Figure 9. Geoglyph of Cerro Unita, commune of PozoAlmonte.

between geoglyphs, routes and the move-ment of complementary goods. Quiterapidly, once again in agreement withNunez, we came to believe that the systemof geoglyphs under study would have tobe pushed back in time to the MiddlePeriod, when the caravan traffic was ex-tremely intensive. Briones et al. (1999),using ethnographic evidence, proposed astrong relationship between these reticulatedgeoglyphs and ‘symbolic chacras’ used, forexample, in the ritual of the cross of Mayin the locality of Huasquina, in the in-terior of Tarapaca. They have been assignedto a category of depiction of agriculturalrites linked to the exploitation of the land-scape, natural resources and pilgrimages,in spaces that were specially suited to thereligious scene; these were later brought up-to-date by the Christian faith as an exampleof syncretism. What today represents indi-vidual chacras, very close to the systemof private property that emerged from the

sixteenth century onwards, were previously collective chacras in the system of communityor ayllu (Figure 10).

Figure 10. Geoglyph with a ‘chacra’ motif. Alto Tarapaca North, commune of Pozo Almonte.

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Other recent studies (Diaz & Mondaca 1999) looked into a geographical-culturalinteraction of the desert landscape, specifically that of Tarapaca, and the geoglyphs linked tothe east. The ‘marking’ of pampas and slopes in the desert with designs and symbols, quiteapart from the specific functions they may have had, involves us in the symbolic categoriesof the phenomenon, and the perception of the environment and geographical landscape.The caravan people, by their very nature active and dynamic beings, were also importantagents of the thought, ideology and religion of Andean society; they transformed themselvesinto the principal activators of the changes, introductions and modifications in the wholesphere of material and immaterial culture.

The desert, as landscape and also as ecological environment, taught them how to surviveit and overcome it; they learned and assimilated the exploitation of the sparse resources itprovided. This different way of seeing and feeling, in terms of what the desert is, is reflectedin the offerings and rituals of each geoglyph, all the more so when they are associatedwith the routes that cross the desert towards different destinations with interests that arelikewise different. It is postulated that the geoglyphs are not merely ‘signpost’ references,but also that they constitute an emblematic scheme of ethnic and cultural demarcation;they form a component part of the landscape, and were constructed by different ethnicgroups that symbolically occupied this territory – for example, the characteristic geoglyphgroups in the styles of Lluta and Cerros Pintados. The stepped rhombuses, according tothe theory of Briones & Chacama (1995), correspond hypothetically to this idea of an iconidentifying some specific ethnic group coming from the altiplano, establishing a veritablecircuit integrating goods and cultural traditions between the inhabitants of the highlandsand lowlands of this part of the continent.

Finally, a recent study explains and demonstrates how, in the transect from Altos de Picato Alto Barranco, between the Andes and the Pacific to the south of Iquique, there is aseries of caravan events in connection with sites that were used before being rendered sacredthrough geoglyphs. The occupation, even in the Archaic Period, of ‘paskanas’ or transitorycampsites at Cerros Pintados, Cerro Pan de Azucar, Cerro Mono, Salar de Soronal andAlto Barranco, marks the territorial possession by men, women and even children, withtheir trains of loaded llamas. The occupation reaches a climax during the Middle Lateperiod and the Late Period (AD 800-1500), to which we attribute the great majority ofthe geoglyphs of the Tarapaca desert. The absolute dates obtained from occupation layersand bodies unearthed along this route make it possible to associate them with paths,sites and, hypothetically, the stylistic patterns present in the geoglyphs (Briones et al.in press).

ConclusionWe can conclude that the geoglyphs of northern Chile form a long tradition of rock art thatmay possibly have lasted until at least as late as the start of the Christian era. The presenceof these expressions in the desert is linked to the emergence of agricultural sedentism andadvances in social integration that are beginning to be envisaged in the Central SouthAndean macro-region. The precise reasons why certain groups of travellers who crossed theAtacama Desert felt the need to mark it, integrate it, recreate it or make it sacred by means

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of the geoglyphs are likely to remain an enigma. But the associated socio-cultural indicatorsprompt us to define these manifestations as the product of a long intellectual processmotivated by the desert landscape and inserted into selected places already been chosen bytheir predecessors. In this way the rising caravan activity in periods marked by profoundchanges (c . AD 800-1500), achieved the definitive consolidation of ‘engraving’ the pampasand hills. The geoglyphs, as expressions of the creativity and thought of prehistoric Andeanhumanity, like other expressions known in rock art, were not uninvolved in the changes andthe social and political transformations of the indigenous societies that used and inhabitedthe Chilean desert.

From the point of view of the history of art, the topic of these geoglyphs, and of Andeanrock art in general, has not been dealt with either globally or specifically, except for a fewsuperficial comments about function and interpretation. This is a subject which the authorwishes to explore in more depth in the future, making the most of the valuable work that hasbeen carried out in these last four decades. However, the artist(s) achieved the objective theyset themselves of leaving behind a testimony – at least from the viewpoint of our physicalconceptions – of truly monumental works of graphic art, regardless of their ideologicalcontent and the roles that they played at the time of their use.

ReferencesAlvarez, L. 1991. Etnopercepcion Andina. Valles

Dulces y Salados en la Vertiente Occidental de losAndes. Revista Dialogo Andino 10: 9-20.

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