Bringing Social Problems Perspectives Into Emergency Management Collegiate Curricula Thomas E. Drabek, Ph.D. John Evans Professor, Emeritus Department of Sociology and Criminology University of Denver Denver, Colorado 80208-2948 [email protected]
Bringing Social Problems Perspectives Into EmergencyManagement Collegiate Curricula
Thomas E. Drabek, Ph.D.John Evans Professor, Emeritus
Department of Sociology and CriminologyUniversity of Denver
Denver, Colorado [email protected]
*A paper presented at the Emergency Management Higher Education Conference, Emergency Management Institute, Federal Emergency Management Agency, Department of Homeland Security, Emmitsburg, Maryland, June, 2008. Portions of this paper are based on Drabek 2008. I wish to thank Ruth Ann Drabek for her work on this paper. Partial support was provided by the Emergency Management Institute (EMI), Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the University of Denver through the John Evans Professorship Program. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of FEMA or the University of Denver.
Bringing Social Problems Perspectives Into Emergency
Management Collegiate Curricula
Abstract
During the past decade dozens of emergency management related courses,
programs, and degrees have been created. To enhance the quality of these, a more
strategic vision of the profession must be fostered. Inclusion of social problems
perspectives within collegiate curricula is an essential step. Five topics comprise the
essay: 1) introduction, 2) historical context, 3) key themes, 4) implementation strategies,
and 5) conclusions.
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Bringing Social Problems Perspectives Into Emergency
Management Collegiate Curricula
Introduction
Social science research focused on human responses to disaster has a long
tradition, e.g., see Barton 1969, Dynes, 1970, Drabek 1986, Rodríguez et al. 2006,
Drabek 2007c. A rich legacy of empirically based studies has evolved since Samuel
Henry Prince (1920) first developed a series of analytical generalizations based on his
observations following the explosion resulting from the collision of two ships at Halifax
harbor (December 6, 1917). Over the years, especially through the efforts of faculty
associated with research units like the Disaster Research Center (DRC) (founded at The
Ohio State University in 1963; relocated in 1985 to the University of Delaware) and the
Natural Hazards Research and Applications Information Center (NHRAIC) (University
of Colorado), specialized courses were developed wherein aspects of this burgeoning
scientific base of information could be disseminated. Generally, these reflected the
disciplinary perspective of the faculty member with sociology and social geography
being most common. For example, as a disaster researcher who studied with Quarantelli
and Dynes in the first cohort of graduate students working at the DRC, I began offering a
course entitled “Community Response to Natural Disaster” at the University of Denver in
1974. During the 70s and 80s the number and variety of such courses increased.
In 1995, however, a significant development occurred when the Higher Education
Project was developed within the Emergency Management Institute, at the National
Emergency Training Center in Emmitsburg, Maryland (Blanchard 2006). Following a
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planning meeting which was attended by a dozen or so academics, two decisions were
implemented: 1) annual conferences focused on collegial emergency management
programs, and 2) commission of a series of “instructor guides” to facilitate the
development of future courses and programs (for elaboration see Waugh 2007, pp. 14-17,
and Drabek 2006b). These and related activities stimulated dozens of faculty so that by
2007, over one hundred college-level programs in emergency management were
operative.
The 2006 Higher Education Conference was co-sponsored, i.e., “Emergency
Management and Homeland Security/Defense Higher Education Conference.” I was
invited to participate in a panel focused on the “integration of academic emergency
management and homeland security programs.” In preparation, I reviewed numerous
course syllabi and program statements (see Drabek 2006a). As I further reflected on this
experience, I came to two conclusions: 1) integration of emergency management and
homeland security programs required much more than simple name changes; important
contextual and cultural differences would have to be confronted, and 2) the quality of
most programs should be enhanced so that a more strategic vision of the profession and a
capacity for critical analysis are fostered. “. . . students must be encouraged to critically
examine current ‘doctrine’, no matter its source. It is not enough to just ‘know’ the
book.” (Drabek 2007a, p. 41).
As I pushed these ideas in preparation for a lecture I was to give as the third
recipient of the E.L. Quarantelli Theory Award by the International Research Committee
on Disasters (IRCD), I realized that my initial conclusions reflected more complex and
much deeper issues (Drabek 2007b). They also reflected my extreme disappointment in
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many recent policy decisions. It is my view that emergency management, like our nation
generally, has been going in the wrong direction especially since the terrible attacks on
September 11, 2001. In that lecture I summarized nine specific emergency management
policy areas wherein redirection is needed, e.g., roles of the military, strategies for
reducing future attacks by terrorists, climate change priorities, etc. (for elaboration, see
Drabek 2008, pp. 58-89).
My focus here, however, will be to summarize a theoretical perspective that
provided the rationale for my conclusions. Further reflection on my August lecture has
reinforced these, i.e., the more strategic vision required of the profession can be enhanced
through the inclusion of key ideas from social problems theory (see Drabek 2008, pp. 10-
27).
Historical Context
The practice of emergency management, like that of any other profession,
requires skillful application of generalized knowledge to new and unique situations.
Naive application or generalization of any research study finding is a sure path to failure.
Hence, all professionals must have some understanding of basic epistemological
assumptions and controversies within the disciplines from which the knowledge
originated that they are seeking to apply.
For example, years ago Quarantelli (1987) challenged disaster researchers to
answer an obvious question, i.e., “What is a disaster?” This has produced numerous
essays wherein alternative answers and theoretical schema have been advanced by a wide
range of scholars, e.g., Quarantelli 1998, Perry and Quarantelli 2005, Perry 2006.
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Why is this question important to emergency managers? There are many reasons,
but two are critical: 1) generalizability, and 2) perspective. When research findings are
reported, both researchers, and any who would try to apply the conclusions, like
emergency managers, must ask about the limits of generalizability. When asked if
reactions to military attack involving nuclear bombs would parallel those following
natural disasters, Quarantelli (2004) voiced this opinion.
“. . . if people are asked to evacuate from a certain area, whether the impetus for the evacuation is radiation fallout or a hurricane doesn’t matter. However, people are only going to accept certain warnings as legitimate. But fundamentally, we thought that a nuclear attack was qualitatively different from any other situation. Therefore, we could not say to what degree the response to a nuclear attack or a hurricane would be similar.” (Quarantelli 2004, p. 325).
In contrast, Clarke (2006) challenged a fundamental conclusion from disaster
research regarding post-event emergence of altruistic communities. These have been
documented in dozens of studies focused on a wide range of events, including tornadoes,
hurricanes, earthquakes, and the like. But as we witnessed after Katrina, as the
magnitude of impact escalates, the response may differ significantly. Magnitude of
impact is but one of several key attributes of disaster events. If London was really hit by
a “worst case” surprise, Clarke asked, what might be the relevance of the altruistic
community conclusion from the macro level view of the world system?
“What, after all could Zimbabwe really do to help England recover? . . . the response wouldn’t be uniform even within the United States. The religious right would probably say Londoners brought it on themselves; it was divine retribution for sinful behavior. Russia could do little.” (Clarke 2006, p. 176).
“I don’t mean to sound coldhearted, but if we’re really going to think smartly and imagine well about worst cases we have to be honest about political realities. The happy conclusion of disaster researchers—that
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altruistic communities form after calamity—has limits.” (Clarke 2006, p. 177).
Second, there is the matter of perspective or theoretical paradigm. Quarantelli,
coming from a symbolic interactionist view, has argued forcefully that disaster
researchers will best be served by social change perspectives. These, he proposed, “. . .
would force us to consider the more positive aspects of disasters (all but impossible to
consider in a social problem context that focuses on the negative).” (Quarantelli 2005, p.
353). As we try to think about classification systems that differentiate among “types” of
disasters, Quarantelli had cautioned that we should not get side tracked into broader
issues of social problems and the value issues raised in such analyses. More recently, he
and two colleagues (Quarantelli et al. 2006, pp. 25-27), have extended his assessments by
examining “new happenings” such as responses to severe acute respiratory syndrome
(SARS) and the “SoBig computer F virus spread”. These led to the development of a
new category, i.e., “trans-system social ruptures” (TSSRs). TSSR events are quite
different from the tornadoes, floods, or hurricanes, etc., which comprise much of the
disaster research information base. TSSR events “. . . jump across different societal
boundaries, disrupting the fabric of different social systems.” (Quarantelli et al. 2006, p.
27). Hence, generalization of results flowing from earlier studies of more “typical”
disasters may not be appropriate.
In direct contrast, I see great benefit, at least for some purposes, in using the rich
insights that have emerged within social problems perspectives. Indeed, my answer to
Quarantelli’s basic epistemological question is this: Disasters are non-routine social
problems. (Drabek 1989). Kreps and I (1996) elaborated on the implications and
payoffs of this position. Generally speaking, disasters remain a low priority for local
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officials and the public because the probability of impact is low. As Stallings (1995) has
documented, even in California, the earthquake hazard has evolved in public perception
so as to be only a “partially constructed” social problem (see also, Stallings 2005, 2006
and Spector and Kitsuse 1977). Unlike poverty, disaster events, as opposed to hazards,
can be demarcated in social time and space (Kreps 2001). Thus, when certain triggering
events occur, the perception of risk distribution may be redefined by key interest groups.
Certainly, since the attacks on 9/11 we have witnessed a massive manipulation of risk
perceptions related to terrorism (Lustick 2007, Altheide 2006, Jenkins 2003). As Furedi
(2006) put it, there has been exponential growth in a “market in fear”. Prior to 9/11,
many social problems texts included chapters or sections focused on the roots of terrorist
attacks. As a strategy, terror has a long history (Waugh 2006). Through such
information and these types of understandings, emergency managers can develop a much
more strategic vision of their profession (e.g., see Oyola-Yemaiel and Wilson 2003).
Key Themes
The first continuing field teams to collect systematic data following a large
number of disasters were based within the University of Chicago’s National Opinion
Research Center (NORC). As their analyses were published, e.g., Fritz and Marks 1954,
the field director, Charles Fritz (1961) integrated their conclusions with the work of
others. When Robert K. Merton and Robert A. Nisbet (1961) first published their widely
used social problems text, they included a chapter by Fritz entitled “Disasters”. Five
years later, they published a new edition (1966). It did not include the Fritz chapter.
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Neither did any subsequent versions, e.g., 1976 (4th edition). Their explanation is
informative.
“Three new chapters have been introduced—on alcohol, poverty, and war and disarmament—to deal with vital problems of contemporary society not included in the first edition. These additions have been at a price: to avoid lengthening an already long book, it was necessary to drop the chapters on problems of military life, of disaster and catastrophe, and of transportation in the metropolis, which proved to be more appropriate for graduate students than for undergraduates. Advanced students will want to consult those chapters in the first edition to learn how the sociological orientation helps to clarify problems once assumed to be the exclusive province of other specialists.” (Merton and Nisbet 1966, p. ix).
I’ve selected seven themes from this rich social problems legacy that I use in my
own courses. These enhance student capacity for critical analysis and foster a more
strategic vision of emergency management.
1. There is a relationship between the private troubles experienced by
individuals and the public issues of their day.
This insight is one of the cornerstones of “the sociological imagination” (Mills
1959). Merton and Nisbet (1966) used different language and referenced such theorists
as Weber (1946) and Mannheim (1936), rather than Mills. But they described how
societies differed in the extent to which an “ethic of fatalism” is replaced with an “ethic
of responsibility”.
“To the extent that the ethic of responsibility spreads in a society, social problems tend to become manifest rather than remaining latent. But even within such a society, largely oriented toward directed social change, countervailing processes make for the continued latency for a time of certain social problems.” (Merton and Nisbet, 1966, p. 797).
What “countervailing processes” were operative in the Gulf states, especially
Louisiana, that prevented officials and citizens from better anticipating and preparing for
a storm like Katrina (2005). Some would wash their hands knowing that they had been
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successful with the exercise known as Hurricane Pam (e.g., see Brinkley 2006, pp. 18-
19). Others would point to their work that documented the continued loss of wetlands
that heretofore had reduced vulnerability (Bourne 2004). But the outcome remains—over
1,300 people died. Why did the changing distributions of risk, a process that had been
going on for years, remain off the public agenda? Why didn’t the preparedness plans that
had been designed get implemented in a manner that could have saved more lives and
reduced the trauma of rescue for many survivors?
To understand the failed Katrina response, like that of any other disaster event, we
always must place emergency management within the community, state and federal
context of the time. Through their analysis Hartman and Squires (2006) highlighted the
institutional patterns of racism, sexism, and ageism that molded this flawed response.
There was much more than, for example, a priority shift toward terrorism among
emergency officials. The private troubles of Katrina victims exposed a whole range of
public issues that defined the institutional vulnerabilities that analysts like Perrow (1984,
2006, 2007) highlight as aspects of “normalcy”.
2. All societies are in a constant degree of change reflecting patterns of
consensus and dissensus among and within institutional areas.
Before Dynes prepared his excellent summary of disaster field studies (1970), he
worked with two other Ohio State faculty members on a social problems text (1964). In
it they emphasized that the social fabric is both fragile, because it always is subject to
change, and powerful, because it is taken for granted. Conflicts always are present. At
times they can boil over whenever patterns of strain become redistributed and highly
polarized. Hence, emergency managers, like all other officials within the
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intergovernmental system, must negotiate areas of “emergency consensus” so that the
“mass assault”, to use Barton’s (1969) term, can be coordinated. To the degree that the
emergence of such areas of consensus is delayed, responders are trapped within webs of
broken systems that fail.
3. Because social problems are socially constructed, so too must be their
solutions.
Remember the acute and chronic poverty that defined New Orleans before
Katrina. Reduction of poverty requires a focus on structure. While the rates vary a bit
from study to study, we currently have nearly 20 percent of our population—55 million
people—living in a state of poverty (Block et al. 2006). Why? Because of fundamental
structural issues.
“Looking abroad also shows that government policies can dramatically reduce poverty levels. The probability of living in poverty is more than twice as high for a child born in the United States than for children in Belgium, Germany, or the Netherlands. Children in single-mother households are four times more likely to be poor in the United States than in Norway. The fact that single-parent households are more common in the United States than in many of these countries where the poor receive greater assistance undermines the claim that more generous policies will encourage more single women to have children out of wedlock. These other countries all take a more comprehensive government approach to combating poverty, and they assume that it is caused by economic and structural factors rather than bad behavior.” (Block et al. 2006, p. 17).
4. As with wealth and other forms of privilege, the socially powerful also
have greater influence in defining what is and is not a social problem.
When Domhoff (2006) looked back at C. Wright Mill’s (1956) classic statement
on the concentration of power within the United States, he acknowledged its depth and
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breadth. But Mills was wrong, he argued, to grant military leaders equal standing with
the corporate rich.
“This point is demonstrated most directly by the fact that military leaders are immediately dismissed if they disagree with their civilian bosses, as seen numerous times since the early 1960s, and most recently in the run-up to the invasion of Iraq, when a top general was pushed into retirement for daring to say there was a need for more troops than former corporate CEO and current Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and his think-tank advisors thought necessary.” (Domhoff 2006, p. 548).
Clearly “the military” represent a complex and far reaching power base (Domhoff
2005). But since Mills’ assessment, additional power bases have emerged although some
are more transitory and less potent. For example, “ . . . power also can be generated from
a religious organizational base, as seen in the civil rights movement, the rise of the
Christian Right, and the Iranian Revolution.” (Domhoff 2006, p. 550).
5. There is an interdependence among social problems, including their
origins, analysis and solutions.
Those advocating a “social vulnerability approach” to disasters (e.g., see Enarson
et al. 2003, 2006 and Enarson 2007), illustrate this theme well. By pushing emergency
managers to examine sectors of socially vulnerable populations within their communities,
be they gender, race or class based, more effective social policies and procedures can be
designed. While similar to this approach, social problems perspectives greatly broaden
the vision. Many of the post-Katrina analyses compiled by Hartman and Squires (2006)
illustrate this.
“ . . . some noted the sickeningly high poverty rate among the city’s black residents, but said nothing about how radicalized poverty contributed to the crisis. Neither the concentration of subsidized housing, nor the lack of car ownership among poor blacks—which made it impossible for many African Americans to flee New Orleans because the city’s middle-class-oriented evacuation plan was predicated on people leaving in their own
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vehicles—were mentioned. Racialized disinvestment in schools, public health, and other critical institutions in the core city, which impacts the suburbs as well, has existed for decades, but unlike the wind and the water, it garnered little attention. We do not believe that anyone intended to strand poor blacks in New Orleans. But it was predictable . . .” (powell et al. 2006, pp. 64-65).
6. Sociological analyses of social problems preclude blaming the victims.
While all of us make choices, the consequences with which we must live, the
range of options perceived varies directly with our experience base. Growing up poor
usually does not provide much vision of hope. Those at the very bottom of the economic
pile perceive constraints so narrow that the very word “choice” becomes offensive.
Reflecting a naïve belief in “the American Dream” and values rooted in images of
“rugged individualism” we invest in solutions designed to transform “flawed”
individuals, rather than structure. As Rubington and Weinberg (2003) put it: “It is in the
interest of a capitalist society to endorse solutions to social problems that treat individual
persons, thereby creating a market for treatment industries while discouraging solutions
that call for a radical change in the social structure.” (p. 251).
Years ago, Ryan (1971) taught us why blaming victims was ineffectual. So when
I witnessed televised scenes of Katrina evacuees and the courageous rescues by Coast
Guard personnel and others, my mind raced back to another place of death. In 1976, 139
people died in the Big Thompson Canyon flood in Colorado. A local sheriff and others
blamed the victims. “We warned them, but they wouldn’t leave.” My social problems
perspective led me to ask, “But sheriff, isn’t it your job to devise an evacuation plan that
works?” I elaborated on this theme in my Katrina essay, i.e., “Don’t Blame the Victims”
(Drabek 2005). Blaming victims precludes the examination of “root causes” (see also
Erikson 1997 and Picou et al.1997).
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7. Like war in earlier analyses, today, terrorism is commonly defined as a
social problem.
The strategy of terrorism has been used for centuries. McVeigh and Wolfer
(2004) illustrate this fact, e.g., Ku Klux Klan actions (p. 133) and proceed to expose “root
causes”. The “normalcy” of such violence is seen when historical context is understood.
When perceptions of injustice prevail, some will resort to violence as illustrated by the
Whiskey Rebellion (1794), the Flour Riot (1837), and other such events. Hence,
terrorism results when activists goad others, often the poor, into a perceptual trap.
“Enough is enough, we’re not putting up with this anymore.”
While the creation of war related products provide economic security for some,
McVeigh and Wolfer (2004) argue that the U.S. “. . . still ignores the basic value
conflicts, ideas and ideals between Western and Eastern cultures.” (p. 349). Hence, the
$842 billion in arms sales to other nations by the United States in 1997, did little to
reduce the threat of either terrorism or war (McVeigh and Wolfer 2004, p. 386). After
reviewing more current data on arms sales, growing public fear of terrorist attacks and
rising military expenditures, Lauer and Lauer (2006) ask: “What if the United States
invested the billions spent on military preparations in electronics, education, health, and
other sectors that benefit human beings.” (p. 419).
Clearly record levels of arms production and sales, expanded military training
facilities, and the like, are linked directly to the economic security of many, not just those
at the top. Such economic interdependencies fuel policy decisions within both the public
and private sector. Within such structural arrangements the root causes of the most
violent disasters are found (Neubeck et al. 2007). So clearly, efforts at mitigation will
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have far reaching consequences and strong resistance. We would do well to ponder the
wisdom hidden within the words of one of our earliest patriots—Thomas Paine.
“Every war terminates with an addition of taxes, and consequently with an addition of revenue; and in any event of war, in the manner they are now commenced and concluded, the power and interest of Governments are increased. War, therefore, from its productiveness, as it easily furnishes the pretence of necessity for taxes and appointments to places and offices, becomes a principal part of the system of old Governments; and to establish any mode to abolish war, however advantageous it might be to Nations, would be to take from such Government the most lucrative of its branches.” (Paine 2003, p. 254).
Most social problems analysts have concluded that a global or international
perspective is required. Until recently, most concluded that the single most important
social problem is war and all of its ramifications. Global warning, climate change, or
whatever label you want to put on it, however, increasingly is viewed as the greatest
threat to the well being of future generations (e.g., see Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change 2007 and Committee on Disaster Research in the Social Sciences 2006,
p. 69). But within the U.S.A. especially, extensive erosion of civil liberties and the
success of fear generation also constitute real threats. As Al Gore (2007) put it: “. . .
when fear and anxiety play a larger role in our society, logic and reason play a
diminished role in our collective decision making.” (p. 48). In short, the key processes
that define our form of government are put at risk.
It is through an enhanced understanding of these broader theoretical
contexts that emergency managers can discover a more strategic vision of their
profession.
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Implementation Strategies
The above themes articulate important insights from social problems perspectives.
How can they best be integrated into emergency management curricula? The question is
complex, but here are a few ideas to ponder.
1. Inclusion and expansion of relevant courses.
The two most obvious with which I am familiar are “The Social Dimensions of
Disaster” (Drabek 2004) and “A Social Vulnerability Approach To Disasters”. (Enarson
et al. 2003). In either or both of these courses, instructors could include assignments that
provide students with opportunities to explore the themes I developed above. For
example, a position paper could be assigned wherein students would explore Kreps’s
(2001) article in the International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences.
Possible topics could include: “How do disasters differ from other social problems?”
Issues of class, gender, and race could be linked from a vulnerability perspective to
matters of civil liberties and differential impacts of both war and global warming.
2. Integration into existing courses.
A few examples will make the point. Within a course on “disaster response,”
issues of evacuation procedures and policies could be juxtaposed with the “don’t blame
the victim” theme. In “disaster recovery” courses, differential impacts and required
adjustments could be linked to class, gender, and race. Essay topics could challenge
students to confront structural causes of poverty, for example, that may undermine
recovery efforts. What policies might be required to mitigate against spousal-abuse (see
Fothergill 2004) during long-term disaster recovery operations? In “disaster mitigation”
courses, students could be challenged to examine differential power distributions within
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varied communities and relate these to potential conflicts that alternative mitigation
proposals might evoke (e.g., see Wisner et al. 2003). The list could go on, but hopefully
these examples will stimulate course alterations.
Recently I was pleased to review Dave McEntire’s (2009) newest product, i.e.,
Introduction to Homeland Security: Understanding Terrorism with an Emergency
Management Perspective. This text is a good step toward the direction I am proposing
especially in his treatment of such matters “root causes” of terrorism, inherent conflicts
between policies designed to increase security and basic constitutionally guaranteed civil
liberties, media censorship, and the like.
3. Specialized techniques.
To what extent are emergency management courses including opportunity for
student debates? When pressed to prepare arguments for and against specific policy
proposals and then present them formally, the capacity for critical analysis may be
enhanced. Debate topics could reflect local, state or federal emergency management
policy, either existent or proposed. Topics could reflect the range of subject matter
addressed within the specific course.
Alternatively, students could be assigned roles in various forms of simulated
community problem solving activities, e.g., council meetings, task force groups, etc.
Simulated policy issues or proposals could be the focus with students assigned “roles”
reflecting alternative value positions, e.g., local business, community activist group
members, etc.
A more traditional option would be the assignment of policy papers. After
preparation, these could be presented in class for critical assessment. But the topics
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selected should reflect the social problems perspective as well as the substantive focus of
the course. For example, in either mitigation or response courses, students could be
challenged to juxtapose the rationale for proposed expenditures. Mitigation measures
might be far wiser than enhanced response capabilities. More importantly, however, are
the larger issues of other social problems. Why should public monies be allocated for
disaster exercises, for example, when so many community members lack jobs, health
insurance, or adequate housing? What roles do emergency managers play in addressing
other community social problems? In short, what vision of their profession do they
practice?
Conclusions
Now that the number of collegiate emergency management programs has grown,
it is time to press for increased quality. Two gaps are most significant: 1) strategic
vision, and 2) capacity for critical analysis.
1. Emergency management programs should foster a more strategic vision of
the profession.
A more strategic vision can be attained by defining disasters as non-routine social
problems. Key insights from the rich social problems legacy should be integrated into
existing emergency management programs through a variety of strategies. Faculty must
explore these insights and the strategies that are most appropriate for their programs.
Through such exploration their own vision of the profession of emergency management
will grow as will their capacity to foster such vision within their students.
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2. Emergency management programs should enhance student capacity for
critical analysis.
It is not enough to know emergency management doctrine. While essential, even
knowing the historical evolution of different policy areas (e.g., Rubin 2007), is not
enough. Students must be encouraged to criticize current “doctrine” and debate
reasonable alternatives. Their analyses will be enhanced if such assessments reflect the
wisdom contained within social problems perspectives. Failure to understand the “root
causes” of disasters, like other social problems, will constrain their capacity to envision
fuller ranges of policy alternatives. Furthermore, failure to understand potential
dissimilarities among disaster phenomena may lead to inappropriate generalization. And
because looting did not occur following 200 tornadoes that impacted small or medium
sized communities in the U.S.A., they may assume such actions will not follow events
that differ in significant ways be they in New Orleans or Iraq. When pressed by faculty
to be more critical in their analyses, their understanding of such key epistemological
issues will be enhanced.
Reduced capacity for critical analysis may encourage them to stand-by when
other community members, hurting from the loss and trauma of disaster, begin a search
for “the guilty”. When I and Quarantelli (1967) observed this process following the 1963
explosion at the Coliseum in Indianapolis, we realized that the blame attribution process
was deflecting attention away from root causes and structural change required. Hence,
we concluded “. . . that putting other persons into the same position could have made
little difference.” (Drabek and Quarantelli 1967, p. 16). And even more insidious: “Not
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only does individual blame draw attention from more fundamental causes, but it might
actually give the illusion that corrective action of some sort is being taken.” (p. 16).
With impaired strategic vision and minimal capacity for critical analysis, future
emergency managers will fail. Their failures will put our nation at even greater risk.
Hence, I urge you to ponder, explore, and implement social problems perspectives into
your programs.
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