TSpace Research Repository tspace.library.utoronto.ca Branding ‘Canadian experience’ in immigration policy: Nation-building in a neoliberal era Rupaleem Bhuyan, Daphne Jeyapal, Jane Ku, Izumi Sakamoto & Elena Chou Version Post-Print/ Accepted Manuscript Citation (published version) Bhuyan, R., Jeyapal, D., Ku, J., Sakamoto, I., & Chou, E. (2017). Branding “Canadian Experience” in immigration policy: Nation building in a neoliberal era. Journal of International Migration and Integration 18(1): 47-62. doi: 10.1007/s12134-015-0467-4. Publisher’s Statement The final publication is available at Springer via http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-015-0467-4 How to cite TSpace items Always cite the published version, so the author(s) will receive recognition through services that track citation counts, e.g. Scopus. If you need to cite the page number of the TSpace version (original manuscript or accepted manuscript) because you cannot access the published version, then cite the TSpace version in addition to the published version using the permanent URI (handle) found on the record page.
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TSpace Research Repository tspace.library.utoronto.ca
Branding ‘Canadian experience’ in immigration policy: Nation-building in a
neoliberal era Rupaleem Bhuyan, Daphne Jeyapal, Jane Ku, Izumi Sakamoto &
Elena Chou
Version Post-Print/ Accepted Manuscript
Citation (published version)
Bhuyan, R., Jeyapal, D., Ku, J., Sakamoto, I., & Chou, E. (2017). Branding “Canadian Experience” in immigration policy: Nation building in a neoliberal era. Journal of International Migration and Integration 18(1): 47-62. doi: 10.1007/s12134-015-0467-4.
Publisher’s Statement The final publication is available at Springer via http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-015-0467-4
How to cite TSpace items
Always cite the published version, so the author(s) will receive recognition through services that track citation counts, e.g. Scopus. If you need to cite the page number of the TSpace version (original manuscript or accepted manuscript) because you cannot access the published version, then cite the TSpace version in addition to the published version using the permanent URI (handle) found on the record page.
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’ in Immigration Policy:
Nation-Building in a Neoliberal Era
Authors: Rupaleem Bhuyan, Daphne Jeyapal, Jane Ku, Izumi Sakamoto and Elena Chou
*This is the accepted manuscript version of an article that has been published by the Journal ofInternational Migration and Integration. Advanced Online Publication. DOI: 10.1007/s12134-015-0467-4
identified 756 media articles that appeared between January 1, 2006 and December 31, 2011.
After the government featured CE in their overhaul of the Federal Skilled Worker Program in
2012, we conducted a separate headline analysis of 113 articles that appeared between January 1
and December 31 of that year (2012), using the same sampling criteria. In our total sample of
869 articles, we focused on: 1) articles that included the phrase ‘Canadian experience’ (n=139);
2) articles that included representations of tacit knowledge (n= 51), and 3) articles that discussed
the Canadian Experience Class stream (n=40). We also examined representations of CE in
articles that did not address the labour market, immigrants or immigration (n=316).
[Insert Table I here]
Analysis
Our analysis of CE employs semiotic theories of language as multi-vocal and intertextual.
Kristiva (1966), who is credited with coining the term ‘intertextual’, drew upon Bakhtin’s
analysis of language as heteroglossic; texts signify multiple meanings to different audiences and
in different contexts. Furthermore, texts build upon and are shaped by the historical use of
language, such that texts are inherently intertextual (Bakhtin 1981, Fonow and Cook 2005).
Using Sandoval’s (2000) decolonizing approach to semiotic analysis, we consider in what ways
the historically produced sign may be reinterpreted (or coopted) to produce a new signification
that reifies dominant ideologies. For example, we ask, in what ways do representations of CE in
the media and public policy correspond to previous critiques of CE as a form of discrimination?
We also note that political discourse is highly equivocal ‘producing different effects for
different audiences’ (van Eemeren, Jackson, and Jacobs 2011, 159). As Reeves suggests,
‘equivocation’ allows for the ‘sanitary coding’ of discourse, which refers to ‘the ability to
communicate privately racist ideas with a discourse publicly defensible as nonracist’ (Reeves
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
14
1983, 190). We thus identified examples of ‘equivocation’ and ‘sanitary coding’, to chart the
misleading or ambiguous meanings attached to the uses of CE in political documents and the
media. We examine ‘traces’ of ideological racism within the discourse of CE by exploring how
CE is picked up in unique, overlapping and contradictory ways. How is CE double-voiced as a
category that both racializes and marginalizes work experience? In what ways is CE presented as
a strategy to select future Canadians who will perform successfully in the labour market, while
erasing how this discourse discriminates against and excludes racialized immigrants? This
framework allows us to examine ‘equivocation’ and ‘sanitary coding’ (Jakubowski 1997) as
discursive features that deracialize CE in political discourse, while leaving insidious traces of
race and class preference.
Results
‘Canadian Experience’, an Ambiguous yet Beholden Signifier
Representations of CE appeared in half our sample of English print media and were
spread out evenly from year to year. One third of media’s attention to CE referred to the labour
market or skilled immigrants in particular. The other two thirds of CE media representations
covered a broad range of topics including: agriculture, technology, finance, advertising, tax
policy, health care, and the military. Across these diverse contexts, CE signifies distinct
knowledge or practices within Canada that can be instructional to the global community.
Extract 1:
As Canadian farmers have increasingly embraced biotech crops, farmers have also
continued to grow organic acres, expanding market opportunities for Canadian
farmers. The Canadian experience has shown that there are ample markets for
crops from all production systems to provide choice for both producers and
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
15
consumers (Toronto Star, March 14, 2006, emphasis added).
Extract 2:
The overwhelming acceptance by Canadians of business tax reforms in the past 11 years
should be an important signal to the United States that such reforms can be politically
acceptable. The U.S. economy needs a jolt of tax reform that reduces business taxes,
especially the corporate income tax rate. This will be important to it and the rest of North
America as a competitive region. Let's hope U.S. politicians learn from our rich
Canadian experience (National Post, February 23, 2011, emphasis added).
In extracts 1 and 2, CE brands certain business practices (i.e., farming, tax reform) as emblematic
of Canadian distinction. This discourse is transnational and most often implies Canada’s
superiority. CE becomes a vehicle for global competition, especially with the United States,
which is Canada’s largest trading partner.
Media presentations of the ‘more noble’ qualities of CE are also used to critique the
Canadian government. The following Op-Ed in the Toronto Star refers to Canada’s humanitarian
reputation as the premise for why the federal government should sign the United Nations
Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities.
Extract 3:
… Canada has a long history of making human-rights protections meaningful to people
with disabilities. With pride, we further noted that Canada's delegation effectively
brought this Canadian experience to the UN and, more importantly, that many countries
listened to what we had to say. This convention, we said, came about because of Canada's
30 years of leadership and innovation on disability issues…. What has happened to this
leadership? We urge the Prime Minister to step up to the plate and reclaim Canadian
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
16
leadership by signing the new convention on March 30 in New York (Toronto Star,
February 10, 2007, emphasis added).
In extract 3, CE represents Canada’s leadership in international human rights as a source of
national pride. In this example, CE is mobilized to challenge the Conservative government’s
reluctance to uphold the rights of people with disabilities. The use of this iconic symbol as a
moral imperative illustrates the affective identification of CE, consistently a symbol of Canadian
excellence on the international stage.
‘Canadian Experience’ as a Deficit for Skilled Immigrants
Media representations of CE in the labour market make up a smaller proportion of our
total sample (n = 139) and diverge considerably from non-labour market references to CE.
Within this context, media accounts pay specific attention to ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ skills immigrants
must demonstrate for successful employment (cf. Sakamoto et al., 2010). In line with the
analysis by Sakamoto, Chin and Young (2010), CE has multiple meanings in the labour-market
including: paid or unpaid work experience in Canada; ‘hard skills’ (i.e. explicit/codified
knowledge about Canadian regulations, certifications, English or French language skills); and
‘soft skills’ (i.e. tacitly understood and exchanged knowledge in specific workplace or
occupation – interpersonal skills such as how to carry out ‘small talk’ or operate in the ‘Canadian
workplace culture’). The following extracts illustrate multiple meanings produced in media
representations of CE as: a) a necessary employment barrier that protects Canadian jobs and
ensures immigrants’ labour market success (see Extract 4), b) an employment barrier that can be
overcome with training (Extract 5), c) an employment barrier that represents a form of
discrimination (Extract 6), and d) a practice that devalues international experience and leads to
deskilling, underemployment and unemployment among immigrants (Extract 6).
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
17
Extract 4:
Let's face it. These people are trying to get into entry-level jobs. Few of them have the
Canadian experience they need and they will be competing with Canadian workers who
have been laid off,’ said lawyer Sergio Karas, chair of the Ontario Bar Association
(Toronto Star, November 24, 2008).
Extract 5:
Haya counts herself lucky to have landed a job with an affiliate of a company she'd
worked for in Israel, albeit at a much lower level. She then studied for her Canadian
chartered accountant designation and built up the necessary 30 months of Canadian
experience. It's paid off. She's now chief operating officer of the North American
offshoot of a top Israeli investment group (Toronto Star, January 15, 2009).
Critics and proponents of the practice of requiring CE tie this phenomenon to Canada’s broken
immigration system.
Extract 6:
Canada's immigration system isn't perfect. If it were, highly educated immigrants
wouldn't be waiting years to get into the country or, once here, floundering in
low-wage jobs while struggling to get their credentials recognized or the
Canadian experience employers demand (Toronto Star, May 19, 2008).
The ongoing popular exchange reinforces an evolving understanding of CE as a requirement for
success in the labour market. In each of the above excerpts, CE can be quantified and recognized
by employers, but the qualities or skills that constitute CE are not defined. The tacit nature of this
discourse masks the ease at which employers can and do require CE as a means to maintain
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
18
homogeneity in the workplace while marginalizing newcomers, without the use of explicit racial
or ethnic preferences.
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’ in Immigration Policy
Making Canada More Competitive
When introduced in 2008, the federal government promoted the CEC as a means to ‘fix’
Canada’s broken immigration system. Drawing upon neoliberal logics, Finance Minister Flaherty
framed the CEC as a ‘key tool’ for ‘modernizing the immigration system’ (Toronto Star, 26,
March 2008). The CEC departed from the ‘points system’ by requiring potential applicants to
demonstrate: 1) prior work history in Canada in a ‘skilled’ occupation (originally set as 2 years
but later reduced to 1 year of work experience) and 2) moderate proficiency in one of Canada’s
official languages (English or French). Both the CEC policy and related media coverage
emphasized the ‘hard skills’ immigrants need to be successful. Neither the policy discourse nor
the media representations of the CEC mention ‘soft skills’ nor do they refer to discriminatory
practices that are noted elsewhere in media representations of CE in the labour market.
Both media and policy accounts represent changes introduced through the CEC as
necessary for Canada to secure its place as a leader in the world economy. The potential for
Canada to falter in the global marketplace is cause for concern: ‘Immigration Minister Diane
Finley claimed that Canada is losing out in the global competition for talent to the United
Kingdom and Australia where applicants are processed much faster’ (Toronto Star, May 26,
2008). Similarly, Margaret Wente, a columnist for Globe & Mail, reminds us that, ‘Australia is
simply out-competing us for human capital. They process applications in six months. Our
backlog is so huge that here it takes as much as six years. If I were a smart young IT guy from
Bangalore, guess where I'd go. Wouldn't you?’ (Globe & Mail, May 17, 2008). Canada’s
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
19
necessity to ‘keep up’ with other global players justifies the introduction of CE as a requirement
for immigrant selection.
Fixing Canada’s Immigration Problems
While making Canada more ‘attractive’ for desired economic migrants, policy rhetoric
assures the public that the CEC will effectively address the problem of immigrant ‘integration’:
Extract 7:
Through the Canadian Experience Class, newcomers will be more likely to make the
most of their abilities while undergoing a more seamless social and economic transition
to Canada. And, in turn, their cultural and economic contributions will enrich Canada
(Government of Canada, August 12, 2008).
The policy announcement avoids direct reference to the context of increased temporary
migration to Canada, which makes the CEC and use of CE in the revised Federal Skilled Worker
Program possible. Since the early 2000s, Canada has accepted more temporary than permanent
residents; hundreds of thousands of people enter Canada as temporary foreign workers or
international students without the security of permanent residence. The ‘two tier’ option for
immigrants, who may ‘opt to first come here as temporary workers’, obscures the vulnerabilities
associated with temporary migration. Thus, the ‘efficiency’ of this modern approach is
predicated on the potential exploitation of temporary migrants who must demonstrate their
capacity to settle in Canada, without the use of public support that was historically provided to
newcomers.
CIC Minister Jason Kenney also invoked neoliberal principles of flexibility, efficiency
and effectiveness as key ingredients to ‘fix’ Canada’s problem of attracting too many people:
Extract 8:
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
20
… In a world with almost infinite desire to immigrate to Canada, you might well imagine
that every single year we received more applications than there were positions available
for immigration to Canada in our levels plan. You see the endless infinite billions of
prospective immigrants… So we would then process applications towards our target. A
certain number would be accepted, a quarter of a million on average. A certain number
would be rejected as being not qualified. But every year, year after year, we had a surplus
of immigration applications over our capacity to admit people based on our immigration
plan. That’s what led to the backlogs…
As the result of the strong measures that our Government has taken since 2009, we have
seen a very steep decline in Canada’s immigration backlog, helping us to move towards a
just-in-time fast and flexible system where we will be able to admit applicants for
immigration less than a year after their application’ (Government of Canada, March 26,
2013, emphasis added).
While Minister Kenney’s rhetoric above is notably sanitized of racial or ethnic coding, his
reference to ‘infinite billions’ of people seeking to enter Canada, harkens back Thobani’s (2007)
analysis of the perceived threat immigrants pose to Canadian whiteness in the 1990s. Between
2001 and 2007, more than two thirds of economic migrants originated in Asia, the Pacific,
Africa, the Middle East or South America; many more applicants were turned away or had their
applications returned. Given the demographic profile of economic migrants under the ‘old
system’, the ‘infinite billions’ in Kenney’s speech represents as a de facto racialized marker.
Thus, while Kenney may employ deracialized terms when he constructs the immigration as a
national concern, CE is constructed as a recognizable ‘brand’ that binds the nation around a
shared value of excellence.
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
21
By emphasizing the recruitment of immigrants who can demonstrate CE, this policy taps
into the ‘affective identification’ of what it means to belong in Canada. CE ensures that only
those who are ready for a ‘seamless social and economic transition’ (extract 7) will be accepted
as permanent residents. Additionally, CE reinvigorates Canadian exceptionalism without using
racist or racial categories, such that the public discourse remains, in Jakubowski’s terms,
‘ideologically deracialized’ (Jakubowski 1997). CE consolidates attachment to this particular
construction of national identity. In immigration policy, the discourse of CE undermines and
even rejects the scholarly and media critiques of CE as a form of exclusion and an employment
barrier to newcomers. Instead, the implementation of CE in immigration policy justifies market
logic to distinguish between the neoliberal citizen and the undesirable and thus deportable
migrant.
Discussion
Our analysis of CE in immigration policy and media representations illustrates how this
discourse operates as a racial project that belies overt racist connotations. Consistent with Henry,
Tator, Mattis and Reese’s (2006) conceptualization of ‘democratic racism’, the government’s use
of CE embodies the competing principles of egalitarianism on the one hand with racist
perceptions that construct the ‘other-other’ as bodies that need to be managed (Ku, Sakamoto,
and Bhuyan Under Review, Ahmed 2000). The Canadian government’s strategic embrace of CE
as a brand unifies the nation’s interests in selecting the ‘right’ immigrants who will ensure
Canada’s economic growth; immigrants who are capable (and personally responsible) of
smoothly integrating into society. Emphasis on CE avoids overtly racist preference in
immigration selection, yet ensures that those deemed worthy of inclusion will easily assimilate
and thus will not threaten the established norms of whiteness.
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
22
Our analysis also delineates the multiple effects of branding ‘Canadian experience’ in
immigration policy; CE a) taps into the affective identification with Canadian excellence and
national pride, b) identifies potential immigrants who are ready to be employed and thus
contribute to Canada’s economy, and c) regulates immigrants to align more precisely with
neoliberal values, while d) obscuring processes of racial discrimination that persist through
employer driven immigrant selection. Through representing CE as a skillset, the brand of CE is
mobilized to ‘fix’ Canada’s immigration problems, while deferring to employers’ capabilities (in
terms of who they do or do not hire) to distinguish the acceptable and tolerated ‘other’, from the
‘other others’, who should remain outside the body politic.
Fulfilling these criteria, however, involves the context of the labour market, where CE
functions as a form of discrimination. The federal governments use of CE in immigration policy
masks growing inequalities and privileges among people entering Canada as temporary vs.
permanent residents; and the persistent deskilling and downward economic trajectory for
racialized immigrants. Even though the concept of CE in immigration policy focuses on ‘hard
skills’, looking closely, this immigration class delineates the ‘other’ from the ‘other other’.
Immigration selection sorts through those who are permitted to earn CE through skilled
employment in Canada vs. the majority of temporary foreign workers and international students
who are precariously employed or struggle to find employment, even when they have the ‘right’
qualifications, education, and language proficiency.
Recent recognition of the discriminatory effects of the CE requirement by the Ontario
Human Rights Commission (2013a) suggests a conceptual divide between immigrant selection
and immigrant integration policy. Ideologies that drive immigrant selection continue to reinforce
the sovereign right to discern who may enter Canada and have access to permanent residence and
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
23
citizenship. Within this arena, the prerequisite of CE sanctions discriminatory selection as an
entitlement of state sovereignty. In contrast, immigrant integration policy in Canada is governed
by discourses of rights and equality, such that CE signifies a violation of equity principles in the
labour market. The use of CE in immigrant selection policy endorses a highly prejudicial and
discriminatory discourse, while diverting our attention away from a revisionist agenda for
Canadian immigration; one that is producing a temporary and deportable labour force.
In the past several decades, a vast settlement service industry—primarily funded by the
Canadian government—has supported the integration of new permanent residents through
language and employment services. Thus, settlement has been a public policy issue and
complement to the aggressive recruitment of economic migrants. Under CEC and FSWP,
potential candidates for permanent residence (i.e. temporary foreign workers and international
students) are presumed to have already ‘settled’ in Canada. Thus, the costs associated with
moving, getting oriented to the social and health systems and learning how to operate in the
labour market are by default absorbed by the individual/family, their
schools/colleges/universities, or their employer. For individuals who entered as TFWs, their
settlement costs are off-set by an employer or by the worker themselves (i.e. neither province nor
federal government is responsible for settlement services to TFWs), thus recruiting permanent
residents from this pool of workers reduces the cost of ‘settlement.’ It remains unclear how
permanent residents who entered as TFWs fare in the long-term as their settlement needs may
persist despite their success at securing employment.
Privatizing integration and settlement, through selecting already settled temporary foreign
workers who meet desirable traits and a proven employment record that is ‘good’ for the
economy, achieves the transition from liberal to neoliberal status. Through relying on employer
Branding ‘Canadian Experience’
24
practices to select immigrants, Canadian immigration policy seeks to reward the ‘neoliberal
immigrant’ who can ensure employability and take care of their own settlement (prior to
applying for permanent residency). By only admitting economic migrants who can demonstrate
CE, the government legitimizes the indefinite precarity and exploitation of temporary foreign
workers.
Through mobilizing the ‘Canadian experience’ brand, we argue that both public policy
and media rhetoric participate in the guise of ‘ideologically deracialized’ nation-building;
whitewashing the racist undertones that have always been fundamental to both immigrant
selection policy and the structural barriers that racialized immigrants face in Canada. The brand
of CE serves to re-envision Canada’s white policy within a neoliberal context. Rather than
selecting immigrants based on physical traits within the logic of biologically-based racism, the
discourse of ‘Canadian experience’ relies on the capacity of immigrant ‘others’ to embody traits
of whiteness in a neoliberal era: self-sufficiency, autonomy, flexibility, and utility in the market
place.
Acknowledgements
This research was supported by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada
Standard Grant and an award from CERIS: The Ontario Metropolis Centre. Thanks to Heidi
Zhang for her research assistance.
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Table I: English Print Media – Articles under Each Analytic Theme, 2006-2012
Analytic Theme Year
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total
Total articles per year 153 155 130 130 94 94 113 869